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Transcript of Role of Commemorative Architecture in Islam with reference to Patronage and Regional Monumental...
A a m i r 1
Fatima Aamir
17020372
Dr. Tehnyat Majeed
HIST 216
26th April, 2015
Role of Commemorative Architecture in Islam with reference to
Patronage and Regional Monumental Styles.
Commemorative architecture serves as a means to solemnize
history, epitomizing the symbolic representation of important
events or persons, honoring and preserving their memory.
Construction of celebratory monuments exists as a phenomenon in
Islamic architecture since the time of the Prophet Mohammad
himself, who laid the foundations of the mosque at Quba, marking
his emigration from Mecca to Yathrib. Commemorative architecture
is not only restricted to mosques, but can extend over to other
important monuments, particularly tombs, palaces, and forts.
A a m i r 2
Similarly, it does not merely limit itself to serve as
recognition of Muslim victory, but rather celebrates a wide array
of occurrences that have remained significant in the Islamic
sphere, including important personalities; sacred anecdotes; and
historical sites.
This paper focuses on the role of commemorative architecture as
an emblem of war and victory, a celebration of significant
events, and a vestige of important personalities. To condense it
further, this paper analyzes the commemorative architecture
during the Umayyad and the Ayyubid rules, focusing on the
memorialized motifs that can be observed in the commemorative
architecture of the Umayyad time, notably in the use of minarets
and mihrabs. It also investigates the varying positions on the
commemorative function of the Dome of the Rock. In analyzing the
architectural activity in Egypt, notably Syria by the Ayyubids,
this paper aims at drawing emphasis to the female patronage of
the time, while also accentuating noteworthy commemorative
architectures, such as the Mausoleum of Imam as-Shafi (1211).
A a m i r 3
When dealing with commemorative structures, the Dome of the Rock
remains a parallax, with two general explanations given by al-
Yaqubi and ibn Ishaq. Al Yaqubi accuses Abd al Malik of
constructing the Dome as a plot to divert pilgrims from the
Hijaz, and ibn Ishaq suggests that the Dome of the Rock was built
as a martyrium to the incident of Prophet Mohammad’s life that
marked his journey to the heavens (Grabar, 35-37). Grabar himself
attributes the Dome as a monument commemorating Islam’s triumph
over the preceding religions of Judaism and Christianity,
consequently granting it the status of a symbol of conquest, as
analyzed by Leisten who, when writing about monuments of victory
in Islam, quotes Grabar’s conclusions as drawn from the writings
inside the Dome, the most notable of which are verses from the
Quran in which “Christian trinity is repeatedly refuted and the
divinity of Jesus is denied” (Leisten, 15). This can be viewed as
a clear victory of Islam over the preexisting Christian influence
in Jerusalem. It is important to emphasize however, that whether
one critically views the Dome as a martyrium as suggested by ibn
Ishaq, or as a victory monument as proposed by Grabar, its
commemorative function is reinforced.
A a m i r 4
The Dome of the Rock is not the only commemorative monument
likely to be a symbol of historical triumph; in fact, victories
in wars were often eulogized by constructing isolated minarets.
Leisten attributes this to the social and political factors of
the time that made it necessary that the “claim to power and
leadership of individuals or groups required authentication..”
(Leisten, 7), making it imperative for the vanquishing to
symbolize their success. The evidence for these victory minarets
exists, not only in the form of architectural monuments, but can,
in fact, also be found in some very important and famous literary
works. Leisten quotes the example of the Sasanian King Bahram
Chobin in Firdawsi’s Shahnameh who is “credited with having
erected a victory tower by piling up the skulls of beheaded
enemies after he won a battle” (Leisten, 14). This brings forth
the paramount presence of symbolism in Islamic architecture,
which allows one to draw parallels between architectural motifs
and the purpose they aim to serve, especially when viewed as
dedicatory emblem. Although the central function of minarets is
assumed to be the call to prayer, the construction of isolated
A a m i r 5
minarets, not as a part of a mosque, allows for their strictly
dedicatory attribution.
A similar attribution is made by Nuha N. N. Khoury, who studies a
particular type of mihrab which she describes as being “flat or
two-dimensional” with “frequently incorporate[d] depictions of
lamps” (Khoury, 11). She analyzes these mihrabs as “not related
to mosque niche mihrabs”, and drawing on their context and
periodic appearance on tombstones and shrines, ascribes them as
being related to “death and eschatology”. This brings forth the
function of commemorative buildings as an avenue to memorialize
the dead, with the mihrabs also providing an apparatus to
commemorate the donors, whose names are usually carved along. An
example of a mihrab donation can be seen in the form of the
Mihrab of Lady Jum’a who commissioned it for the shrine of Shaykh
Fathi, in thirteenth century Mosul (Khoury, 16). These mihrabs
are seen consistently on tombs, shrines, and mausoleums, marked
with Quranic inscriptions echoing the resonance of death, along
with the names of the donors, allowing them to serve as memorable
on more than one front. The use of these flat, two-dimensional
mihrabs in funerary architecture survives into the world of
A a m i r 6
illustrations, just as the isolated, commemorative minarets.
Khoury turns to the Shahnameh to elucidate the use of lamps,
which are central to these mihrab inscriptions, as “part of the
imagery of death” (Khoury, 19) through the illustration of
Alexander’s bier, which provides “all the elements of a
commemorative mihrab image” (Khoury, 19).
The core function of celebratory architecture can hence be seen
to vary from funerary to victory commemoration, with colossal
symbolism serving both religious and political impetuses. Motifs
in structure and form allow the memorial functions of these very
symbols to transcend three dimensions, as seen in illustrations,
allowing them to encapsulate their intended purpose through all
agencies.
The second part of this paper focuses on patronage. More
specifically, it analyzes the patronage and regional
architectural style of the Ayyubid period which, although a short
rule of about ninety years from 1170-1260, resulted in tremendous
construction and building, accruing to an era of economic
prosperity. A validation of their progressive stance when it came
A a m i r 7
to architectural development can be provided by the examples of
women patrons who contributed greatly to the anatomic growth.
Along with that, the Ayyubids ensured the establishment of
madrasas in order to preach and establish the dominance of Sunni
Muslims against the Shi’i threat, which again leads to the
recognition that commemorative structures have historically
served political and ideological purposes, contrary to their mere
memorial status.
Analyzing the role of women as patrons, Humphreys stresses that
between 1174 and 1260, Damascus “witnessed the most intense and
sustained patronage of religious architecture by women”
(Humphreys, 35). He quotes the example of Dayfa Khatun, who was
credited with the building of Madrasat al-Firdaws: “the most
impressive madrasa built by any Ayyubid ruler in Syria”. What is
important to note here, is that female patronage focused on three
types of buildings: madrasas, Sufi hospices, and mausolea
(Humphreys, 36), with mausolea serving as the primary
manifestation of commemorative architecture. An example to quote
here can be one of the Mausoleum of Salih Najm al-Din Ayyub
(1250), commissioned by Shajarat al-Durr (Yalman). Although
A a m i r 8
female patronage during the Ayyubid rule marks a historical
point, especially considering the absence of women from the
central political sphere in Islam, it is important to emphasize
that the women who were able to adjunct even during this time
were few and prudent, since their social strata and family status
contributed a great deal to their contingency as patrons.
Dayfa Khatun, who built the Madrasat al-Firdaws, was an
influential woman who “independently ruled Aleppo for nearly 20
years”, and her intention for the madrasa was to create a “royal
mausoleum” (Takieddine, Abd al-Ghafour), which is achieved
chiefly through the monumental inscriptions that encircle the
entire interior of the building. Similarly, Shajarat al-Durr, who
commissioned the Mausoleum of Salih Najm al Din Ayyub, was also a
woman of influential standing, being the wife of Salih al-Din,
and one to have “ruled with the first of the Mamluk sultans”
(Dunn). One of the defining features of Salih al-Din’s mausoleum
is the minaret that rises above the entrance block: it is the
“only remaining intact minaret of the Ayyubid dynasty” (Torky).
Although the use of minaret in this structure is not as a victory
symbol, it is important to stress on the value of this component
A a m i r 9
of commemorative architecture, as it allows for an intrinsic
celebratory function, depicted by its grand appearance. Most
female patrons of the Ayyubid rule that have contributed to the
commemorative architecture of the time are seen to be women with
relatively high social prestige, which is expected as Humphreys
points out, “only a very small number [of women] were in a
position to do so” (Humphreys, 36).
Ayyubid rule, albeit short lived, has produced remarkable
commemorative structures, one of the most notable of which is
Imam al-Shafi’s mausoleum. Al Shafi’s mausoleum was first
constructed by Saladin and then reconstructed by al-Kamil about
thirty years later. The building is significant till date for a
number of reasons, an important one being its significance as a
representation of a paradigm shift in funerary architecture, with
its initial construction by Saladin instigating the “creation of
a new ritual center” (Mulder, 15), followed by al Kamil’s
modification which included the crowning of the tomb with a large
dome, which is “perhaps also connected with the movement of the
cemetery northward” (Mulder, 19). Although the building is
clearly a commemorative one, striving to serve as a funerary
A a m i r 10
monument of an immensely prestigious personality, there seem to
remain quite a few political and ideological influences,
especially with the advent of Fatimids: the threat of a Shi’i
dynasty. Although al-Shafi’s tomb was sacred since before
Saladin’s construction of the mausoleum, the monument in itself
helped in serving purposes other than the mere preservation of
the grave, one of which was the continuation of the
indoctrination of the Sunni beliefs through the use of the
Madrassa constructed adjacent to the Mausoleum, known as the
Salahiyya Madrasa, which “became the most prestigious in Egypt
during the Ayyubid period” (Mulder, 20).
Commemorative architecture has remained historically significant
since before the advent of Islamic architecture, however, it has
served various purposes within the realm of Islamic art, notably
by proving to be capable of honoring and preserving memories,
events, and personalities of varying circumstances by emphasizing
on varying symbols and motifs. Along with that, it has proven to
encapsulate multiple dimensions of memorial parables, where a
commemorative building not only plays its celebratory function,
but also plays a historic function in its usefulness, especially
A a m i r 11
when it comes to the marking of dates, names of patrons, names of
donors, etc. These constructions allow for an in depth analysis
of the political, social, ideological, and economic conditions of
the time by drawing on the influences that had crept into the
structures and forms of these buildings. Commemorative
architecture, as a phenomenon, epitomizes the symbolic
representation of whatever it may be that is deemed as worthy of
honoring and preserving, which is why the history of Islamic art
witnesses an array of such monuments, with each structure
reflecting the influence of its patronage and its regional
monumental style.
A a m i r 12
Work Cited
Dunn, Jimmy writing as Ismail Abaza. The Madrasa and Mausoleum of Al-Salih Najm Al-Din Ayyub (Al Salihiyya) In Islamic Cairo, Egypt. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Apr. 2015.
Grabar, Oleg. "The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem." Ars
Orientalis. Vol. 3. N.p.: Freer Gallery of Art, The
Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art,
U of Michigan, 1959. N. pag. Print.
Humphreys, R Stephen. 1994. Women as Patrons of Religious
Architecture in Ayyubid Damascus. In Muqarnas XI: An Annual on
Islamic Art and Architecture. Gülru Necipoglu (ed.). Leiden:
E.J. Brill.
Khoury, Nuha N.N. 1992. The Mihrab Image: Commemorative Themes in
Medieval Islamic Architecture. In Muqarnas IX: An Annual on
A a m i r 13
Islamic Art and Architecture. Oleg Grabar (ed.). Leiden:
E.J. Brill.
Leisten, Thomas. "Mashhad Al-Nasr: Monuments of War and Victory
in Medieval Islamic Art." The Encyclopaedia of Islam. N.p.: BRILL,
1996. N. pag. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Part 157. H. A. R. Gibb, E. Van
Donzel, P. J. Bearman, J. Van Lent. Web.
Mulder, Stephennie. 2006. The Mausoleum of Imam al-Shafi'i. In
Muqarnas: An Annual on the Visual Culture of the Islamic
World, XXIII, 15-46.
Takieddine, Zena, Samer Abd al-Ghafour “Madrasat al-Firdaws” in
Discover Islamic Art. Place: Museum With No Frontiers, 2015.
Web.
http://www.discoverislamicart.org/database_item.php?
id=monument;ISL;sy;Mon01;4;en
Torky, Tarek “Madrasa of al-Salih Najm al-Din Ayyub” in Discover
Islamic Art. Place: Museum With No Frontiers, 2015. Web.
http://www.discoverislamicart.org/database_item.php?
id=monument;ISL;eg;Mon01;7;en
Yalman, Suzan. “The Art of the Ayyubid Period (ca. 1171-1260)”.
In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, 2000
http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/ayyu/hd_ayyu.htm (October
2001)
A a m i r 15
List of Images
Fig 1. Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem 691 AD. Abd al-Malik.
Fig 2. Inscriptions inside Dome of the Rock, Jerusalem 691 AD.
Abd al-Malik.
Fig 3. Bier of Alexander, Shahnameh. Ilkhanid period. Tabriz,
Iran. c.1330-1335.
Fig 4. Mosul, Shaykh Fathi. Mihrab of Lady Jum’a, 13th century.
(illustration from “The Mihrab Image” Fig 7)
Fig 5. Madrasat al Firdawsi, Aleppo 1235-1236/ 633 AH.
Ayyubid. (picture from Creswell Archive, Ashmolean Museum).
Fig 6. Mausoleum of Salih Najm al-Din Ayyub, Cairo 1243-1249/
641-647 AH. Ayyubid. (picture from Creswell Archive, Ashmolean
Museum).
Fig 7. Al- Shafi’s mausoleum, Cairo 1211/ 607-608 AH, restored
1772/ 1185-1186 AH. Ayyubid. (picture from Creswell Archive,
Ashmolean Museum).
A a m i r 16
Appendix 1
Fig 1. The Dome of the Rock.
Fig 2. Inscriptions on the inside of the Dome of the Rock