REASSEMBLING MARGARET OF CROY

REASSEMBLING MARGARET OF CROY

by

María C. Blas-Pérez

A Thesis Submitted in

Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

in Art History

at

The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

May 2012

ii


by


A Thesis Submitted in

Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

in Art History

at

The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

May 2012

Major Professor Date

Second Professor Date

Graduate School Approval Date

iii

ABSTRACT


by


The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2012

Under the Supervision of Professors Richard Leson and Tanya Tiffany

Margaret of Croy belonged to one of the most influential families in the court of the

Burgundian Duke Philip the Good. Nevertheless, before this study the figure of Margaret

was practically unknown. Her name only appeared in genealogy books in which she was

mentioned as daughter of Antoine of Croy and wife of Hendrik IV van Montfoort. Her

prayerbook, Newberry Ms. 56, is of unquestionable historical and art historical value, an

aspect that has not been recognized in recent scholarship. The prayer book was altered in

several instances in order to adapt it for Margaret‟s preferences. Therefore, it presents an

interesting composition, which grants it certain individuality in the study of illuminated

prayer books of the Late Middle Ages. In the present study, her prayer book will be used

as the means to give Margaret of Croy the voice she has been denied in the study of

Burgundian courtiers. Newberry Ms. 56 will be used as an instrument to decipher both

Margaret‟s life and her devotional practices.

Major Professor Date

Second Professor Date

iv

To my parents, Elsa and Francisco, and to my fiancé, Mikey.

Thank you for your unconditional love and support.

v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………….1

II. MARGARET OF CROY IN THE COURT OF PHILIP THE GOOD: HER

LIFE AND PERCEPTIONS …………………………………………………..4

Margaret of Croy and her Relatives in Court 5

Piety in the Court of Philip the Good 11

Extravagance and Luxury in the Court of Philip the Good 16

Philip the Good, the Low Countries and the Van Montfoorts 18

The Prayer book of Margaret of Croy Surrounded by Conflicts 24

III. BOOKS OF HOURS FOR WOMEN: THEIR USE AND METHODOLOGY IN

ART HISTORY ………………………………………………………………..30

Uses of Book of Hours for Women 31

Women‟s Books of Hours in Medieval Art History 35

IV. NEWBERRY MS. 56: THE PRAYER BOOK OF MARGARET OF CROY

………………………………………………………………………………….48

The Original Portion 50

The Binding of the Original Portion with the Passion Cycle 54

The Dutch Portion 58

Margaret‟s Devotional Portrait 64

Margaret of Croy Using her Prayer book 69

V. CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………..81

VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………………..84

VII. APPENDIX OF ILLUSTRATIONS …………………………………………..88

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere thanks to the UWM Art History Faculty for

their recommendations on my behalf, which helped me to be awarded with a fellowship

for my graduate degree. Special thanks go to my advisor Richard Leson, for his guidance

and encouragement throughout my time as his student. I would also like to thank

Professors Andrea Stone and Tanya Tiffany who also took of their time to write

recommendation letters on my behalf in several of my endeavors.

I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Jacques du Plessis from the School of

Information Studies at UWM for his help in the translation of Dutch passages.

My most cordial thanks are due to the Newberry Library in Chicago and their

staff for the use of their facilities and materials, which made this thesis possible.

vii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Margaret of Croy Kneeling Before the Pieta (c. 1447-1450) Masters of

Gijbrecht van Brederode. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 151r. Photograph taken

by the author.

Figure 2. Detail of the Montfoort-Croy coat of arms. Chicago, Newberry Library,

Newberry Ms. 56, f. 151r. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 2a. Diagram of the Montfoort-Croy coat of arms. Made by the graphic artist

Giovanny Cruz.

Figure 3. Detail of Montfoort coat of arms. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France,

Arsenal 4790, f. 33v.

Figure 3a. Detail of the Croy coat of arms. The Hague, Koninlkijke Bibliotheek, KB 76 E

10, f. 65r.

Figure 4. Messire de Croy. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Arsenal 4790, f.

145v.

Figure 5. Phillippe de Croy and Virgin and Child (c. 1454) Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum

Voor Skoone Kunsten.

Figure 5a. Reverse side of Phillippe‟s panel painting (c. 1454) Antwerp, Koninklijk

Museum Voor Skoone Kunsten.

Figure 6. Fascimile of Philip the Good‟s prayer book-diptych. Arizona, University

Library (Original manuscript 1430-50 and housed in Vienna, Österreichische

Nationalbibliothek).

Figure 7. Philip the Good at Mass (c. 1457) Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique,

Ms. 9092, f. 9r.

Figure 8. Portrait of Isabella of Portugal (c. 1450) Roger van der Weyden. Los Angeles,

Paul J. Getty Museum.

Figure 9. Philip the Good, Isabella of Portugal and Charles kneeling before the Virgin

and Child (1808). Drawing by Domingo Antonio de Sequeira based on an altarpiece by

Roger van der Weyden. Lisbon, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga. Image taken from the

article by Campell, Lorne and Ivonne Szafran.“The Portrait of Isabella of Portugal,

Duchess of Burgundy, in the J. Paul Getty Museum.” The Burlington Magazine 1212

(2004): 148-157.

Figure 10. Isabella of Portugal with Patron Saint (1457-60) Petrus Christus. Belgium,

Grooening Museum.

viii

Figure 11. Gold with Three Souls (1460-1465) Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode.

Cleveland, Cleveland Museum of Art, MA 1998. 124, f. 176v.

Figure 12. God Enthroned with Crucified Christ (c. 1447-1450) Chicago, Newberry

Library, Ms. 56, f. 109. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 13. The Crucifixion (1450-1460/1460-70) Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode.

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 133 E 18, f. 50v.

Figure 14. Mary Magdalene engaged in reading (before 1438) Roger van der Weyden.

London, National Gallery of Art.

Figure 15. Saint Anne teaching the Virgin Mary to read (c. 1419) London, British

Library, Harley 2897, f. 340v.

Figure 16. The Annunciation (c. 1430) Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 24.

Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 17. Detail of Female Grotesque (1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters Museum,

The Cloisters Hours, f. 143r.

Figure 18. Saint Louis disciplined by his confessor (1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters

Museum, The Cloisters Hours, f. 103.

Figure 19 Annunciation with portrait of Jeanne d‟Évreux (1324-1328) New York, The

Cloisters Hours, f. 16.

Figure 20. Detail of rabbits and hares (1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters Museum,


Figure 20a. Detail of rabbits and hares (1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters Museum,


Figure 21. The Miracle of Saint Louis with portrait of Jeanne (1324-1328) New York,

The Cloisters Museum, The Cloisters Hours, f.102v.

Figure 22. Isabel of Byron kneeling before Christ Crucified (1335-1340) London, British

Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f. 27v. Taken from the publication by Smith, Kathryn.

Art, Identity and Devotion in Fourteenth-Century England: Three Women and their

Books of Hours. London: British Library; Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 2003.

Figure 23. Isabel of Byron kneeling before Saint Christopher and Christ Child (1335-

1340) London, British Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f. 36v. Taken from the same

publication by Kathryn Smith (cited above).

Figure 24. Isabel of Byron with daughter or granddaughter (1335-1340) London, British

Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f. 122v. Taken from the same publication by Kathryn

Smith (cited above).

ix

Figure 25. Isabel of Byron as a widow in the Roman siege of Jerusalem (1335-1340)

London, British Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f. 190v. Taken from the same publication

by Kathryn Smith (cited above).

Figure 26. Medieval woman‟s seal. London, British Library, BL LXXVIII.I9. Taken

from the same publication by Kathryn Smith (cited above).

Figure 27. All Saints before God the Father (c. 1440) New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, MS. M. 917, f. 115v.

Figure 28. Catherine of Cleves kneeling before the Virgin (c. 1440) New York, Pierpont

Morgan Library, Ms. M. 945, f. IV.

Figure 29. Catherine of Cleves dispensing alms (c. 1440) New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, MS. 917, p. 65.

Figure 30. Catherine of Cleves kneeling before Christ Crucified (c. 1440) New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library, MS. 917, p. 160.

Figure 31. Coronation of the Virgin (c. 1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,

Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 32. Coronation of the Virgin (1450-1462) Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery,

Walters Ms. 239, f. 78v. Taken from the article by Faquhar, James. “Manuscript

Production and Evidence for Localizing and Dating Fifteenth-Century Books of Hours:

Walters Ms. 239.” The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 45 (1987): 44-88.

Figure 33. Visitation (c. 1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms.

56, f. 36. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 34. Visitation (c. 1440) The Gold Scrolls Group. New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, M. 19, f. 37v.

Figure 35. Annunciation to the Shepherds (c.1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,

Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 47. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 36. Annunciation to the Shepherds (c.1440) The Gold Scrolls Group. New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 19, f. 50v.

Figure 37. The Adoration of the Magi (c. 1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,


Figure 38. The Adoration of the Magi (c. 1440) The Gold Scrolls Group. New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library M. 19, f. 54v.

Figure 39. Pentecost c.1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms.

56, f. 22. Photograph taken by the author.

x

Figure 40. Pentecost (c.1440 ) The Gold Scrolls Group. New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, M. 19, f. 95r.

Figure 41. Passion cycle in the Prayer book of Margaret of Croy. Left: “Ad Tertiam”in

red ink. Right: The Scourging of Christ (c. 1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht.

Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, ff. 8v-9r. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 42. The Betrayal (c.1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht and unknown painter.

Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 7. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 43. Descent from the Cross (c. 1430) Unknown painter. Chicago, Newberry

Library, Ms. 56, f. 11. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 44. The Entombment (c. 1430-1450) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. The Hague,

Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 135 K45, f. 62v.

Figure 45. The Entombment (c. 1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago,

Newberry, Ms. 56, f. 12. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 46. Christ Carrying the Cross (c. 1430-1450) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. The

Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 135 K45, f. 48v.

Figure 47. Christ Carrying the Cross (c. 1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago,


Figure 48. The Coronation of the Virgin (c.1460) Book of Hours of Gijbrecht van

Brederode. Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. Liege, Université de Liège, Ms. Witter

13, ff. 13v-14r.

Figure 49. The Annunciation (c.1453) Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. The Hague,

Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 79 K 11, f. 17v.

Figure 50. Christ appearing to Mary after the Resurrection. Masters of Gijbrecht van

Brederode. London, British Library, Add. MS 38724, f. 14v.

Figure 51. The Virgin and Child with Canon van der Paele (1436) Bruges, Groeninge

Museum.

Figure 52. The Crucifixion with Mary and John (c.1430) The Gold Scrolls Group.

Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 20. Photograph taken by the author.

Figure 53. Passion cycle in the Prayer book of Margaret of Croy. Left: “Ad Primam” in

red ink. Right: Christ before Pilate (c. 1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago,

Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 8.

Figure 54. Map of the Burgundian Netherlands.

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. The Lords of Croy. Taken from publication by Martin, George. Histoire et

genealogie de la maison de Croy. La Ricamarie, France: G. Martin, 1980.

Table 2. Main patrons of Illuminated Manuscripts. Taken from publication by Wijsman,

Hanno. Luxury Bound: Illustrated Manuscript Production and Noble and Princely Book

Ownership in the Burgundian Netherlands (1400-1500). Turnhout: Brepols, 2010.

Table 3. Patronage of Books of Hours. Taken from the same publication by Hanno

Wijsman (cited above).

1

Introduction: Reassembling Margaret of Croy

Among the medieval manuscripts housed in the Newberry Library of Chicago is a

fascinating book, Newberry Ms. 56, the Prayer book of Margaret of Croy. Margaret‟s

prayer book has not been researched extensively. The only extant research on this

manuscript was undertaken by Paul Saenger in his entry for the catalogue of western

manuscripts from the Newberry Library collection. Newberry Ms. 56 has been addressed

very briefly only in a few publications regarding style without declaring anything about

its female owner. The composition of this book presents a variety of styles in its

miniatures. Among the styles present are those of the most accomplished workshops of

the Late Medieval Netherlands, including: the Gold Scrolls Group, the Masters of Otto

van Moerdrecht, and the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. At some point the prayer

book was adapted for Margaret of Croy, who belonged to one of the most important

families in the court of Burgundy.

The members of the House of Croy were very influential in the Burgundian court,

especially during the reign of Philip the Good. Margaret‟s father, uncle and cousin were

so close to the duke to the point that they were granted positions of ultimate trust.

However, of Margaret of Croy very little is known. Her name only appears in

genealogical studies dealing with the Croys, as daughter of Antoine of Croy, and in a few

history books, as the wife of Hendrik IV van Montfoort. Nothing else was said about this

medieval noble woman. Nevertheless, it is in the present thesis that details of her life are

recovered, using her prayer book as point of departure. Her portrait, on folio 151r,

includes her family crest, a detail which has great value for the reconstruction of her life.

2

Other documentation such as letters are also presented here, documents which contribute

further information about Margaret and her relationship with her immediate family and

the family of her husband, the Montfoorts from the Netherlands.

Because her prayer book is the main source and subject of this thesis, the way

Margaret might have used it for her personal devotions will be discussed in depth.

Interestingly, after the calendar, the book presents a cycle of full-page miniatures in

which stages of Christ‟s Passion were painted. How Margaret used these full-page

miniatures is the main question, especially because in the fifteenth-century Netherlands, a

religious movement known as Devotio Moderna was spreading. The Devotio Moderna

emphasized the Imitation of Christ, His humanity and sufferings. Therefore, it is very

likely that these religious currents influenced Margaret‟s devotional practices as well as

her perception of these images, as revealed in her prayer book‟s composition.

The present thesis, therefore, has two main purposes: to reassemble the life of

Margaret of Croy and decipher her devotional practices. In the first chapter, a biography

of Margaret of Croy is presented. The context of the Burgundian court and how Margaret

might have perceived it were the main aspects considered for this biography. In the

second chapter, the different uses, in addition to the meanings that prayer books had for

women in the Middle Ages, are discussed. In this chapter, the works of leading medieval

art historians are utilized. All of these scholars researched specific prayer books that were

made and belonged to different women. Therefore, in terms of methodology, the

discussion of their research has been very relevant for this investigation. With this

background, it is in the third chapter, that the Prayer book of Margaret of Croy is

discussed in depth. Because the book presents fascinating compositional, stylistic and

3

devotional aspects, its parts are approached individually in order to arrive at a more

accurate notion of how Margaret used it for her devotions. This study thus represents a

contribution to recent scholarship on prayer books in a variety of aspects, such as the

interchange among artists and workshops of the Netherlands, noble women from the

Burgundian court, and Late Medieval pious practices.

4

Chapter I: Margaret of Croy in the Court of Philip the Good: Life and Perceptions

Margaret of Croy (c.1416) was the owner of Newberry Ms. 56 and a member of one the

most influential families in the courts of Burgundy.1 Margaret married Hendrik IV van

Montfoort in 1432. The family crest below her portrait on folio 151r confirms that the

book was her personal property, as it represents her coat of arms and that of her husband

(Figures 1-3a).2 Because the figure of Margaret has been overlooked by scholars when

investigating manuscript illumination related to Burgundian courtiers, in the present

chapter I intend to offer her biography. Obviously, I cannot offer an extremely detailed

reconstruction of her life for the lack of documentation might result in total speculation.

I will write the biography of Margaret using the extant information on her

immediate family, particularly male figures. Often, we can know about a medieval

woman through the lens of her male relatives. As I put the pieces of Margaret‟s life

together, I will explore how she might have perceived the courtly and political

environment in which her family and she moved. In the present chapter I shall also

demonstrate how the family crest present in a devotional book functions as a great

primary source when used along documents such as letters. Together, textual and visual

documentation help to reveal unknown yet fascinating details of the lives of these

women.

1 Her name also appears as Marie de Croy. An example appears in De Vegiano, Nobiliare du Pays Bas et

du comté de Bourgogne, Vol. 1, (Ghent, 1862-65), 570 : “Marguerite, selon d‟autres, Marie, de Croy, allieé

a Henri vicomte de Montfoort-Sur-L‟Issel.” 2 Paul Saenger was the first to identify the prayerbook as belonging to Margaret of Croy. For more

information, see his catalogue entry: Paul Saenger, A Catalogue of the Pre-1500 Western Manuscript Books

at the Newberry Library, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 105.

5

Margaret of Croy and her Relatives in Court

Margaret was the daughter of Antoine of Croy (1385-1475), first chamberlain of

Philip the Good (r. 1419-1467). Antoine was married twice, and from his first marriage,

to Marie de Roubaix, Margaret was born (Table 1).3 As I mentioned previously, in 1432,

Margaret of Croy married Hendrik IV van Montfoort (d. 1459). Before her marriage, it

would be reasonable to assume that Margaret lived with her family. Whether she lived in

the ducal residence in Brussels or a residence is not certain, but without a doubt, she grew

up in the luxury and splendor of the Burgundian duchy whose celebrations and wealth

were known throughout the regions. We do not know whether her family lived in court

from the beginning; nonetheless, many Burgundian noble families lived there. The

Burgundian court was itinerant, therefore it is likely that the Croys moved from region to

region as well.

Because her father worked closely for the duke of Burgundy, Margaret of Croy

would have witnessed how his court grew in population. The population of the court

grew between the years 1420 -1450.4 For courtiers and important families of Burgundy,

being close to the duke was a privilege and was associated to high status. Olivier de la

Marche, one of the court‟s chroniclers, expressed so in his writings: “The more intimate

the service performed for the prince, the greater the honor”.5 It seems like the Croys took

the words of Oliver de la Marche very seriously, as we shall see throughout this chapter.

Many struggled to obtain positions as court-officials, although, these positions were

3 De Vegiano, Nobiliare du Pays Bas et du comté de Bourgogne, Vol. 1, (Ghent, 1862-65), 570.

4 Peter Stabel, “For Mutual Benefit? Court and City in the Burgundian Low Countries”, in The Court as

Stage: England and the Low Countries in the Later Middle Ages, eds. Steve Gunn and Antheun Janse

(Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2006), 105. 5 Peter Arnade, “Court, State and Ceremony”, in Realms of Ritual, (Ithaca and London: Conrnell University

Press, 1996), 15.

6

constantly refused to control the rises in salary costs.6 Antoine of Croy was successful in

obtaining such a position, and was appointed financial counselor by Philip the Good as

early as 1425.7

Before obtaining important offices in the court of Philip the Good, Antoine was

already renowned. He was known as Antoine Le Grand, an accolade he earned for his

courage and service under John the Fearless (r. 1404-1419), especially in the War of

Othey in 1408.8 After he was appointed financial counselor, Margaret‟s father was made

one of the original Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, created in 1429 in Bruges

by Philip the Good (Figure 4).9 In 1442 he served as one of the two principal governors in

the Burgundian Netherlands.10

In 1448, he was appointed first chamberlain, which was

among the most important positions in court.11

The duty of the first chamberlain was to

look after the duke‟s person; in fact, Antoine was responsible for even watching the duke

in his sleep.12

In 1456, he became governor of Luxembourg, Namur and Boulogne in

reward for his loyalty.13

Without a doubt, Antoine‟s role in the court of Philip the Good

confirms how important the House of Croy was in Burgundy at this time. It also provides

the context in which Margaret of Croy was raised.

Margaret‟s uncle, Jean II of Croy (c.1403-1473), was also successful in obtaining

positions of ultimate trust in the court of Philip the Good. Just like Antoine, Jean II,

6 Peter Stabel, “For Mutual Benefit?”, The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press, 2006), 106, 87.

7 De Vegiano, Nobiliare du Pays Bas, (Ghent, 1862-5), 569.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid., 570.

10 Richard Vaughan, Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy, (New York: Barnes & Nobles, 1970), 337.

11 De Vegiano, Nobiliare du Pays Bas, (Ghent, 1862-5), 570.

12 Richard Vaughan, Philip the Good, (Barnes & Nobles, 1970), 141.

13 Kathleen Louise Kenyon, “Portrait Painting in the Time of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy”,

Master's Thesis, San Jose State University (1996): 64.

7

“made his career at the Burgundian court.”14

He was also a chamberlain and likewise

belonged to the Knights of the Golden Fleece. In 1434, Jean became grand bailiff and

captain of Hainaut; he was also a soldier and a distinguished diplomat.15

He undertook

many missions to the regions of France, Milan, Aragon and elsewhere for Philip‟s

interests.16

In 1428, Jean II got married and had three sons. His eldest son, Phillippe, will

be discussed below.

Jean II of Croy was also a bibliophile and literary patron.17

Most of his books are

believed to have been inherited from his father and grandfather.18

Among the manuscripts

that can be linked with assurance to Jean were a book of hours that probably belonged to

his father, Jean I of Croy; the first volume of Augustine‟s Cité de Dieu, made in Paris

around 1410-1420; Froissart‟s Chroniques; a manuscript of the Enseignement de vraie

noblesse; Suetonious‟s L’histoire des douze Cesars; and others.19

Interestingly, according

to Wijsman, Jean‟s bibliophile interests paralleled those of Philip the Good.20

In his study

Wijsman also points out that in ducal accounts Jean II and the duke had close contact in

the matter of manuscripts, “where we see that Jean was repaid by Philip (via the ducal

treasurer, the „garde-joyaux‟, Jacques de Breguilles) the monies he had disbursed for

manuscripts for the duke.”21

Therefore, Jean must have had a unlimited access to the

Burgundian Library.

14

Hanno Wijsman, Luxury Bound: Illustrated Manuscript Production and Noble and Princely Book

Ownership in the Burgundian Netherlands (1400-1500), (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), 316. 15

Ibid. 16

Ibid. 17

Ibid., 318. 18

Ibid. 19

Ibid. 20

Ibid., 321. 21

Ibid.

8

It was very common that courtiers imitated the art patronage of the main figures

of the court. In his extensive study, Wijsman organized in tables the commissions of

literary and illuminated manuscripts from the courtiers in Philip the Good‟s reign (Table

2). He noted that courtiers commissioned the same kind of manuscripts that the duke

himself commissioned between the years 1445-1470.22

Among the names we find Jean II

of Croy as well as his son Philippe. These manuscripts exhibited similar topics: didactic

and historic texts, and some literary texts, all in French.23

These studies demonstrate that

to serve the duke alone was not enough for these courtiers; rather the display of power

played an important role, especially when there was a competitive atmosphere among

other families that desired to be seen as higher in the social pyramid. Margaret‟s relatives

were interested in both obtaining positions of great importance and showing that they

were as powerful as the duke of Burgundy by imitating him. Young Margaret must have

learned the importance of imitating these figures at an early age.

Margaret‟s much younger cousin Philippe (c.1434-1482), son of Jean, enjoyed

also important offices in the court of Philip the Good. In court, Philippe gained an

important role from the reign of Philip the Good to the reign of his successor, Charles the

Bold. Philippe of Croy accompanied Philip the Good in all his travels, and like his father,

he served as his ambassador in the Netherlands, France, Italy and Aragon.24

He spent

most of the mid 1450s with his uncle and father in the Burgundian court.25

Under the next

22

Hanno Wijsman, “Patterns in Imitation: Distinction and Imitation in the Patronage in Painted Art by

Burgundian Courtiers in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries, in The Court as Stage: England and the Low

Countries in the Later Middle Ages, eds. Steve Gunn and Antheun Janse (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press,

2006), 58. 23

Ibid. 24

Hanno Wisjman, Luxury Bound, (Brepols, 2010), 316. 25

Kathleen Louise Kenyon, “Portrait Painting in the Time of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy”, (San

Jose State University, 1996): 64.

9

duke, Charles the Bold (r. 1467-1477), Philippe of Croy was appointed chamberlain in

1468, and in 1473, invested with the Order of the Golden Fleece. 26

Philippe, too, was a

great patron of literary and illuminated manuscripts. His library was comprised of a

variety of genres which included didactic, biblical, historical and theological works.27

Just as the young Croys were learning to do, Philippe, too, imitated the duke of

Burgundy. Wijsman notes that the most common genre in Philippe‟s collection was the

didactic type and that their division was very similar to the collection of Philip the

Good.28

Philippe of Croy had inherited texts from his father and acquired literary texts

from the Burgundian library as well.29

Interestingly, Wijsman notes that Philippe‟s

collection did not include any liturgical texts or books of hours.30

However, this does not

mean that Philippe was not concerned with devotion, for he commissioned a devotional

portrait dated from ca. 1454-1461, housed in the collection of the Royal Museum of Fine

Arts in Antwerp.

Philippe‟s portrait (Figure 5) falls into the trend of the years in which members of

the high nobility were trying to reaffirm their status in the Burgundian court.31

According

to Kathleen Louise Kenyon, the high nobility commissioned portraits emulating the

portrait type commissioned by the duke in order to demonstrate their higher status in

front of the new bourgeoisie that had been gaining power in court.32

Philippe‟s devotional

26

Hanno Wisjman, Luxury Bound, (Brepols, 2010), 316. 27

Ibid., 322. 28

Ibid., 323. 29

Ibid., 324. 30

Ibid., 323. 31

Kathleen Louise Kenyon, “Portrait Painting in the Time of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy”, (San

Jose State University, 1996): 62. 32

Ibid.

10

portrait was painted by Roger van der Weyden around 1454-1461.33

On the reverse of the

panel, a coat of arms (Figure 5a) and an inscription indicate the name and the sitter‟s title

at the moment: “Philippe of Croy, Lord of Sempy.”34

For Kenyon, Phillipe‟s portrait

reflects the medieval discourse in which the duty of privileged social classes was to

inspire lower classes through public displays of piety.35

When Philippe‟s portrait is

compared to Margaret‟s, the intention is practically the same, even though the audiences

are different, for Margaret‟s portrait is for a more private use. Both portraits are dated to

around the same decades and show figures that belong to higher classes in acts of piety.

Margaret must have thought that the way in which she was portrayed demonstrated that

she belonged to a good standing family as well as from one that constantly practiced

piety.

The male figures of Margaret‟s early life were active in the court of Burgundy.

Antoine, Jean II and Philippe of Croy came so close to the duke that they were granted

positions of ultimate trust. As high noblemen of the court of Philip the Good they were

aware and proud of the privileged position they had gained with experience and service.

However, even though the Croys were well positioned in the court of Philip the Good,

they were not among the favorites of older Burgundian noble families, for apparently the

origins of the Croys were not noble.36

So if we take into consideration what older noble

families thought of the Croys, it is perhaps easier to understand why Jean II imitated the

duke‟s commissions and tastes in literary texts, why Philippe of Croy commissioned his

devotional portrait, and even why Margaret of Croy was portrayed as a rich and

33

Ibid. 34

Ibid. 35

Ibid. 36

Ibid.

11

important pious lady. All of them were reaffirming themselves as part of a noble family

in the court of Burgundy.

Piety in the Court of Philip the Good

Margaret witnessed demonstrations of power and piety from her immediate

family. What about the court and its public and private displays of piety? Because it was

the duty of the higher classes to inspire the lower classes, as the court chronicler once

said,37

Philip the Good and his wife, Isabella of Portugal, did not hesitate in doing so. For

Margaret, this must have played an important part in her devotional practices as well.

Attached to the political propaganda of Philip the Good existed an image of the Christian

Knight.38

On this matter Jeffrey Chipps Smiths adds: “By means of his political actions

and artistic commissions, Philip sought to obtain earthly fame and eternal salvation as the

ardent defender of the Church.”39

The ducal couple was not only fond of displaying their

individual piety, but also, together. In 1433, the ducal couple pledged their bodies to their

personal monastery in Dijon, the Chartreuse of Champol.40

As it would be expected, the duke Philip the Good owned devotional manuscripts.

Philip owned a prayer book-diptych which is housed in the National Library of Austria

(Figure 6). Just like its name indicates, this object combines the most popular media for

private devotion in the Late Middle Ages: the diptych and the book in a single binding.

The use of diptychs and prayer books would have been private, but as Pearson suggests,

37

Ibid., 35. 38

Jeffrey Chipps Smith, “The Artistic Patronage of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy (1419-1467)”,

(Columbia University, 1979): 10. 39

Ibid. 40

Ibid., 231. For a deeper insight on the Chartreuse of Champol and its meaning for Burgundy, see Sherry

Lindiquist, Agency, Visuality and Society at the Chartreuse de Champmol ,(Aldershot, England ;

Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2008).

12

not completely secluded.41

A miniature from the Traité sur l’oraison dominicale (c.

1457) shows Philip the Good inside a private enclosure while Mass is being celebrated

(Figure 7).42

He is kneeling and has an opened book, perhaps a book of hours, and a

diptych hangs on the wall. Even though the prayer book-diptych is an object which

combines the two media shown as independent in the miniature, it is possible that Philip

the Good could have used it as portrayed in the scene.43

The unusual yet fascinating combination of the prayer book-diptych would have

been an object that Philip the Good enjoyed and displayed in front of his visitors or in

Church. The books from the Burgundian library could be used by courtiers, for we know

that Jean II of Croy and Philippe used them and even obtained books from the library.

However, in terms of devotional books, which were of a more private use, it is impossible

to know if the courtiers ever saw them. Nevertheless, it is very likely that this unusual

object was known to closer figures like Antoine of Croy and Jean II of Croy. Margaret

could have heard about the duke‟s prayer book-diptych, although not necessarily seen it.

Certainly, Philip the Good presented a model of superiority and piety for young

Margaret, however, the duchess probably presented a closer example.

In addition to Margaret‟s mother, of whom we know practically nothing, the

duchess Isabella of Portugal was a perfect model of piety. The duchess was known for

her piety before her marriage to Philip the Good. One of Isabella‟s first philanthropic

41

Andrea Pearson, “Personal Worship, Gender and the Devotional Portrait Diptych”, The Sixteenth Century

Journal 41, (2000): 105. 42

Ibid. 43

Ibid., 106.

13

activities after her marriage involved the Saint Jacques Hospital in Lille.44

She took

charge of the reconstruction of a building used by pilgrims on the way to Santiago de

Compostella.45

The duchess added to the building a maternity hospital for poor women.

As part of her project, she ordered a window in which she was to be shown kneeling with

the hospital‟s patron saint in the company of her husband and her son.46

Images in which

Isabella was shown in piety were presumably common at the time, however, many of

them are now lost. Margaret must have seen some of them, at least before she left for

Utrecht with her husband in 1432.

Isabella‟s most famous representation was made by the court painter Roger van

der Weyden. The original, now lost, is thought to have been copied by his followers or

his workshop (Figure 8).47

Lorne Campell and Yvonne Szafran have argued that her

portrait is possibly related to an altar piece by the same artist, destroyed in the nineteenth

century and known through a nineteenth-century drawing (Figure 9).48

The altar piece,

believed to date around 1445, was sent to Balhata where Isabella‟s family was buried.49

It

showed Philip the Good and Isabella with their son Charles kneeling before the enthroned

Virgin and Child. Another devotional portrait, although later (1490), was painted by

followers or by the workshop of Petrus Christus (Figure 10). This portrait shows Isabella

kneeling in prayer with an open book and her patron saint protecting her. By looking at

the iconography and portraits of Isabella discussed so far, it is possible to assume that the

44

Charity Cannon Willard, “The Patronage of Isabella of Portugal”, in The Cultural Patronage of Medieval

Women, ed. June Hall McCash (Athens & London: University of Georgia Press), 311. 45

Ibid., 314. 46

Ibid. 47

Lorne Campell and Ivonne Szafran, “The Portrait of Isabella of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy, in the J.

Paul Getty Museum”, The Burlington Magazine 1212 (2004): 151. 48

Ibid., 152. 49

Ibid.

14

figure of the duchess was a visual model of piety in the Burgundian court, as

demonstrated in the extant artworks from different years. At the end of her life, Isabella

distanced herself from the life of the court and sought a more contemplative and religious

life.

It is very likely that Margaret admired the new princess since her arrival at the

court of Burgundy in 1430. Interestingly, when looking at Margaret‟s portrait, it is

possible to find resemblances when compared to Isabella‟s. Whether Margaret was close

to the figure of Isabella of Portugal will never be known, however, correspondence from

the duchess could imply so. According to Monique Sommé, who analyzed the

correspondence of Isabella, the duchess tended to address the recipients of her letters in

specific ways depending on their relationship with them.50

Sommé points out that in

letters addressed to Antoine of Croy, the duchess referred to him as “beloved cousin”,

even though they were not family.51

For Sommé, this kind of greeting might indicate the

duchess‟s close relationship to Antoine of Croy. Hence, if Antoine was addressed in this

manner by the duchess, there is a great possibility that Margaret had close contact with

the duchess and observed and learned from her pious practices.

With what we have discussed so far, it is possible to imagine Margaret in a lived

environment. As a young damsel of the privileged and powerful House of Croy, Margaret

was accustomed to luxury, intellectual pursuits, and public demonstrations of high status

and piety. Margaret had also seen that books of hours were common among higher

50

Monique Sommé, “La correspondance d‟Isabella de Portugal, reflet du pouvoir d‟une duchesse de

Bourgogne au XVe siècle,” Femmes a la cour de Bourgogne: presence et influence, (Brepols: Turnhout,

Belgium, 2010), 29. 51

Ibid.

15

ranking authorities and even among people of her rank. Her uncle and cousin were

interested in cultivating their intellect. Nevertheless, we can be sure that Margaret was

taught the proper behavior of a young, noble Christian female. If Margaret‟s uncle and

eventually her cousin had access to the Burgundian Library, then it is very possible that

this intellectual environment also played a role in her education. We can imagine, for

example, Margaret engaged in reading Christine de Pizan‟s Livre de Tresor de Cité de

Dames which was a very popular didactic text for women of all ranks, but especially for

those of higher nobility. The Livre de Tresor was commissioned even by men, for

Margaret‟s cousin Philippe had a copy of this didactic text in his library.52

The

Burgundian library owned copies of the texts by Christine de Pizan, which are believed to

have been used to educate girls of the Burgundian court.53

Margaret of Croy lived during the years in which the court of Burgundy was at its

peak. Scholars like Richard Vaughan have argued that under Philip the Good the court

reached its highest point. According to Peter Stabel, during the reign of Philip the Good

the size of the Burgundian court gradually increased from “about 700 office-holders in

the 1420s to about 1,600 in the 1450s.”54

The duke had different residences throughout

all his territories, including Brussels, Bruges, Lille, Dijon and Hesdin in Artois.55

Nevertheless, Philip the Good was interested in expanding the Burgundian duchy away

from France to the Low Countries, an expansion that I will discuss later in this chapter.

Not surprisingly, to acquire these northern territories Philip had his own political strategy

52

Hano Wisjman, Luxury Bound, (Brepols, 2010), 322. 53

Andrea G. Pearson, Envisioning Gender in Burgundian Devotional Art (1350-1530). (Aldershot,

Hampshire, England; Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2005), 41. 54

Peter Stabel, “For Mutual Benefit?”, in The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press, 2006), 105. 55

Richard Vaughan, Philip the Good, (Barnes & Nobles, 1970), 136.

16

which can be described in one word: propaganda. Aware that his plan of expanding to

these lands included regions of different cultures, social classes, languages and ruling

noble families, Philip the Good traveled with his court to urban and even rural regions.56

Laine Hendricks Morrison believes: “The duke‟s language of luxury transcended regional

differences and language barriers and became an effective and essential method of

conveying social superiority and power.”57

Margaret and her family witnessed the duke‟s

method for her family originally came from Picardy. Later on, Margaret would herself

play a role in duke‟s political influence, when she married a Dutch nobleman.

Extravagance and Luxury in the Court of Philip the Good

In addition to displays of piety, Margaret must have seen the luxury and splendor

of Burgundian events. Philip the Good supported art industries from all his territories.

The magnificence of the Burgundian court was demonstrated in public events by showing

off the luxurious artworks the duke commissioned. Weddings, feasts, and triumphal

entrances were the perfect moment to display the wealth of the Burgundian court.58

The

artwork commissioned by Philip the Good, which included tapestry, book illumination,

and metalwork, was now associated with his figure, hence the prestige of particular visual

forms was raised and patrons were interested in obtaining art objects they could associate

with the princely figure.59

An important event in which the splendor of the Burgundian court was lavishly

demonstrated was the wedding of Philip the Good to Isabella of Portugal, his third wife.

56

Laine Hendricks Morrison, “The Visual Culture of Burgundian Festivity: Art from the Court of Philip the

Good”, Master's Thesis, Vanderbilt University (2006): 11. 57

Ibid., 12. 58

Ibid. 59

Ibid., 14.

17

The wedding took place on January 7, 1430 at St. Donation‟s in Sluis.60

The next day, the

couple made their triumphant entry into Bruges. It was an extravagant performance

which included music and a display of luxurious items. Fortunately, this event was

recorded by Jean Le Fèvre in his Chronique.61

Jean describes all the astounding

performances and decoration that involved the event. He mentions many members of the

nobility from different regions that were present in the nuptial celebrations, even the fine

garments and materials on display. Not surprisingly, all of the decorations served political

propaganda, for Le Fèvre constantly mentions how these objects were marked by the

arms of Burgundy.

The ducal couple was welcomed into Bruges by a crowd of Burgundian nobles

and subjects.62

Their presence was expected not only because of the political ties that

existed between the duke and these families, but also because they must have anticipated

the opulence of the event, a day of celebration that no one wanted to miss. Without a

doubt, among the noble families present would have been found the Croys. Jean Le Fèvre

mentions “le seigneur de Croy” among the names participating in the jousting

tournaments that were celebrated for days after the wedding.63

Le Fèvre even describes

the richly-adorned garments worn by the ladies and their damsels. There can be little

doubt that the young Margaret was among the finely dressed ladies of the court who

attended the event. Another event which Le Fèvre describes, and which again confirms

the presence of Antoine of Croy, is the creation of the Order of the Golden Fleece, as part

60

Laine Hendricks Morrison, “The Visual Culture of Burgundian Festivity”, (Vanderbilt University, 2006):

31. 61

Jean Le Fèvre was the ducal herald. 62


32. 63

Jean Le Fèvre, Chronique, (Societé de l‟histoire de France, 1881), 170.

18

of the wedding celebrations. Among the names mentioned, appears “messire Antoine,

seigneur de Croy et de Renty,” and “messire Jehan II de Croy.”64

As it is my intention to write a biography based on Margaret‟s perception, we can

keep adding to her experience surrounding this particular event. Her father had an

important office in court since at least 1425. Therefore, at this moment of her life,

Margaret had already seen the constant displays of extravagance, wealth and the splendor

characteristic of the Burgundian court. Because the Burgundian court was itinerant and

the duke was a great patron of the arts, Margaret was exposed to a diversity of luxurious

art work from different regions. If the young Margaret was present at the moment in

which her father and uncle were appointed members of the new chivalric order, this must

have certainly given her another confirmation of her family‟s important position in the

court of Philip the Good. Already aware of her family‟s position, she must have known

that marriages were arranged in order to obtain political alliances among regions and

wealthy families. For Margaret, having to marry a member of a wealthy noble family was

more than expected. Two years after the duke‟s marriage to Isabella of Portugal,

Margaret wed Hendrik IV van Montfoort, a member of a powerful noble family of the

Netherlands. However, before getting into the discussion of the Croy‟s union to the Van

Montfoorts, it is necessary to touch upon the political circumstances that resulted in this

marriage and others.

Phillip the Good, the Low Countries and the Van Montfoorts

64

Ibid., 174.

19

Unlike his father, Philip the Good concentrated his power in the Low Countries.65

By 1435 he had expanded the duchy with the conquest of regions in the Low Countries.66

Among the new places acquired were Brabant, Limburg, the duchy of Luxembourg, and

the counties of Hainaut, Holland, Zeeland, and the Somme fortress towns.67

It was with

the integration of Holland and Zeeland that the Van Montfoorts-Croy alliance was made

possible. According to Mario Damen, Margaret‟s marriage to Hendrik IV van Moontfoort

was the result of the duke‟s desire to integrate and have under his control this powerful

family from the Low Countries.68

As daughter of Antoine of Croy, one of the most important noblemen to the duke,

the arrangement of this marriage was not unexpected. However, acquiring the territories

ruled by noble families of Holland and Zeeland was not an easy task for Philip the Good.

Since the reign of John the Fearless, Burgundy had already tried to take control of these

regions.69

Holland and Zeeland had been incorporated into Burgundian politics since

1385 via the marriage alliance between the Burgundian and Bavarian dynasties.70

However, when the Bavarian male heir died, John the Fearless sought indirect control of

the counties via the marriage of his nephew John IV, duke of Brabant, to Jacqueline of

Bavaria, but did not succeed.71

Under Philip, the Burgundian duchy finally had its chance

65


11. 66

See map of the acquired territories in the Appendix of Illustrations of this thesis, Figure 54. 67

Ibid. 68

Mario Damen, “The Nerve Center of Political Networks? The Burgundian Court and Integration of

Holland and Zeeland into the Burgundian State (1425-1477)”, in The Court as Stage: England and the Low

Countries in the Later Middle Ages, eds. Steve Gunn and Antheun Janse (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press,

2006): 75. 69

Ibid., 71. 70

Ibid., 72. 71

Ibid.

20

for another attempt in 1425, but the resistance was strong and lasted for years.72

The

supporters of Jacqueline of Bavaria resisted Burgundian power, and among them were

the Van Montfoorts.

The Van Montfoorts were very influential and powerful in the region of Holland.

The town and castle of Montfoort was located in the ecclesiastical principality of Utrecht

and the viscounty was held from the count of Holland.73

Jan and Lodewijk van

Montfoort, father and uncle of Hendrik IV respectively, were the foremost members of

the clientele of Jacqueline of Bavaria.74

In 1425, when Burgundy found the chance to

control these regions, Jacqueline of Bavaria, supported by the Van Montfoorts, took up

arms against Philip the Good.75

The Van Montfoorts invested a fair amount of money in

this war against Burgundy, however they were not willing to lose more resources, and in

1428, they negotiated for a truce with Philip the Good.76

The Van Montfoorts knew that

the only way to avoid the loss of their political influence was to come to an agreement

with the duke.77

Philip assured the integration of the Van Montfoorts in many ways. A

council in the name of Jacqueline of Bavaria and Philip to govern Holland and Zeeland

was established, and among the councilors was Hendrik‟s father.78

Five years after the

truce, Philip the Good awarded the Montfoorts with 3,000 ecus for travel costs made for

the peace treaty which had been celebrated in Delft.79

Philip wanted to win their favor so

72

Ibid. 73

Ibid., 74. 74

Ibid. 75

Ibid., 75. 76

Ibid. 77

Ibid. 78

Ibid., 74 79

Ibid., 75. Damen calculated this amount as some 10,000 daily wages of a master mason.

21

they could convince Jacqueline of the necessity of a treaty for she had lost some of her

rights.80

Margaret of Croy represented a bridge for Philips‟s maneuvers. It must have been

also an honor for Antoine of Croy to see his eldest daughter play an important role as part

of the duke‟s political agenda. On this matter, C. A. Armstrong believes that this

marriage was among the acts made by Philip to advance his favorites, the Croys, and not

as an act to unite these powerful families.81

According to Armstrong, the Valois dukes

were not interested in creating strong alliances between powerful families, and rather

were concerned with maintaining forces within their own fiscal administrations and

dominions.82

The historian also questions whether or not the marriage took place, but as I

shall demonstrate it was indeed approved.83

He describes the Montfoort-Croy alliance as

“exceptional”, for at this early period the intermarriage of powerful noble families was

not common.84

Despite what Armstrong argues, surviving documents from the

principality of Utrecht indicate that in November of the year 1432 Margaret‟s marriage to

Hendrik IV van Montfoort was arranged.85

Whether the dukes were or were not interested in creating unified forces between

powerful families, we can imagine that the marriage of Margaret to Hendrik IV was an

event in which the display of power must have taken place. Despite what Armstrong

80

Ibid. 81

C.A. Armstrong, “Had the Burgundian Government a Policy for the Nobility?”, in England, France and

Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century (London: Hambledon Press, 1983), 235. 82

Ibid. 83

Ibid. 84


Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century (Hambledon Press, 1983), 235. According to Armstrong, the

intermarriage of powerful noble families in the Burgundian court was more common in later periods. 85

I will discuss later in this chapter the specific documents used, such as letters between Hendrik and

Antoine, and even a document that reveals interesting information about the Montfoort- Croy alliance.

22

believes, I propose that this marriage alliance in which the powerful House of Croy of the

Burgundian court was united to the anti-Burgundian Van Montfoorts must have held a

political meaning; indeed Burgundy was expanding its territories and had gained power

over these families. Interestingly, decades later, Philip had more members of the Van

Montfoorts marry other ladies of the court.86

However, Damen argues that despite that

there is no proof that the duke was a “marriage broker”, these marriages created long-

lasting relations between the duke and his adversaries.87

The Margaret-Hendrik marriage was arranged by Jan II van Montfoort and

Antoine of Croy in 1432, under unknown conditions.88

Some fifteen years later in 1447,

however, a second, intriguing document reaffirms the conditions of the original marriage

alliance. 89

These two dates brings up two possibilities. First, even though the marriage

between Margaret and Hendrik was arranged by their fathers in the year 1432, it is

possible that Margaret did not leave her family until 1447. However, if she did leave for

Utrecht in 1432, it is very interesting that the marriage was being confirmed in

documents fifteen years later. Be that as it may, the same document reveals certain

differences that existed and prevailed between the Croys and Van Montfoorts.

According to these documents in 1447, Hendrik‟s father, Jan II van Montfoort

moved to annul the prenuptial agreements of 1432 and to disinherit his son.90

However,

relatives who took the part of Hendrik intervened and urged the bishop of Utrecht to

86Mario Damen, “The Nerve Center of Political Networks?”, in The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press,

2006), 76. 87

Ibid. 88

National Archives of the Netherlands, Verslagen Omtrent ‘Srijks oude Archieven omtrent XIV (S.

Haguegravven, 1893), 278. Special thanks to Dr. Jacques du Plessis from the School of Information

Studies in UWM and my friend Pierre de Windt for the translation of these passages 89

Ibid. 90

Ibid.

23

reaffirm the marriage; it is this reaffirmation to which the 1447 document is witness. 91

Why, we may ask, would Hendrik‟s father intend to break these agreements? First, it is

necessary to point out the political positions held by Jan II in relation to Burgundy and

the northern regions. Jan II van Montfoort had a double position. He was councilor to the

Burgundian count of Holland in The Hague; however, he also enjoyed the privileges of

an independent feudal lord at Utrecht.92

According to Mario Damen the position of

councilor-chamberlain in the court of Philip “was probably only an honorary position as

one looks in vain in the court ordinances for Jan‟s name.”93

Therefore, despite the

association with the Burgundian court, Jan II was probably more immersed in local

politics and interests.

Only one year later, in 1448, Jan II died. I would like to suggest that the 1447

document probably reflects his attempt to put his affairs in order before his death. Being

sixty five years old at the time, Jan must have known he was at the end of his life.94

Perhaps the Montfoort- Croy marriage alliance represented a threat for him, as through

the Croy family, the arrangement essentially opened up new territories to Burgundian

control. His move, even if it was against his son Hendrik, could be seen as an attempt to

prevent his lands and local interests from falling under Burgundian influence. Jan II van

Montfoort died without achieving his last purpose. Interestingly, however, it emerges

that his son Hendrik shared his father‟s political position, in spite of his own connections

to Burgundy through Margaret of Croy.

91

Ibid. 92


Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century (Hambledon Press, 1983), 221. 93

Mario Damen, “The Nerve Center of Political Networks?”, in The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press,

2006), 75. 94

Recent studies on the life expectancy of the Netherlands have demonstrated that in the beginnings of the

fifteenth century the average life expectancy for men was 37 years old, although rich people lasted longer.

24

The Prayer book of Margaret of Croy Surrounded by Conflicts

It was under such political circumstances that the prayer book of Margaret of

Croy was commissioned. The book, however, is comprised of three portions of various

dates and provenances, but in the present chapter, I will only focus on two of them. The

first portion, completely in Latin, is comprised of folios 1-6 and 13-107 and was made in

Bruges around 1430. The second portion, which holds Margaret‟s portrait, was made in

Utrecht and is comprised of folios 109-211; some prayers are written in Dutch. Paul

Saenger dated this Dutch portion to around 1450. When considering book illumination in

Utrecht around the same decades great similarities are evident. For example, the style of

the prayer book Cleveland MA 1998.124 made in Utrecht and housed in the Cleveland

Museum of Art can be compared with Margaret‟s prayer book (Figure 11-12). Both

manuscripts present similar figures, patterns, backgrounds and even compositions (Figure

1). Another manuscript in The Hague, dated around 1450-70, also made in Utrecht, holds

astounding similarities with Newberry Ms. 56. The rendering of Christ‟s anatomy is very

similar as well as the softening of the facial features (Figure 13 & 1). These manuscripts

were made in the style of the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode, which was among the

leading workshops in Utrecht at the time. The similarities found in these manuscripts and

numerous others by the same workshop have led me to confirm that Newbery Ms. 56 was

made by this workshop.95

In the third chapter, I shall discuss in depth stylistic aspects of

Margaret‟s prayer book.

95

James H. Marrow, “The Bout Psalter-Hours, Dated 1453”, Quorendo 39 (2009): 347. James Marrow

briefly mentioned the presence of Gijbrecht van Brededore in the border decoration of Newberry Ms. 56 in

a footnote of his article. However, in the third chapter I will argue that the miniatures are also by these

masters.

25

The tense environment of the year 1447 which directly involved the marriage of

Margaret and Hendrik casts into relief the addition of her portrait along with her coat of

arms in her prayer book, a kind of customization. As mentioned earlier, it was in the year

1447 that the marriage of Hendrik IV and Margaret was contested by Jan II and, as a

result, reaffirmed by the bishop of Utrecht. As Saenger dated the prayer book to around

1450, I would like to suggest that Margaret‟s portrait could have been commissioned in

the year 1447 as a kind of response to her father-in-law‟s attempt to dissolve the

marriage. If the commission indeed dated to 1447, the inclusion of the coat of arms below

her portrait would have functioned as a kind of private confirmation of the Van

Montfoort-Croy alliance. In her book of hours, therefore, Margaret of Croy would

possess a visual reaffirmation of her marriage to Hendrik IV van Montfoort. By inserting

the symbol of her marriage alliance inside her devotional book, Margaret authenticated

her marriage within the context of the Word of God.

Despite this conflict in the year 1447 with his father, Hendrik IV continued with

his father‟s position. In 1449, a year after Jan‟s death, the Van Montfoorts and the Van

Brederodes, another noble family of the Netherlands, promised each other mutual

political support.96

Interestingly between the years 1455 to 1456, Hendrik IV van

Montfoort was at the head of a conflict with the duke Philip the Good. Along with other

influential Netherlandish families, Hendrik supported one of their numbers, a scion of the

Van Brederodes, as a candidate for the bishopric of Utrecht.97

Hendrik‟s actions

amounted to treason, for the duke wanted his bastard son David on the bishop‟s throne.98

96

Ibid., 76. 97

Ibid. 98

Ibid.

26

Philip the Good decided to take arms against them; however, to ensure a safe move

against Utrecht, the duke dismissed Hendrik of his position of keeper of the Woerden

castle in Utrecht.99

Nevertheless, just when Philip the Good was on the way to Utrecht, the Van

Montfoorts and the Van Brederodes yielded to the duke and accepted his son David.100

It

is surprising that Antoine of Croy, whom at this point had been in service of Philip the

Good for almost thirty years, was affected by the treason of his son-in-law. Originally,

Antoine had the position of bailiff in Utrecht; however, he had passed the position to his

son-in-law. As a result of Hendrik‟s actions, Antoine, too, was dismissed.101

According to

C.A. Armstrong, after this conflict, the nobility of Holland never gained back the power

they once enjoyed, nor were double offices like that of Jan II van Montfoort held ever

again by the northern nobility. Seen from this perspective, every occasion in which

Margaret opened her prayer book and gazed at her portrait she was reminded of the

importance of her lineage and alliance, despite the conflicts and differences taking place

between both families. This situation must have affected Margaret emotionally; however,

letters suggest that Margaret sided with her new family of Utrecht and not with the Croys

of the Burgundian court.

After the conflict in 1456, letters and official documents are the only information

on the life of Hendrik and Margaret. These documents seem to add more to the plot and

relationship between the Van Montfoorts and the Croys. Letters dating from 1453 and

99


Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century (Hambledon Press, 1983), 221. 100

Mario Damen, “The Nerve Center of Political Networks?”, in The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press,

2006), 77. 101


Burgundy in the Fifteenth Century (Hambledon Press, 1983), 221.

27

later attest to different instances in which Hendrik IV tried to obtain legal rights over the

distribution of the state that belonged to Jean de Roubaix, who was Margaret‟s

grandfather.102

In the process Hendrik IV acted against Peter of Roubaix, who was the

son of Jean de Roubaix and uncle of Margaret. Thus Hendrik seems to be trying to

obtain rights perhaps for himself or for Margaret and his children. This must have added

further tension between Margaret‟s relatives and Hendrik.

In another letter we are told that, in the year 1458, Hendrik IV acknowledged

receiving from Antoine an amount of money as part of the marriage dowry.103

However,

the most intriguing letter is from the year 1459. Despite the fact that in these letters only

male figures seem to perform legal actions, there is a letter in which Margaret figures as

the main character. In this document Margaret is described as the widow of Montfoort,

which explains why she appears in an authoritative position. In the letter she renounces

her father Antoine for he had lost 6000 Burgundian shields, which were presumably some

sort of legacy.104

As a widow in a position of making decisions for herself, Margaret

seems to be acting in favor of her children who are the heirs of the Montfoort legacy,

even if this meant to break away from her father‟s side of the family. It is interesting,

therefore, that Newberry Ms. 56 has prayers in Dutch. Even though at this time it is very

common to find prayers in the vernacular of the Netherlands, especially in those

manuscripts made in Utrecht, this might also reflect how by this point Margaret was more

acquainted with the culture of the Van Montfoorts. Following these letters and

102

National Archives of the Netherlands, Verslagen Omtrent ‘Srijks oude Archieven omtrent XIV (S.

Haguegravven, 1893), 280. 103

Ibid. 104

Ibid.

28

documents, it seems that the relationship to the Croys was not the best, even after

Hendrik‟s death.

Around 1460, Margaret was still alive and lives with her children. This detail

comes to us through a letter in which the current bishop of Utrecht, David, assigned the

Earl of Nassouwen as the guardian of the county.105

This was requested by the twelve

year old Johan through Margaret, his mother. Although we do not know about Margaret

at the end of her life, it is very likely that she stayed with her children, Johan and

Johanna, in the Van Montfoort castle in Utrecht until her death. About the Croys in

Burgundy, we know that around 1465, Antoine, Jean II and Philippe of Croy were forced

to leave the Burgundian court in which Charles the Bold now ruled.

Conclusion

I have used the prayer book of Margaret of Croy as a means of giving this woman the

voice she has been denied in the study of Burgundian courtiers. In fact, if we go back to

the studies made by Hanno Wijsman (Table 3) we can include the last addition (c.1450)

made to the prayer book of Margaret amongst the Book of Hours, produced for the

Burgundian court from 1450 to 1459.106

In other words, this part of Margaret‟s prayer

book was commissioned during the years that Wijsman noted an increase in prayer book

commissions from part of the Burgundian nobility. Margaret‟s prayer book can also be

seen as a result of the interests of the nobility in possessing these books.

105

Ibid., 282. 106

Hanno Wijsman, “Patterns in Imitation”, in The Court as Stage, (The Boydell Press, 2006), 60.

29

I have constructed a biography of a female figure whose existence had been lost

in time. Now we know that one of the most important noblemen of Philip the Good‟s

court had a daughter named Margaret. Margaret not only owned a beautiful prayer book

in which she practiced the proper behavior of a noble lady, but she was among the

strategies used by the duke himself to control territories. Despite Margaret‟s apparent

invisibility in court, she was amongst the privileged noble families invited to the events

of one of the most important court of the Late Middle Ages. In the years 1455 to 1456,

Margaret‟s husband was involved in a conflict with Burgundy. We can imagine

Margaret‟s feelings towards this event. And if by any chance her husband‟s actions

bothered her, she must have kept her feelings to herself, supporting her husband in

everything just as Christine de Pizan recommended.

Fortunately, Margaret of Croy was surrounded by male figures who were

involved in politics, such as her husband, uncle and father. Even though it would never be

completely accurate to write about a woman‟s life departing from male relatives, it is the

only way that Art Historians and Historians are able to give a voice to these women. A

devotional book might appear to only hold information on the preferences of the user, but

as I have demonstrated, prayer books can be used as rich primary sources for art-

historical inquiry. Newberry Ms. 56 was Margaret‟s devotional book and was used in her

daily prayers. However, Newberry Ms. 56 held also Margaret‟s own document, her

portrait as a wealthy and pious woman and the family crest. With them, Margaret was

able to demonstrate her noble status and the Van Montfoort-Croy alliance that prevailed

despite the strong political differences that both families always had.

30

Chapter II: Books of Hours for Women: Their Use and Methodology in Art History

Folio 151r of Newberry Ms. 56 shows Margaret of Croy kneeling before the Pieta with

open book in hands, protected by a fine chemise. Even though her portrait introduces the

prayer “O Intimerata”, it is more common to find owner portraits in the Annunciation or

introducing the prayer “Obsecro Te”.107

Both prayers seek the Virgin‟s help for the

benefit of the sinner. The “Obsecro Te” is a prayer that invokes the Virgin Mary

reminding her of her role as intercessor in the Incarnation, as the Mother of God. In the

prayer “O Intimerata”, the Virgin Mary is invoked as intercessor, however, “as co-

redemptrix of mankind through her empathetic experience of Christ‟s Passion”.108

The

“Obsecro Te” and the “O Intimerata” represent high and low points in Mary‟s life: first,

having the joy of being the Mother of the Savior, and second, suffering for the death of

her Son.

The “Obsecro Te” usually comes first and is accompanied by a miniature of the

Mother of God with Child Enthroned. Nevertheless, in Margaret‟s prayer book, the “O

Intimerata” comes first and it is also in this folio that we find her portrait. In fact, her

portrait introduces both prayers. This variation in order might speak of the owner‟s

devotional practices and choices, issues that will be addressed in the third chapter. Be that

as it may, her portrait definitely exposes how Margaret of Croy might have used and

cherished her book. However, before analyzing her prayer book, I will first discuss the

different uses and meanings that books of hours had for women. I will also address the

107

Roger Wieck, Times Sanctified, (New York: G. Braziller in Association with the Walters Art Gallery,

1988), 94. 108

Ibid., 95.

31

different approaches that leading Medieval Art Historians have employed when studying

this type of prayer book.

Uses of Books of Hours for Women

Books of Hours were used by women and men alike. However, from the

fourteenth century onwards, this type of prayer book came to be regarded as an object

particularly owned by women. Susan Groag Bell noted an increase in women book

ownership by the fourteenth century and how it multiplied dramatically by the fifteenth

century.109

Therefore, in the time the prayer book of Margaret was commissioned the

association of prayer books with women was well established. A poem by Eustache

Deschamps (1346-1406) satirizes the relationship of women to their books:

A book of hours, too, must be mine/ Where subtle workmanship will shine/ Of

gold and azure, rich and smart/ Arranged and painted with great art/ Covered with

fine brocade of gold/ And there must be, so as to hold/ The pages closed, two

golden claps.110

Although this poem implies that books of hours were appealing to women for their

precious materials and colors, overall they were still objects for private devotion. For

Andrea Pearson, the meaning of Deschamp‟s poem goes beyond the books of hours as a

sign of social status. Pearson interprets the poem “as an expression of male anxiety over

the book of hours as a symbol of feminine religious authority.”111

Books of Hours consist of a series of hymns, psalms and prayers meant to be

recited at the eight canonical hours of the day. Their core text is the Little Office of the

109Susan Groag Bell, “Medieval Women Book Owners: Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of

Culture”, in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, eds. Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens &

London: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1988), 152. 110

Ibid., 161. 111

Andrea G. Pearson, Envisioning Gender in Burgundian Devotional Art (1350-1530), (Aldershot,

Hampshire, England; Burlington, VT : Ashgate, 2005), 30.

32

Virgin Mary, in which the character of the Mother of God as the intercessor is

emphasized. According to Pearson, although the origins of the book of hours are traced to

monasticism, it is less recognized “that the recitation of the Hours, at least as fabricated

in hagiography, was gendered female.”112

It is in these hagiographies that we often read

the constant recitation of the Hours of the Virgin among women.113

Further she adds that

women‟s vitae often present the Hours “as a catalyst for privileged feminine visionary

encounters with holy figures.” In the vitae of the Flemish anchoress Juliana of Mont

Cornillon (1192-1258), we are told that Juliana had a vision as a result of reciting the

Hours of the Virgin with a friend. After the vision, Juliana was not in the need of

consulting any manual or the teachings of a clerical figure; for in that vision the truth had

been revealed to her directly from God without any intermediary.114

Even though the

vision was hers, Pearson traces the roots of the vision to female communal worship.115

Under this perspective we are able to understand the deeper meaning in Deschamp‟s

poem.

Books of hours were taken to church and used also in the service of the Mass.

Because the participation of women in early medieval spiritual life was limited,

devotional literature represented a way in which they could participate even if it was in a

private sphere.116

Victor Leroquais described the individual commissioning of Books of

Hours as an “escape from Church control.”117

Nevertheless, from the fourth to the twelfth

centuries women took a prominent role in monastic life and institutional piety. However,

112

Ibid., 31. 113

Ibid. 114

Ibid. 115

Ibid., 32. 116

Susan Groag Bell, “Medieval Women Book Owners”, in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, (Univ.

of Georgia Press, 1988), 160. 117

Ibid.

33

using prayer books continued to be of great importance in women‟s devotional practices

throughout the medieval period.118

As early as the fourth century, one of the fathers of the

Church, Saint Jerome, recommended to the mother of a newborn girl to educate her

daughter with the Gospel, and suggested to the mother that “instead of jewels or silk [,]

let her [daughter] love the manuscripts of the Holy Scriptures”.119

A popular and

accessible text that could recommend the same teachings in Margaret‟s time would have

been the writings by Christine de Pizan. In her Treasures of the City of Ladies, De Pizan

recommended that princesses should get up early and recite her prayers, starting by

saluting the Lord and the Blessed Virgin.120

De Pizan also believed that after the girl

knew “her religious offices and the Mass, she can be given books of devotion and

contemplation or ones dealing with good behavior.”121

Prayer books were the first

training of piety received by women.

Even though a general knowledge of Latin was obtained by laypeople from

attending Mass regularly, Latin was also learned from prayer books. Because women are

depicted in painting and illuminated manuscripts reading their prayer books, scholars

have taken this as evidence that there existed a degree of literacy among laywomen of the

Middle Ages.122

The representation of Mary Magdalene engaged in reading (Figure 14),

the iconography of Saint Anne teaching the Virgin Mary to read (Figure 15), and even the

Annunciation, for Mary is frequently depicted with an open Bible (Figure 16), are visual

118

Ibid. 119

Ibid., 162 120

Christine de Pizan, The Treasure of the City of Ladies, trans. Sarah Lawson, (London: Penguin Books,

2003), 66. 121

Ibid., 43. 122

Sandra Penketh, “Women and Books of Hours”, in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence

(British Library; Univ. of Toronto Press, 1996), 270.

34

evidence of the literacy of women, especially in the Later Middle Ages.123

The constant

practice of reciting prayers from a Book of Hours was the means through which

laywomen could generally learn their Latin. However, according to Groag, women were

not encouraged to learn Latin throughout the Later Middle Ages, not even by writers like

Christine de Pizan, who used the vernacular instead.124

Nevertheless, in the Late

Medieval period it was very common that books of hours were used by mothers to teach

their children.125

According to Penketh, and also demonstrated by Wieck, some books of

hours even contain the labored „As‟ and „Bs‟ of someone learning to write.126

Prayers in the vernacular languages were found in books of hours but more

frequently in the Later Medieval period. As I pointed out in the first chapter, Newberry

Ms. 56 contains prayers in Dutch (ff. 189-209), the vernacular language from the regions

in which Margaret lived most of her life. In the Late Middle Ages, Latin was not a

priority in the education of women.127

Groag notes that, even in nunneries from the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the use of Latin declined.128

She also points out that in

the Netherlands, nuns in Dutch and Flemish convents read mostly in vernacular.129

On

the other hand, the use of vernacular in prayer books was also a change brought by the

Devotio Moderna. The Devotio Moderna was a movement particularly popularized in the

Netherlands, thus it is very common to find prayer books belonging to this region written

123

Martha W. Driver, “Mirrors of a Collective Past: Re-considering Images of Medieval Women,” in

Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, (British Library; Univ. of Toronto Press, 1996), 75. 124


of Georgia Press, 1988), 165. 125

Sandra Penketh, “Women and Books of Hours”, in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence

(British Library; Univ. of Toronto Press, 1996), 270. 126

Ibid. 127


of Georgia Press,1988), 166. 128

Ibid. 129

Ibid.

35

in the vernacular. The Devotio Moderna might have played an important role in

Margaret‟s devotional practices as I will argue later in the third chapter.

If Margaret used her prayer book as attested in her portrait, she must have had a

general knowledge of Latin at least through the constant recitation of her prayers. As I

already mentioned, in Newberry Ms. 56 prayers in Dutch are found in folios 189-209,

and only folio 187 contains a prayer where the title is in French (Orison a monsigneur

saint Sebastien contre l’epidemie). Margaret came from a French speaking family and

had united to the Dutch-speaking Montfoorts in 1432. Her prayers in Dutch probably

attest to Margaret‟s knowledge of the two vernacular languages. It is very possible that at

the time when the last portion of the book was commissioned (c. 1450) Margaret had an

ample knowledge of Dutch to the extent of considering its inclusion among her daily

prayers. Nevertheless, because this part of the book was made in Utrecht it is more likely

that the inclusion of Dutch in her book was a common feature of the books made in this

area in the Late Middle Ages. Still, Margaret might have used the prayers in Dutch to

practice the vernacular language of her new home.

Women’s Books of Hours in Medieval Art History

The inclusion of female owners‟ portraits in prayer books has been highly

revealing for Medieval Art Historians. It is in the portraits that Art Historians often find

the coats of arms from the families these women belonged to, as well as glimpses of their

interaction with their books and their particular devotional practices. As I have already

addressed in the first chapter, the coat of arms displaying the Montfoort-Croy alliance is

to be found below the portrait of the owner. To discuss how female book owners have

36

been approached in Medieval Art History it will be necessary to discuss the writings of

leading medievalists, such as Madeline Caviness, Joan Holladay and Kathryn Smith. The

articles by Caviness and Holladay that I will discuss are concerned with a particular case:

the Book of Hours of Jeanne d‟Évreux (c.1324-8) housed in the Cloisters Museum in

New York. The research of Kathryn Smith is also concerned with women and their books

of hours but her particular cases are three fourteenth century English laywomen and

similarities found in their prayer books.

All three scholars are well informed by theories of gender and the status of these

women in their time and regions. Even though these cases are distant from Newberry Ms.

56 and from Margaret of Croy in space and time, their ideas are essential for the

understanding of women in the Middle Ages in general. Their frameworks serve as

models to follow when approaching prayer books that belonged to women. After

discussing the work of these prominent scholars, I will also address the Book of Hours of

Catherine of Cleves. This book, commissioned in the Later Medieval period and in the

region of the Netherlands, will contribute to understanding Margaret‟s prayer book in her

contemporary time and tradition and to establish an analogous example. In the present

chapter I will discuss three different aspects in the study of women‟s prayer books: prayer

books as marriage gifts, as manuals for piety, and as accessory objects denoting wealth

and status.

I will start by discussing the article by Madeline Caviness. In the article, “Patron

and Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for her Marriage Bed,” Caviness

37

discusses the Book of Hours of Jeanne d‟Évreux from a gender perspective.130

The Latin

words Vade Mecum refer to an object meant to be carried around and also to a book ready

for reference. Therefore, Caviness proposes that the Cloisters Hours, another name for

this manuscript, was an important object in the education of the new French queen.

According to Caviness, the Cloisters Hours was a marriage gift to the fifteen year old

Jeanne d‟Évreux from her husband, Charles IV.131

Caviness argues that the time in which

the book was commissioned was a moment of tension in the history of the Capetian

dynasty. Women of the Capetian dynasty were being accused of adultery and others were

accused of promiscuity and sodomy.132

Before Jeanne, Charles IV had two marriages but

was successful in neither of them and did not produce any male heirs. The marriage to

Jeanne d‟Évreux, who was also his relative, was arranged as the last hope of the Capetian

dynasty.133

Caviness‟s main idea for the analysis of this prayer book is addressed clearly

in her article:

In the fraught atmosphere of a failing dynasty, betrayed by female

lasciviousness and punished by a lack of male heirs, more than lessons of

conventional piety had to be directed at the girl-bride who was supposed

to become the chaste mother of indubitably legitimate children.134

Caviness‟s article is concerned with female reception. The author proposes to

examine the images in light of the sociological and psychosexual conditions in which the

book was commissioned and read by Jeanne.135

The ideas of male and female aggression

are the main aspects pointed out by Caviness to interpret the images in the Cloisters

130

Madeline H. Caviness, “Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage

Bed,” Speculum 68 (1993): 333-362. 131

Ibid., 334. 132

Ibid., 336. 133

Ibid., 337. 134

Ibid., 338. 135

Ibid., 342.

38

Hours. Caviness finds female aggressive phallic symbols in the depiction of women

grotesques. These women are often hairy, showing their breasts or riding male grotesques

(Figure 17). As an example of male aggression, Caviness points out the marginalia

around the miniature that represents Saint Louis being disciplined by his confessor

(Figure 18).136

In this folio, she notes how figures of men beat up a woman-beast, and

how a youthful male grotesque with a “genital mask” inside the initial is confronted by a

man who is about to hit him with his club, a phallic object. In the same miniature a young

man about to unsheathe his “sword”, another phallic object, and enter a “porch”, is

another reference to sexual contact.

Caviness also identifies allusions to sexual contact in one of the portraits of

Jeanne‟s book (Figure 19). Around Jeanne‟s portrait the author points out the different

animals that signify lust and sexual intercourse such as a mouse in a hole, a cat in the

foliage behind Jeanne‟s feet, and a monkey close to her portrait.137

She addresses the

inclusion of rabbits and hares in the marginalia throughout the prayer book as elements

that might have instructed Jeanne about sexuality and procreation, and that would also

remind her of her duty with the Capetian dynasty in providing a male heir (Figure 20-

20a).138

Caviness also calls attention to the depiction of baby boys being nursed in the

marginalia and that baby girls are not found in the manuscript at all.139

In relation to

Jeanne‟s husband, she concludes that by commissioning the tiny prayer book with these

specific images, the older Charles was denying the young Jeanne sexual pleasure; 140

136

Ibid., 353. 137

Ibid., 340. 138

Ibid., 343. 139

Ibid., 344. 140

Ibid., 356.

39

Because his prior wives had been adulterous, the king chose these specific images for

Jeanne‟s book intending to oppress the young queen‟s sexual desires.

Just like Caviness, Joan Holladay analyzed the Cloisters Hours as having an

educational function, however in terms of pious behavior. In her article, “The Education

of Jeanne d'Évreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her Book of Hours at the

Cloisters”, Holladay addresses the existing inventories in which the queen herself

declared that the book was a gift from her husband. Similar to Caviness, Holladay

proposes that the imagery in the Cloisters Hours represents the intentions of her husband.

Holladay argues that Charles IV intended “to condition her behavior and make her say

her devotions regularly.”141

According to Holladay, the cycle of images of Saint Louis,

who also belonged to the Capetian dynasty, was chosen by her husband for her prayer

book. Therefore, Holladay argues that because Saint Louis was known for his Acts of

Charity these actions would have served as models to follow by the young queen.142

Holladay draws particular attention to the depiction of a kneeling Jeanne d'Évreux

in one scene of the life of Saint Louis (Figure 21). Because the saint was concerned with

teaching his daughters about righteous behavior and piety, as recorded in his writings,

Holladay finds a parallel between the representation of Jeanne and that of her ancestor.

For Holladay just as Saint Louis submits himself to the guidance of the Dominican friar

in folio 103, so does Jeanne yield to the spiritual direction of her ancestor.143

Going back

to the intentions of her husband in giving her the tiny hours as a wedding gift, Holladay

141

Joan A Holladay, “The Education of Jeanne d'Évreux: Personal Piety and Dynastic Salvation in her

Book of Hours at the Cloisters”, Art History 17 (1994): 585. 142

Ibid. 143

Ibid., 598.

40

concludes that perhaps Charles IV found this as an appropriate moment to commemorate

their ancestor and remind Jeanne of her duties.144

This kind of visual parallel would

remind Jeanne of the pious practices of her ancestor, not only with devotional but also

with dynastic concerns.145

She was expected to be a pious queen, not only because it was

required for a woman who belonged in this position, but also because she had to

demonstrate to her kingdom that she followed the saintly behavior which her dynasty had

been labeled since the figure of Saint Louis.

The work by Kathryn Smith Art, Identity and Devotion in Fourteenth-Century

England: Three Women and their Books of Hours presents a more complete model when

approaching books of hours or any type of prayer book made for women. Her book is

comprised of four chapters in which she treats books of hours in different aspects but

always addressing the particular cases of three laywomen: Margaret de Beauchamp,

Hawisia de Bois and Isabel de Byron. Her first chapter “Books of Hours as Historical

Documents” demonstrates how this type of prayer book plays an important role in the

biographies of medieval women who are often forgotten through time. In comparing the

case of Jeanne d‟Évreux with the cases that Smith researched, it is possible to establish

certain differences. Jeanne d‟Évreux, a French queen, has a more privileged position in

the social strata, therefore a reconstruction of her life would be supported by preserved

documentation, such as inventories or the queen‟s will, documents that both scholars

have used in their articles. However, in the case of women who belonged to other

spheres, Smith states that it is more difficult to document the lives of medieval noble and

gentry women. In this chapter, Smith emphasized that writing about these women is one

144

Ibid., 603. 145

Ibid.

41

of writing around them.146

In Smith‟s exact words, “the books of hours do more than

supplement and enrich sparse information available about their owners: they are the most

tangible and substantial evidence of their owners‟ very existence.”147

Following this

model, I have shown in the first chapter how Newberry Ms. 56 and Margaret‟s portrait

contributed to know more about her. Fortunately, her husband and father were involved

in the politics of the Netherlands and Burgundy respectively. It was in tracing the male

figures that I was guided towards Margaret.

Another aspect Smith discusses is the presence of armorial devices on books of

hours. Smith notes that in the book of hours belonging to Hawisia de Bois, there are a

great number of different shields. The shields are related to prestigious families of the De

Bois, from which Hawisia was descendant; therefore Smith argues that the book of hours

was designed to proclaim the prestige of her natal family.148

Moreover, Smith finds other

shields that were not associated with the De Bois family directly. These shields

commemorated past marriage alliances or significant feudal relationships.149

According

to Smith, the coats of arms that can be identified with certainty in the De Bois Hours

seem to present a selective and “retrospective local roll comprising the family‟s relatives,

neighbors, associates, and feudal connections and overlords.”150

Smith also argues that in

the De Bois Hours, the religious activities of the family are documented in the liturgical

components of the book.151

For example, she identifies Saint Joanna of Flanders, whose

veneration was associated with the Cistercian order which had been sustained by the De

146

Kathryn Smith, Art, Identity and Devotion in Fourteenth-Century England: Three Women and their

Books of Hours (London: British Library; Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 2003), 11. 147

Ibid. 148

Ibid., 27 149

Ibid., 29 150

Ibid., 31 151

Ibid.

42

Bois family in their early years.152

With the inclusion of these armorial devices, Hawisia

was certainly using her prayer book to demonstrate her social status, just like Margaret

did below her portrait.

In the book of hours of Isabel de Byron, Smith points out the numerous donor

portraits that have been painted along with the prayers. She addresses different kind of

portraits; in some portraits Isabel is shown alone, and in others accompanied by a

relative. In the initial of folio 27v, Isabel of Byron is shown kneeling in front of a

Crucified Christ (Figure 22).153

Interestingly in folio 36v, Isabel is represented with her

husband venerating Saint Christopher and Child (Figure 23). According to Smith,

husband and wife donor portraits became very common in the fourteenth century. Isabel

is also painted in another initial in the company of a younger girl who kneels behind her,

and Smith argues the girl is probably a daughter or granddaughter (Figure 24).154

However, I consider the most interesting portrait Smith discusses is found in folio 190r

(Figure 25). The miniature shows the first Destruction of Jerusalem, and in the upper

register, Isabel is portrayed as a widow between her banners.155

Even though the battle

scene is filled with human activity and her portrait might seem lost, Smith argues that the

medieval viewer would immediately have recognized the depiction of a woman between

banners, for this particular devices were commonly found on the seals of medieval

women (Figure 26).156

152

Ibid. 153

Kathryn Smith, Art, Identity and Devotion in Fourteenth-Century England, (British Library, Univ. of

Toronto Press, 2004), 34. 154

Ibid. 155

Ibid. 41 156

Ibid.

43

The examples I have discussed are distant in time and space from Margaret‟s

case. However the scholars discussed previously have shown how books of hours provide

art historians with substantial information. Even though in these illustrated portraits

medievalists often find political, personal and social connotations, the devotional aspect

of them has not been overlooked. In these portraits, the devotional practices of the

individual are revealed or suggested as well as in the prayers that the devotee decided to

include in his or her book. To explain how book owners might have engaged with the

prayers and its illustrations, art historians often address textual sources and other visual

sources that throw light on these aspects. In the last decades, medievalists have proposed

to analyze and study the range of images presented by an object in its own context and

using the textual sources available within it;157

the sources used are sometimes non-

theological discourses, which were very familiar in the context the image was made and

viewed.158

Before analyzing the particular devotional practices of Margaret of Croy in

chapter three, it is necessary to address cases related to Margaret‟s time, space and

tradition. Therefore, I will now discuss the devotional aspects in the Book of Hours of

Catherine of Cleves.

According to James H. Marrow, the Hours of Catherine of Cleves is one of the

best examples of Late Medieval illuminations and presents certain peculiarities that make

157Madeline H.Caviness, “Reception of Images by Medieval Viewers”, in A Companion to Medieval Art,

ed. Conrad Rudolph (Malden, Mass. : Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 65-85. In this state of research concerning

the scholarship on the reception of images by medieval viewers, Caviness addresses different authors who

have used textual sources from a historiographical point of view to arrive at more accurate responses from

part of the viewers. 158

Ibid., 72. Caviness addressed one of her own publications in which she could explain an image of the

Virgin positioning to give birth with contemporary discourses of gynecology.

44

it unique.159

It was made in the Northern Netherlands for the Duchess Catherine of

Cleves around 1440. Its quality and its numerous illuminated pages speak of a wealthy

patron like the Duchess of Cleves. The Hours of Catherine of Cleves are completely in

Latin, instead of the Middle Dutch translation and compilation written by the cleric

Groote (d. 1384) which predominated in the Netherlands. According to Marrow, Latin

Hours were still made in small numbers but only for ecclesiastics and members of the

high nobility, who were often supervised and educated by clerics.160

The use of the Hours

of Catherine of Cleves is that of the congregation of Windesheim, the primary form in

which Latin hours circulated in the Netherlands during the fifteenth century.161

Other peculiar aspects of the Hours of Catherine of Cleves point to her devotional

practices. Marrow notes the existence of hours and masses for the seven days of the

week, addressed respectively to the Trinity, the Dead, the Holy Spirit, All Saints, the

Holy Sacrament, the Compassion of God, the Cross and the Virgin.162

According to

Marrow, the presence of Votive Masses for the seven days of the week were normally

recited by ecclesiastics, members of holy orders who attended Mass regularly, and by

aristocratic and other patrons for whom clerics served as private confessors. For Marrow

the latter must have been the case of Catherine of Cleves, for its pictorial cycles

demonstrate the influence of a private confessor. He describes the cycles in Catherine‟s

159

Rob Duckers, Ruud Priem, Gregory Clark, et al, The Hours of Catherine of Cleves: Devotion, Demons

and Daily Life in the Fifteenth Century, (New York: Abrams, 2009), 19. 160

Ibid. 161

Ibid.. 162

Ibid.

45

book as intellectual and complex, for often they rely on explanatory texts, inscribed on

scrolls surrounding or into the images (Figure 27).163

The Duchess Catherine of Cleves and her coats of arms are found in many of the

miniatures. Most of the coats of arms shown on are associated with her ancestors only,

dismissing any association with the family of her husband (Figure 28). The placement of

the red ox, also a symbol of the House of Guelders, surmounting her coat of arms has

been interpreted as an act of defiance by the duchess, for her marriage had not been

successful. However, I wish to draw particular attention to her portraits. We find

Catherine kneeling before the Virgin and Child introducing Matins (Figure 28), as a

wealthy lady dispensing alms (Figure 29) and kneeling under a Crucified Christ with the

Virgin (Figure 30).

In all three images, Catherine of Cleves is shown as a virtuous woman who

practiced piety and charity in public spheres. In the portrait introducing Matins, Catherine

kneels before the Virgin and Child with open book in hands. She looks as if she is being

interrupted from her prayer by the apparition of the divine figures. However, the presence

of the Divine could also represent the images she has in her mind while reciting the

prayers that come out of her mouth in the form of a scroll. If we compare this image to

Margaret‟s only portrait, similarities are attested. Just like Catherine, Margaret is also

represented kneeling before the divine figures which could be present in a vision or

physically; in either way the presence of the figures is felt by the women praying.

Margaret is also represented as a wealthy lady. They both wear the latest fashion in which

an elaborated headdress stands out. The book held by Margaret is protected by a fine

163

Ibid.

46

chemise; in fact, Margaret‟s cover is more detailed than Catherine‟s. Perhaps, a more

detailed cover speaks about the significance that such personal object has for the owner.

Conclusion

In this chapter I have presented a general overview on how prayer books that belonged

and were made for women are being approached in the Art History discipline. The

scholars I have discussed represent only a small group among the ongoing discussions on

women and their books of hours. Even though the approaches used by these scholars

vary, their studies confirm the value of women‟s prayer books as Art Historical primary

sources and “Historical documents”, as Kathryn Smith calls them. What is most

interesting is how all of the cases researched by these scholars, present the various ways

in which a medieval woman could use her devotional book, what they decided to include

or even to omit. Despite being books for daily devotion filled with prayers, prayer books

were not exempt of the secular world, as was nothing in the Middle Ages.

Jeanne d‟Évreux‟s book was a gift from her husband, and her book was filled

with images that her husband considered appropriate for her. The tiny prayer book was

meant to instruct the young queen in proper sexual behavior as well as devotion. In the

cases discussed by Kathryn Smith, by having their family crests depicted, these prayer

books were and held symbols of status. The prayer book of Hawisia de Bois presented

several coats of arms of prestigious families, as a way of reaffirming the importance of

her lineage by associating it with them. On the other hand, Isabel of Byron‟s book of

hours held various portraits in which she was shown with her husband, with her daughter

and as a widow. She was depicted as a pious woman, kneeling before saintly figures and

47

Christ. In her portrait as a widow, she was flanked by two banners representing her coat

of arms. Just like Hawisia de Bois, she was reaffirming herself as part of her family and

her husband‟s. Unlike these books that were not exempt of a male figure‟s presence, the

book of hours of Catherine of Cleves was a case that represented an image of a more

independent woman. Her family crests and her lineage were alluded throughout her

prayer book, leaving out any allusion to her husband‟s family.

Just like these women, in her prayer book Margaret held the symbols of her status.

In her portrait, Margaret is shown as the wealthy and pious lady she was. However, even

though she is shown without her husband in her portrait, the inclusion of the Montfoort-

Croy coat of arms alludes to a male presence. The Montfoort-Croy family crest, painted

below her portrait, affirmed that she belonged to dominant families at the time: to the

powerful House of Croy of Burgundy and to the influential Van Montfoorts of the

Netherlands. With the conflict that took place in 1447, in which her father-in-law

attempted to annul the marriage contract, the inclusion of her coat of arms with her

portrait held a deep significance to Margaret. With all of these examples, including

Margaret‟s, the relevance of prayer books as primary sources is unquestionable.

48

Chapter III: Newberry Ms. 56: The Prayer book of Margaret of Croy

In the first chapter major aspects of Margaret‟s prayer book were addressed. The

historical value of a devotional book was demonstrated when the portrait of Margaret of

Croy could be explained in light of the tense relationship between her family and that of

her husband. The previous chapters contribute to a general understanding on how

portraits included inside devotional books were perceived by their female users or

audience. However, it is in this last chapter that I shall analyze in depth the practical use

of this prayer book: daily devotion. Newberry Ms. 56 holds a fascinating composition

that might in fact bring us even closer to the figure of Margaret and her devotional

practices.

As I mentioned in the second chapter, it is in her portrait that we are able to take a

glimpse on how Margaret used her prayer book for her daily prayers. Even though the

actual binding of the prayer book is from the sixteenth century, in the portrait, the prayer

book is shown as being covered by a fine chemise that seems to match the pattern on the

collar and cuffs of Margaret‟s V gown.164

Considering her portrait as visual evidence,

Margaret‟s prayer book was an item she would carry around with pride, not only for the

beautiful outer components that matched her up-to-date outfit, but also because it was a

symbol of her constant pious practices. However, before entering directly to the

discussion of Margaret‟s devotional practices, it is necessary to discuss the intriguing

composition of this prayer book.

164

Paul Saenger, A Catalogue of the Pre-1500 Western Manuscript Books at the Newberry Library,

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 105.

49

The prayer book of Margaret of Croy is comprised of portions of various dates,

places of provenances and styles. Paul Saenger is the only scholar who has worked on the

collation of Newberry Ms. 56, included in the book Catalogue of the Pre-1500 Western

Manuscript Books at the Newberry Library. Saenger identified different alterations made

to the prayer book in various instances, as well as the places of provenance and the

stylistic aspects of the illuminated folios in general. According to Saenger one part of the

prayer book was made in Bruges around 1430. This portion comprises folios 1-6, which

is the Calendar of Bruges with the major feasts days in red; and folios 13-107, contain the

main body of a book of hours, all written in Latin. After the calendar, the prayer book

holds the intriguing folios 7-12. These folios present a cycle of full-page illuminations

depicting scenes from the Passion of Christ. The only text these folios present is on the

back of the illuminations. Saenger dated these full-page illuminations to around 1430 and

compared their style to that of Otto van Moerdrecht. According to Saenger, folios 7-12

were made in Utrecht and were inserted to the main body of the prayer book, between the

calendar and the beginning of the Short Hours of the Cross.

The last addition holds Margaret‟s portrait and is comprised of folios 109-211 and

a series of prayers in Dutch. According to Saenger, this portion was made in Utrecht

around 1450.165

James H. Marrow noted that the border decoration on these folios

resembled the style of the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode.166

However, I would like

to confirm that the border decoration and the miniatures are indeed in the style of the

Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode from UtrechtIndeed, Newberry Ms. 56 presents a

puzzle whose pieces have yet to be deciphered. Therefore, to avoid confusion throughout

165

Saenger did not suggest the workshop, only the date and place of provenance. 166

James H. Marrow, “The Bout Psalter-Hours, Dated 1453”, Quorendo 39 (2009): 347.

50

the analysis of the prayer book, I shall name the different portions in order to distinguish

them. The quires comprising folios 1-6 and 13-107 will be called the Original portion,

folios 7-12 will be called the Passion cycle, and folios 109-211 will be addressed as the

Dutch portion. Due to the puzzle the manuscript represents, each of the pieces will be

analyzed individually to arrive at a better understanding of the book as a whole and what

it meant to Margaret in its fully completed state.

The Original Portion

According to Saenger, the Original portion (ff. 1-6 and 13-107) presents stylistic

resemblances to those books of hours made in Bruges around 1430. Some of the feast

days included in the calendar (ff. 1-6) help to identify the Bruges provenance of the

manuscript, such as St. Basil.167

After the calendar and the Passion cycle, which I will

discuss later, Newberry Ms. 56 starts with a special prayer to the Virgin Mary (ff. 13-16),

followed by the Gospel sequences (ff. 16-19), the Hours of the Holy Cross (ff.19v-21v),

the Office of the Holy Spirit (ff. 22-23v), and finally the main body of a book of hours,

the Hours of the Virgin (ff. 24-64v). The Office of the Virgin appears in folio 64v-70,

followed by Penitential Psalms (ff. 71-78), the Litany of the Saints (ff. 78-82v), and

finally the Office of the Dead (ff. 83-107) which is the end of the Original portion.

The Original portion holds particular resemblance to the style of the Gold Scrolls

group. E. Melanie Gifford was the first scholar to address the presence of the style of the

Gold Scrolls in Newberry Ms. 56.168

The style of the Gold Scrolls group is found in

167

Roger Wieck, Times Sanctified, (New York: G. Braziller in Association with the Walters Art Gallery,

1988), 150. Wieck discusses the presence of St. Basil to be an indication of a manuscript made in Bruges

because his relics were in the city early in the fifteenth century. 168

Her contribution on this matter will be discussed shortly.

51

numerous manuscripts made in Flemish and Netherlandish regions around the decades of

1430-1450. Just as other artists and workshops, the style of the Gold Scrolls group is

found accompanied by the style of other artists and traditions. Therefore, it has been

argued that in these regions artists and workshops based their compositions on the style

present in other manuscripts and pattern books, from which they copied the style, figures

and compositions.169

Consequently, workshops could use the style of a particular master,

and not necessarily be associated directly with such master and workshop. Be that as it

may, the resemblances found in Newberry Ms. 56 when compared to those manuscripts

made by the Gold Scrolls group, make the association with the style of this workshop

unquestionable. For the purpose of this chapter I will only address two examples that

hold astounding similarities with Newberry Ms. 56: Walters Ms. 239 and Morgan M. 19,

housed in the Walters Art Museum and the Pierpont Morgan Library, respectively.

According to Melanie Gifford, Newberry Ms. 56 might have functioned as a

model for some of the miniatures in Walters Ms. 239. Walters Ms. 239 was executed

between 1450 and 1462.170

This book of hours presents the style of the Limbourg

brothers, Otto van Moerdrecht and the Gold Scrolls group. However, most of the

miniatures are associated with the Master of the Gold Scrolls.171

According to Gifford,

among the manuscripts that share most of Walters Ms. 239‟s details is Newberry Ms. 56;

however, they are not exact copies.172

The author addresses the scenes of the Crucifixion

169

E. Melanie Gifford, “Pattern and Style in a Flemish Book of Hours: Walters Ms. 239”, The Journal of

the Walters Art Gallery 45 (1987): 91. 170

James Douglas Faquhar, “Manuscript Production and Evidence for Localizing and Dating Fifteenth-

Century Books of Hours: Walters Ms. 239”, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 45 (1987): 45. 171

E. Melanie, “Pattern and Style”, (1987): 90. 172

Ibid., 91. Together with Newberry Ms. 56, Gifford addressed Victoria and Albert Museum Ms. Reid 32

in London; and Upholland College Ms. 106 in Wigan. For more information on all the books of hours she

addresses consult her article.

52

and the Coronation of the Virgin in both manuscripts (Figures 31-32). In both scenes, the

Crucified Christ looks to the left, and so do Mary and John who stand under the Cross.

Mary puts her hands over her chest in a gesture of suffering and John rests his cheek on

his right hand. In the Coronation of the Virgin, Mary sits beside God the father rather

than kneeling, a detail that makes these compositions very unusual.173

In Walters 239,

God blesses the Virgin with his right hand, while in Newberry Ms. 56, God crowns the

Virgin rather than just blessing her. The garments of the figures are also very similar.174

Morgan M. 19 is another book of hours made in the style of the Master of the

Gold Scrolls and holds astounding similarities to Newberry Ms. 56. This book is dated to

around 1440 and was made in Bruges. The compositions used in the miniatures are

almost identical to those in Margaret‟s prayer book; however, in some cases they have

been inverted. For example, in the miniature of the Visitation, Mary and Elizabeth have

been placed in a similar open landscape with mountains in the background. Elizabeth‟s

gesture, garments and colors are practically the same on both manuscripts (Figures 33-

34). Another example occurs in the Annunciation to the Shepherds. Here we can discern

some similarities with the angel in the sky holding a scroll saying “Gloria in Excelsis

Deo”, the three mountains in the background, the bushes and the dog who is attentive to

the delivered message in both manuscripts (Figures 35-36).

In the scene of the Adoration of the Magi similarities are also evident, even

though in Margaret‟s prayer book the scene was again inverted (Figures 37-38). In the

Morgan manuscript, the Virgin appears to the left and is not sitting on a large pink

173

Ibid., 93. 174

Ibid., 94.

53

cushion as in Margaret‟s prayer book. However, the Virgin sitting on this cushion is

present in other manuscripts also made by the Gold Scrolls group.175

In both miniatures,

the Christ Child extends his arms in curiosity to the older of the men. In the background

of both miniatures, two of the Magi seem to be having a conversation perhaps about the

Christ Child himself, while they wait to give the infant his presents. In Margaret‟s prayer

book the containers for the presents lack detail, for some of them are just rounded and

simple; however, in the Morgan manuscript, their shapes are more defined. The

similarities in the crowns and the physical features of the Magi are also worth

mentioning. A striking similarity occurs also in the Pentecost scene of both manuscripts.

The figures have been arranged in the same way and the colors in the garments are

repeated (Figures 39-40). Nevertheless, in Margaret‟s prayer book the faces are more

generic and not as individualized as in the Morgan miniature. Mary‟s figure is almost

identical and so is the composition. The Apostles are arranged in the same manner, and

show the same gestures; the Holy Ghost comes out of a blue cloud with a golden opening

in the middle in both manuscripts.

The examples I discussed are only a few manuscripts in which the style of the

Gold Scrolls group appears. Numerous characteristics can be found in these manuscripts

and others, however, there is insufficient space here to discuss them all in detail. The

style of the Gold Scrolls group can be discerned not only in the miniatures of these folios,

but also in the border decoration and other details. In Newberry Ms. 56, the border

decoration has the particular interwoven patterns of vines and flowers, as well as the

175

Consult Gifford‟s article for more manuscripts related to the Gold Scrolls Group. Also see: M. Smeyers,

“A Mid-Fifteenth Century Book of Hours from Bruges in the Walters Art Gallery (MS. 721) and its

Relation to the Turin-Milan Hours”, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 46 (1988): pp. 55-76.

54

fantastic animals and grotesques that are very characteristic of this style. The repetition of

the same landscapes is another aspect that is constantly found in the Original portion of

Newberry Ms. 56. The use of golden scrolls and golden initials in the backgrounds or

different surfaces is associated with the Bruges workshop and is also found in Newberry

Ms. 56. The similarities in all these manuscripts suggest the use of pattern books and

templates in their execution. One can imagine patrons of manuscripts requesting specific

styles to include in their manuscripts. Even though these templates were repetitive, as it

could be clearly discerned in Morgan M. 19 and Newberry Ms. 56, they could be flipped

and combined in slightly modified compositions. Therefore, despite that the style and

figures remained the same, each manuscript was customized for their particular owners.

The Binding of the Original Portion with the Passion cycle

As noted by Gifford, many of the books that present the style of the Gold Scrolls

group have styles from different workshops as well. Newberry Ms. 56 and Walters 239

are just two examples. Interestingly, both manuscripts present the style of the Master Otto

van Moerdrecht of Utrecht. The presence of numerous artists in just one manuscript

emphasizes “the interchange that must have existed between artists in the northern and

southern Netherlands.”176

As I mentioned earlier, Newberry Ms. 56 presents six full page

illuminations after the calendar, which I named the Passion cycle (ff. 7-12) and were

made in the style of Otto van Moerdrecht.177

The insertion of these full-page illustrations

from Utrecht into the main body of a book of hours made in Bruges surely attests to an

interchange between workshops or artists of Bruges and Utrecht. Nevertheless, there

176

E. Melanie, “Pattern and Style”, (1987): 92. 177

Saenger identified the style of Otto van Moerdrecht in the Passion cycle of Newberry Ms. 56.

55

existed a conflict between manuscript painters and markers of these regions that also adds

to the context and composition of Newberry Ms. 56.

Using surviving primary sources James Faquhar demonstrated that there was a

conflict between illuminators and book producers from Bruges that began at the end of

the fourteenth century; however, the earliest preserved documents about this conflict are

dated to around 1426.178

These attest to an ongoing market of loose pages between

Bruges and other regions like Utrecht. The painters complained that book producers and

sellers “repeatedly b[ought] images made in Utrecht and other places outside the city of

Bruges, images that they s[old] in the city, both with and without books, and which they

peddle[d] to one another.”179

Obviously, this upset the painters‟ guild, for it affected their

profession and their business. To this, the book makers replied that they bought images

outside of the city because they did not find the quantity of images they wanted, even

though they were willing to buy them from Bruges.180

The main problem was those

single images that were bought outside the city and then sold in Bruges and added to

manuscripts, and not those books replete with images made elsewhere.181

In 1426, the rules were reaffirmed; manuscripts producers and sellers were only

allowed to sell images made within Bruges, they had to request them from those who

produced them, and they could not be resold separately, but only in bound or unbound

books and rolls.182

With these regulations whole books could be brought from other

regions, however, the commerce of single-leaf illuminations was permitted but with some

178

James Douglas Faquhar, “Bruges Illuminators and Their Signs”, Viator 11 (1980): 372. 179

Ibid. 180

Ibid., 373. 181

Ibid. 182

Ibid.

56

restrictions. Each workshop or manuscript producer of Bruges who wanted to produce

single-leaf miniatures was required to register a sign with the painters‟ guild and had to

sign their pictures with it in order to identify that they were local artists or workshops.183

Nevertheless, decades later, another document dated to 1457 demonstrates that the

painters‟ guild had found a number of pictures that had not been signed by their

makers.184

The insertion of the Passion cycle to Newberry Ms. 56‟s Original portion, made in

Bruges, could be explained under the light of the market of loose pages that occurred in

these regions. These full-page miniatures do not present any mark, and are not

illuminated on the back side (Figure 41). On their back side, the only detail they present

indicates the hours in Latin (e.g. Ad Matins, Ad Laudem, etc). Because they were left

blank on the back, these images were possibly part of the commerce of single-leaf

illuminations or bounded full-page miniatures meant to be sold in the market. They seem

to have come from the same workshop because their style practically remains the same,

with the exception of the border decoration in the Betrayal scene, and the borders and

miniatures in the Descent of the Cross (Figures 42-43). Because they are not signed and

are full-page illuminations in the style of Otto van Moerdrecht from Utrecht, it is possible

that these illuminations were among the images brought from outside of Bruges and sold

within the city by the book producers and makers. However, the style of Otto van

Moerdrecht presents other issues that require attention.

183

Ibid., 373. 184

Ibid., 374.

57

The Master Otto van Moerdrecht derives his name from a manuscript of an Old

Testament commentary of Nicholas of Lyra which Otto van Moerdrecht, Canon of the

Utrecht Cathedral, gave to the nearby Carthusian monastery of Nieuwlitch in 1424.185

For

many years it was believed that there existed a school of illumination in this monastery.

However, it was noted that the style occurred simultaneously in Utrecht, Guelders, Ijssel

and the monastery of Agnietenberg near Zwolle.186

Many manuscripts from different

locations were attributed to this Master school, but in 1959, this idea was overthrown by

G.I. Lieftinck who argued that the so-called Master of Otto van Moerdrecht was not a

single workshop, but a style that gained popularity.187

He analyzed the oeuvre that had

been attributed to the master and found that even though the styles held general

similarities, different painters could be identified. After Lieftinck‟s analysis, it has been

accepted that several Otto Moerdrecht Masters were working simultaneously at different

places, however, where the style originated and how it was transmitted from region to

region remains unknown.188

The style of the Passion cycle in Newberry Ms. 56 is unquestionably in the Otto

van Moerdrecht style. When looking at manuscripts made in this style, it can be

confirmed. A book of hours (The Hague KB 135 K45), made in Utrecht around 1460-70

and housed in the National Library of the Netherlands, presents just one example. It has

full-page illuminations, just like Margaret‟s prayer book. Taking as examples the scenes

of the Entombment and Christ carrying the Cross, great similarities are found (Figures

44-47). The puppet-like figures that characterize the style of Otto van Moerdrecht are

185

H. L. M. Defoer, A. S. Korteweg, and Wilhelmina C. M. W stefeld, The Golden Age of Dutch

Manuscript Painting, (New York: George Braziller, 1990), 75. 186

Ibid. 187

Ibid.,77. 188

Ibid.

58

clearly discerned, in addition to the exact composition and similar use of colors. The

figures present some variations here and there, but there is no doubt they were made in

the style of this master. Gold leaf was used as background in all of these full-page

miniatures as well.

We might never know when and in what conditions did Margaret received the

manuscript for the first time. However, it is possible that she received the Original

portion with the inserted Passion cycle in the year 1432 as a marriage gift from her

husband or even from her father, Antoine. No record that might tell us who

commissioned it has been found.189

However, there is also the possibility that the book

was not received by Margaret until the years around 1450 when the Dutch portion, which

contained her portrait and the Montfoort-Croy family crest, were inserted. Nevertheless,

considering the lavish and rich environment in which Margaret was raised, characterized

by zealous devotion and competition among noble families, I would consider it abnormal

if she did not own one. As I discussed in the second chapter, this kind of book was very

popular among women, especially among those who had the economic resources to

commission one. Because the Original portion and the Passion cycle were dated around

1430, it is therefore plausible to assume that she received these portions of the prayer

book bound together as a gift in occasion of her marriage.

The Dutch Portion

189

In Hanno Wijsman‟s complete study on the manuscripts commissioned by Burgundian courtiers, the

Croys and the Van Montfoorts are discussed; however, the author did not find any record of manuscripts

from Antoine of Croy or Hendrik van Montfoort. Nevertheless, he does mention in a footnote that a book

of hours was illuminated for Margaret of Croy around 1450, referring only to the last alteration made to the

book.

59

A final addition was made to Margaret‟s prayer book near the year 1450. As I

discussed in the first chapter, perhaps these folios (ff. 109-211) were commissioned for

her prayer book as a response to Jan II van Montfoort‟s attempt to dissolve the marriage

in 1447. This last addition, which I named the Dutch portion, starts with an image of the

Trinity with Crucified Christ (Figure 12), contains prayers in Dutch, and holds

Margaret‟s portrait. In contrast to the level of illumination of the Original portion and the

Passion cycle, the Dutch portion has only two miniatures and the Suffrages which are

also illuminated. The ink is darker than that used in the text of the Original portion and

the margins are much simpler. They were evidently made in different workshops or styles

and periods. The Original portion was made in the style of the Gold Scrolls Master, the

Passion cycle in the style of Otto van Moerdrecht, and this last portion is without a doubt

in the style of the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. Although James Marrow

suggested that the border decoration of these folios resemble the style of the Gijbrecht

Masters, I would like to suggest that the miniatures present their style also.190

The Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode earned their name due to a book of hours

illuminated for the bishop of Utrecht, Gijbrecht van Brederode, around 1465.191

This

manuscript, which is housed in Liege‟s University Library, was illuminated by the

Masters of Gijbrecht and another painter known as the Master of Evert Zoudenbalch

(Figure 48). The border decoration, the historiated initials and nine of the ten large

miniatures have been identified as the work of the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode.192

190

James Marrow briefly mentioned the presence of Gijbrecht van Brededore in the border decoration of

Newberry Ms. 56 in a footnote of his article about the Bout Psalter-Hours, to be discussed in the following

paragraphs. 191 T H. L. M. Defoer, A. S. Korteweg, and Wilhelmina C. M. W stefeld, The Golden Age of Dutch

Manuscript Painting, (George Braziller, 1990), 211. 192

Ibid.

60

In addition to the Master of Evert Zoudenbalch, this style appears together with other

workshops or masters such as the Master of the Boston City of God, the Master of

Haarlem Bible and the Master of the Feathery Clouds. The Masters of Gijbrecht also

worked with the Master of Evert of Zoudenbalch and the Master of the Feathery Clouds

in the Bible of Evert of Zoudenbalch, housed in the Austrian Library in Vienna. In this

manuscript, comprised of two volumes (Cod. 2771-Cod. 2772), the style of Gijbrecht van

Brederode was identified in folio 10 of the first volume, and in the illumination of twenty

four pages of the second volume.193

Along with the style of the Master of the Boston City

of God, the style of Gijbrecht van Brederode was identified in another devotional book

housed in the Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland MA1998.124 (Figure 11).

The style of the Gijbrecht Masters is characterized by elaborated borders filled

with acanthus leaves. However, there are certain manuscripts attributed to the Master of

Gijbrecht that were painted with simpler margins and without the dense elaboration by

which the master is known. Cleveland MA 1998. 124 (c.1460-1465), The Hague KB 133

E 18 (c.1450-60/1460-70)194

and the Bout-Psalter Hours (c. 1453),195

the last two housed

in the National Library of the Netherlands, are some examples of this simpler border

decoration. Newberry Ms. 56 also falls into this group. For Marrow, the less elaborated

borders of manuscripts such as Cleveland‟s have sometimes made the attribution to this

193

Ibid., 201-205. 194

The attribution of The Hague KB 133 E18 to the Master of Gijbrecht van Brederode was of my

knowledge thanks to Ed van der Vlist, who is the Curator of Medieval Manuscripts in the National Library

of the Netherlands. He, too, provided me with illustrations of other manuscripts identified as painted in the

style of these masters. 195

James H. Marrow, “The Bout Psalter-Hours, Dated 1453”, Quorendo 39 (2009): 350. James Marrow

mentioned the presence of Gijbrecht van Brededore in the margins of Newberry Ms. 56 in a footnote of his

article about the Bout Psalter-Hours.

61

master doubtful.196

However, he argues that it is possible that these books were among

the master‟s first illuminations.197

Another aspect that might had also played a role in

painting less elaborated borders would have been the resources of the patron or even their

preferences, aspects that Marrow does not consider.

In all of these books similarities can be found not only in the decoration of the

margins, but also in some of the compositional aspects. As I mentioned previously, in the

Cleveland manuscript the Master of Gijbrecht worked with the Master of the Boston City

of God. In this manuscript, the Master of Gijbrecht executed four full-page miniatures;

among them are the Nativity, God the Father Holding Souls, and the Annunciation.198

The borders surrounding the scene of God the Father with the Souls in this manuscript

(Figure 11) can be closely compared to the border decoration found in Newberry Ms. 56,

f. 109. In both, the simple foliage, in which bright blue and orange tones predominate,

was painted. Although some iconographical variations are evident in the scenes, the

golden background, God‟s throne, His garments and how they fold, the facial features

and the overall composition, are so similar that they seem to indicate their execution by

the same workshop.

The tiny Crucified Christ that God the Father supports in Margaret‟s prayer book

(Figure 12) can be compared to the one in the Crucifixion scene of The Hague KB 133 E

18, f. 50v (Figure 13). The Crucified Christ in Margaret‟s prayer book is the miniature

version of the larger Christ found in the book of hours in The Hague. In this same scene,

there are some details that can help confirm that the Master of Gijbrecht van Brederode

196

T H. L. M. Defoer, A. S. Korteweg, and Wilhelmina C. M. W stefeld, The Golden Age of Dutch

Manuscript Painting, (George Braziller, 1990), 212. 197

Ibid. 198

Provided in the website of the Cleveland Museum of Art.

62

was indeed the painter of Margaret‟s prayer book. The red background with the golden

swirled pattern is present in both scenes, however, in Margaret‟s prayer book it is much

more detailed and delicate, for flowers were painted. Although the ground is of a lighter

green in the scenes, it has three similarly executed hills behind Christ‟s cross. A similarly

executed Christ appears in Margaret‟s portrait (Figure 1), even though his position has

obviously changed and now rests in the hands of the Virgin Mary.

In the Bout Psalter-Hours, housed in the National Library of the Netherlands, the

style of the Gijbrecht Masters is also present. Marrow identified one full-page miniature

painted in this style, the Annunciation scene (Figure 49).199

In this miniature, the

similarities to the border decoration in Margaret‟s prayer book can be discerned. It is

worth noting the use of coat of arms on this page. Once again an equivalent configuration

of the flowers and the tones is seen. Marrow compares the scene from the Bout Psalter-

Hours to another a miniature from a manuscript from the British Library, also in the style

of the Gijbrecht Masters.200

Interestingly, the composition of the scene from the British

Library manuscript (Add. MS 38724, f. 14v) can be compared to Margaret‟s portrait

miniature (Figure 50). The female owner in the British Library manuscript has been

placed on the borders, totally outside of the frame. In Margaret‟s prayer book, only the

train of her dress was painted outside of the frame (Figure 1). Both women kneel to the

objects of their devotion. Therefore, a formula in the composition of owner‟s portraits is

attested. Even though they belong to different lifestyles, for one of them is a nun, they

have been portrayed as elegant, but overall as pious women.

199

James H. Marrow, “The Bout Psalter-Hours, Dated 1453”, Quorendo 39 (2009): 347. 200

Ibid.

63

According to Marrow, the Bout Psalter- Hours was made in the year 1453,

judging from the almanac that begins in this year.201

Even though only one full-page

miniature was painted in the style of the Gijbrecht Masters, the Bout Psalter-Hours is an

analogue example for Newberry Ms. 56. The Bout Psalter-Hours was painted mainly by

the Master of the Haarlem Bible, however, the style of one of the Masters of Gijbrecht

and also the style of Otto van Moerdrecht appears in some of the folios.202

The miniatures

of the Crucifixion and the Pentecost are in the style of Otto van Moerdrecht. It is indeed

interesting to find the work of Otto van Moerdrecht and the Master of Gijbrecht together

once again. Because similar styles appear together in Newberry Ms. 56 and in the Bout

Psalter-Hours, this helps to confirm that Margaret‟s Dutch portion was commissioned and

made around the same decades. As I suggested, it could have been commissioned in the

year 1447 as a response to her father-in-law‟s attempt to dissolve her marriage.

Considering that the execution of an illuminated manuscript takes time, Margaret perhaps

received her prayer book after 1447.

For Marrow, the difference in style and border decoration painted throughout the

Bout Psalter-Hours suggests that the illuminations by different painters were bought on

the open market for insertion into the manuscript.203

The case of Newberry Ms. 56 might

have been as well. The combination of different masters into one manuscript suggests

that it was put together by purchasing bound pages here and there. The Dutch portion was

the only part which was customized for Margaret of Croy, however, not entirely

disconnected from the Original portion and the Passion cycle, an aspect that I will

201

Ibid., 361. 202

Ibid., 347. 203

Ibid., 335.

64

address further in this chapter. Just as Marrow concludes in his article, questions as to

how such a manuscript was altered and different styles were collected together are very

difficult to answer. Prayer books such as the Bout Psalter-Hours and Newberry Ms. 56

can be taken as evidence of the interchange and artistic relationships in the northern

Netherlands. It is almost certain that the intriguing questions they raise will remain a

mystery, as Marrow himself concludes.204

Even though many of these questions will remain unanswered, the particular case

of Margaret of Croy and Newberry Ms. 56 could answer one for sure. Why did Margaret

of Croy have this part of her manuscript illuminated by the Masters of Gijbrecht van

Brederode? The reason why the workshop of the style of the Gijbrecht Masters was

chosen for the illumination of the Dutch portion does not represent a mystery. As it was

mentioned earlier, the Masters of Gijbrecht earned their name for the illumination of a

book of hours that belonged to the bishop of Utrecht, Gijbrecht van Brederode around

1460-1470. Gijbrecht van Brederode was the candidate that Margaret‟s husband

supported as the new bishop of Utrecht in the year 1455. Hendrik IV van Montfoort and

the Van Brederodes favored Gijbrecht van Brederode as the candidate for the bishopric of

Utrecht, without considering the duke‟s candidate.205

Interestingly, these commissions

make the workshop of the Gijbrecht Masters appear as the one preferred by these allied

families of the Netherlands.

Margaret’s devotional portrait

204

Ibid., 352. 205

The duke‟s candidate was his bastard son David.

65

As I have already mentioned, it is in the Dutch portion that Margaret‟s portrait is

found (Figure 1). The compositional aspects of Margaret‟s portrait are not unique, for in

the Late Middle Ages this kind of portrait was popularized in Burgundy and the

Netherlands. Devotional portraits like these were commissioned in panel painting and in

prayer books. Depending on its scale, panel paintings would be used in public spaces like

churches‟ altars or family chapels. However, if they were portable diptychs or triptychs,

their use was more intimate. On the other hand, prayer books were only for private

devotion and their sole audience was their owners. Despite the fact that audiences could

vary, their purpose remained basically the same.

People belonging to the nobility commissioned these portraits in order to

demonstrate their privileged position in society, just by the fact that they could afford

these objects. In Burgundy, for instance, nobles commissioned devotional portraits in

which they often imitated the piety of the princely figures. To be portrayed as pious as

the duke had its social and devotional meaning. As I mentioned in the first chapter,

Philippe of Croy, Margaret‟s cousin, had commissioned a devotional diptych with this

purpose, just as many other families had done (Figure 5-5a). Noble women associated

with Burgundian court also commissioned portraits with this purpose.206

The commission

of these portraits was justified by the higher classes, who believed in their obligation to

inspire those of the lower classes to practice piety.207

Nevertheless, inspiring the lower

classes could not necessarily be the purpose of a devotional portrait inside a prayer book

206

On this matter see: Hand, John Oliver, Catherine A. Metzger and Ron Spronk, Prayers and Portraits:

Unfolding the Netherlandish Diptych, (Washington: National Gallery of Art, 2006). Also see: Wilson, Jean

C., Painting in Bruges at the Close of the Middle Ages: Studies in Society and Visual Culture. University

Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998. 207

Kathleen Louise Kenyon, “Portrait Painting in the Time of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy”,

Master's Thesis, San Jose State University (1996): 35. George Chastellain, the court‟s chronicler, confirmed

that it was the higher classes‟ duty to inspire lower classes in acts of piety.

66

due to its personal use; however, it is very possible that the owner thought deeply about

his or her duties with the lower classes when gazing at their devotional portraits.

The trend of commissioning devotional portraits was not limited to Burgundy.

The numerous surviving examples of devotional portraits in diptychs, triptychs and

prayer books are evidence of its popularity.208

Whether in a panel painting to be

displayed publicly in a church or chapel, a triptych for private devotion or inside a prayer

book, the compositional aspects of these portraits remained the same. Usually the donor

or owner is shown kneeling with hands in prayer, holding a book or even a rosary. They

are kneeling before a divine figure which could be the Virgin and Child, Christ in the

Cross, or their preferred patron saint. What is most interesting about these portraits is

their ability to make clear that the donor is not encountering the divine figure in the same

space and time, but rather that the divine apparition is the result of a vision in the „mind‟s

eye‟ of the devotee.209

According to Craig Harrison, in these portraits, there are certain aspects that

imply that what is being represented is the individual‟s vision, and not reality. A

disconnectedness of the gaze to the presence of the divine figure is just one aspect.210

In

Jan van Eyck‟s panel painting of Canon George van der Paele, Harrison notes that the

represented donor is not looking directly to the divine figure (Figure 51); there is a

physical disjunction between the divine figures represented, which signifies they are not

in the same continuous level of existence.211

These elements, combined with prayer

208

The artworks by Roger van der Weyden, the Limbourg Brothers, Robert Campin, and Jan van Eyck,

among others, are examples of its popularity. 209

Craig Harrison, “Visions and Meditations in Early Flemish Painting”, Simioulous 15 (1985): 100. 210

Ibid., 101. 211

Ibid.

67

books, beads and prayerful attitude, contribute to the understanding that a visionary

experience is being represented.212

The connection of the recitation of prayers to

visionary experience is also made clear in these devotional portraits, for the donor is

always in a prayerful position. An even stronger association of vision to the recitation of

prayers appears in those portraits in which the devotee holds a prayer book.213

What is interesting about devotional portraits is their commissioning by the lay

population. Lay men and women were depicted experiencing these visions in their

devotional portraits; you did not have to be from the clergy to be able to experience these

visions.214

In the Late Middle Ages, contemporary authors from different regions

recommended meditation as part of the routine of reading from prayer books and saying

your devotions.215

Meditations could result in visions, or the visualization of the object of

devotion in your „mind‟s eye‟. In these devotional portraits the experience of each

individual is recorded.216

This is exactly what has been depicted in Margaret‟s portrait.

Margaret of Croy kneels before the Pieta; however, her presence is not to be taken as real

in this representation. What the image represents is Margaret‟s vision or what she is

visualizing in her mind while reading the prayer “O Intimerata”, a prayer in which the

Virgin is addressed and her guidance and protection are sought for the intercession of

one‟s soul. The prayer also describes the moment in which Christ was hanging on the

212

Ibid. 213

Ibid., 102. 214

Ibid., 99. 215

Ibid., 103. 216

Ibid., 102.

68

cross and addressed Mary and John. In the prayer, the devotee reminds the Virgin how

her role of intercessor was recognized even at this final moment in Christ‟s life.217

Even though the disconnectedness of the donor‟s gaze to the divine figure is one

element that is very present in the depiction of these visions, Margaret‟s gaze seems to be

connected to the Virgin Mary‟s. However, it is also possible that the connection is due to

the fact she is picturing herself present at the most painful moment of the Virgin‟s life.

This would have held a great meaning to Margaret each time she read this particular

prayer and gazed at her image. Be that as it may, there is another detail that confirms that

her vision is being depicted. It is worth noting how the train of Margaret‟s dress is

painted outside of the miniature‟s frame. Physically separating donors from their visions

was an important element in these portraits that reinforced the fact that a vision was

represented.218

In diptychs or triptychs, the donor could be depicted in one of the wings,

separated from the divine figures; and in other panel paintings, rivers separated the

earthly from the visionary world.219

In the same vein, in Margaret‟s portrait, the act of

interrupting the frame with her dress suggests a separation between the earthly space and

the world of visions. Even though this might suggest a separation, at the same time,

Margaret entered this visionary world by means of her recitation of prayers and

meditation. Therefore, it is as if both worlds are depicted simultaneously. In Harrison‟s

217

“Be the two upon whom God the Father, through his own Son, specially built his own house, and be the

two in whom the only Son of God the Father, as the reward of your most sincere virginity, confirmed this

as his special privilege, thus saying to you, as he was hanging on the cross, „Woman, behold thy son,‟ and

then to the other, „Behold thy mother.‟ Taken from: Roger Wieck, Times Sanctified (New York: G.

Braziller in Association with the Walters Art Gallery, 1988), 164. 218

Craig Harrison, “Visions and Meditations”, Simioulous 15 (1985): 105. 219

Ibid., 111.

69

words: “The image is not just a physical object, an object of worship. It is the

embodiment of the process of meditation itself.”220

Margaret of Croy Using her Prayer Book

After analyzing each part of the prayer book and Margaret‟s portrait individually,

a comprehensive discussion of how she used the book for her devotions is now possible.

As it has been discussed, Margaret‟s prayer book starts with a Passion cycle of full-page

illuminations without text that were placed after the calendar and which date to around

1430. Even though the Passion cycle (ff. 7-12) was inserted into the Original portion (ff.

1-6, 13-107) of Margaret‟s prayer book, its arrangement was well planned. The Passion

cycle starts with the Betrayal, followed by Christ before Pilate, the Scourging of Christ

and Christ Carrying the Cross. After the scene of Christ Carrying the Cross, an image of

the Crucifixion is naturally expected, however, it was skipped and replaced by the scene

of the Descent of the Cross. The reason why the Crucifixion scene was not included in

the full-page illuminations was to avoid repetition of scenes, for several folios later in the

Hours of the Cross, a scene of the Crucifixion was already part of the main body of the

book (Figure 52).

Around 1450, the Dutch portion was commissioned. This portion included two

miniatures: the Trinity and Margaret‟s devotional portrait, in which she kneels before the

Pieta. In the Trinity miniature, which introduces a prayer that seeks Jesus Christ‟s

protection, God Enthroned holds a tiny Crucified Christ. In Margaret‟s portrait she kneels

before the Pieta and introduces the prayer “O Intimerata”, in which the Virgin is

220

Ibid., 117.

70

addressed directly for protection and reminded of the moment of the Crucifixion.

However, as was mentioned previously, the prayer “O Intimerata” usually came after

another prayer known as “Obsecro Te”, directed to the Virgin, but in which the joys of

Motherhood are addressed and a miniature of the Virgin with Christ Child is commonly

found. Even though the order of these prayers could vary, it is intriguing to note how in

the Dutch portion their order was changed, and the Sorrows of the Virgin are emphasized

over the joys, for both prayers are only introduced by the miniature of Margaret kneeling

before the Pieta.

Despite that the various portions of Margaret‟s prayer book were commissioned

and inserted in different decades, the same theme is emphasized: Christ‟s suffering. From

the moment she opened her prayer book and started gazing at its first illuminated pages,

Margaret of Croy witnessed each moment of Christ‟s Passion. When seeking for the

Virgin‟s and Christ‟s assistance, Margaret would then refer to those prayers for

protection in the Dutch portion, in which the Trinity with a Crucified Christ and the Pieta

would serve as visual aids. Margaret would gaze at them and meditate deeply in Christ‟s

suffering until she felt it as her own suffering, and experienced feelings of compunction,

for as a sinner, she had also been responsible for Christ‟s death. With this in mind, I

would like to suggest that Margaret‟s devotional preferences, as attested by the

miniatures and the inserted Dutch prayers, echo the religious context of the fifteenth

century Netherlands, specifically the religious movement known as the Devotio Moderna.

The emphasis in Christ‟s suffering in Newberry Ms. 56 suggests how Margaret‟s

devotional interests corresponded to the religious tendencies of her time and region.

71

The foundations for the renowned fifteenth-century religious movement, Devotio

Moderna, were laid by the Dutchman Geert Groote (1340-1384). Groote left his mark in

Deventer, Zwolle, Kampen, Utrecht, Amsterdam, Haarlem and other regions, where the

“fires of devotion were kept burning brightly, after [he] passed on.”221

Groote was

concerned about the religious practices of the lay population, and for this reason he

translated from the Latin many important religious texts of the past. 222

His translations

were mainly prayers for daily use such as the Hours. His Dutch Hours spread beyond the

Devotionalists circles and communities and became one of the favorite texts among the

Dutch lay population.223

His followers continued the translation of texts to the vernacular,

mainly prayer books and meditation texts.224

Their piety and practices were widely

imitated by lay groups and monasteries.225

Among Geert Groote‟s messages was the imitation of Christ. Groote wanted the

clergy and the lay population “to follow the footsteps of Christ, to bear his cross in

humble submission.”226

Their religious literature was Christocentric and focused on the

Passion. Meditating on the Passion was the emphasis of Geert Groote in his writings, as

well as in the writings of his successors such as Florens Radewijns (d. 1400), Gerard

Zerbolt van Zutphen (d. 1398), and Thomas a Kempis (d. 1471).227

The Devotionalists

did not just recommend meditation upon Christ‟s life and Passion, but circulated

221

Albert Hyma, The Christian Renaissance: A History of the ‘Devotio Moderna’, 2nd

ed. (Hamden,

Conneticut: Archon Books, 1965) 14. 222

Eugene Honeé, “Image and Imagination in the Medieval Culture of Prayer: A Historical Perspective”, in

Henk van Os, The Art of Devotion in the Late Middle Ages in Europe 1300-1500, Michael Hoyle, trans.

(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 168. 223

Ibid. 224

Ibid. 225

James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early

Renaissance: A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Narrative, (Kortrijk,

Belgium: Van Ghemmert Pub. Co., 1979), 20. 226

Albert Hyma, The Christian Renaissance, 2nd ed. (Archon Books, 1965), 24. 227

James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography, (Van Ghemmert Pub. Co., 1979), 20.

72

appropriate literary material on the subject. For example, in the Tractulus devotus,

Florens Radewijns provided the reader with a review of the Passion for meditation on

each day of the week. Thomas a Kempis, in addition to the Imitatio Christi, wrote a life

of Christ in the form of daily prayers and meditations called the Orationes et

meditationes de vitta Christi.228

With the circulation of texts that focused on Christ, an interest in Passion

literature increased in the Netherlands. Theologians helped establish Passion meditation

in these regions, which resulted in the creation of a body of literature that focused on

accounts of the Passion. 229

These “Passion tracts”, as Marrow calls them, assumed an

unexpected popularity. According to Marrow, three major factors contributed to the

development of Passion tracts.230

First, because the Devotionalists highly valued books,

the copying of manuscripts was widely practiced. Second, the use of the vernacular in the

spiritual movement increased, which paved the way for compositions and creative

passion accounts by any devout person.231

And third, the emphasis on creative spiritual

life made by the Devotionalists also played an important part.232

Marrow notes the

support of a creative spiritual life in their use of rapiaria or books, in which one could

write down any lessons or thoughts for personal meditation.233

The evolution of these Passion tracts confirms the intense devotion to Christ that

took place in fifteenth-century Netherlands.234

They consisted of the most vivid accounts

228

Ibid., 21. 229

Ibid. 230

Ibid. 231

Ibid., 22 232

Ibid. 233

Ibid. 234

Ibid.

73

of Christ‟s suffering on his way to the Crucifixion. The brutality of Christ‟s tormentors

was described in detail and even new versions of the Passion and “unknown” events were

created.235

One of the most elaborate Passion tracts of the Netherlands was titled The

Secret Passion. Not surprisingly, this Christocentric fervor found in literature had its

equivalent in the visual arts that were produced in the Netherlands.236

Like the authors of

Passion literature, artists played an important role in the distribution and popularization

of the narratives through imagery that illustrated what the accounts described.237

Margaret of Croy‟s prayer book was commissioned during the years in which this

religious movement was in its development and its texts and messages spread throughout

the Netherlands. Translation to the vernacular language was an aspect that contributed to

its development. Therefore, it is not surprising to find Dutch prayers in Margaret‟s prayer

book as in many other manuscripts made in Utrecht around this time. However, most of

the book is written in Latin, and only a few prayers were written in Dutch, folios 189-

209. Most of the Dutch prayers included for Margaret in this part of her book constantly

address Christ and the Virgin for protection and guidance.238

This selection of Dutch

prayers addressing Christ, serves as a complementary collection of texts to Margaret‟s

program of images that emphasized Christ‟s suffering; only here, Margaret read her

prayers in vernacular and hence their recitation must have been even more personal.

235

Ibid., 24. 236

Ibid., 28. 237

Ibid. The Passion tracts played an important role in the creation of new iconographical motives related

to the Passion. Just as the passion tracts described in detailed many of the “unknown” events, so did the

visual arts. In his study, Marrow shows imagery which emphasizes Christ‟s suffering crudely, however, he

also addresses more common types of Christ Carrying the Cross and the Betrayal scene. 238

Paul Saenger, A Catalogue of the Pre-1500 Western Manuscript Books at the Newberry Library,

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 105-106.

74

Surrounded by the religious currents of the Devotio Moderna, its emphasis on

intense and personal meditation on the life of Christ, and by the body of Passion literature

that emerged, Margaret‟s prayer book was commissioned. As a pious noble lady,

Margaret and her husband Hendrik, must have attended Mass regularly. They must have

been participants of the “Passion-mania” that characterized this period and region. The

inclusion of a Passion cycle of images (c. 1430) at the beginning of Margaret‟s prayer

book suggests that whoever commissioned it was aware of the religious tendencies of the

time and considered their inclusion in the main body of the prayer book as fundamental

to attain meditation on the Passion of Christ. The miniatures in the Dutch portion (c.

1447-1450) once again demonstrate an interest in Christ‟s Passion, using imagery as the

visual aid to achieve deep meditation. It is now time to explore how Margaret, as the sole

audience, engaged with this imagery and how she used it for her purposes.

If Margaret of Croy was a very devout woman, she would open her prayer book at

specific times of the day, perhaps in the intimacy of her bedroom in Utrecht. The Passion

cycle of full-page illuminations is one of the most intriguing parts of her prayer book for

its lack of text. The only text that these miniatures have is on its back side, indicating the

medieval hours of the day on each in red ink: Ad primum (6:00 am), Ad tertiam (9:00

am), Ad Sextam (noon), Ad Vesperas (sunset), Ad Completorium (evening). However, it

omits None (3:00 pm). Thus “Ad Primum” would indicate to Margaret the time in which

she was to contemplate an image, that is, “towards the first hour” of the day. Now, how

did Margaret used these images? Did she use the Passion cycle as a contemplation and

meditation exercise by themselves, or did she use them as complementary visual aid for

75

her prayers? As it shall be argued, certain aspects of the book‟s composition open up the

possibility for both alternatives.

It is worth noting how instead of starting with the Hours of the Virgin, Margaret‟s

prayer book begins with the Short Hours of the Cross. These prayers briefly inform each

phase of Christ‟s Passion on his way to the Cross. The only miniature introducing this

office is the Crucifixion, to be contemplated around Matins, or daybreak (Figure 52). The

Passion cycle was perhaps inserted to serve as a visual aid to these prayers. For example,

in the prayer to be read around the first hour of the day, the event of Christ before Pilate

is mentioned. When looking back at the scene of Christ before Pilate from the Passion

cycle, it is worth noting how, in red ink, “Ad Primam” faces this same scene in the

Passion cycle (Figure 53). Therefore, the Passion cycle inserted at the beginning of the

prayer book and the text of the Hours of the Cross could work together, for parallels are

found in most, but not all, of the miniatures.239

Thus if Margaret prayed from the Short

Hours of the Cross, she would go back and gaze at the miniatures each time she wished

for a visual to complement her reading.

By itself, the Passion cycle would have served for contemplation as well.

Medieval observers were aware of the capacity of images “to provoke vivid imaginative,

even visionary, response.”240

Therefore, with the emphasis on Christ‟s Passion that

characterized fifteenth-century Netherlands, it is very likely that Margaret gazed at these

239

In Terce of the Hours of the Cross, the description does not coincide with the image. The text describes

the crown of thorns put on Christ‟s head and how he started to carry the cross. In the image we see Christ‟s

tormentors whipping Christ. Nevertheless, an idea of pain caused by his tormentors remains. A similar

disagreement occurs with “Ad sextam”, in which Christ‟s tormentors are described on the text, but in the

image we have Christ carrying the Cross. 240

Jeffrey Hamburger, “Seeing and Believing: The Suspicion of Sight and the Authentication of Vision in

Late Medieval Art and Devotion,” in Alessandro Nova and Klaus Kruger, eds. Imagination und

Wirklichkeit: Zum Verhaltnis von mentalen und realen Bildern in der Kunst der fr hen Neuzeit (Mainz:

Von Zabern, 2000), 48.

76

images as a contemplation exercise to attain a meditative state on the Passion of Christ.

The physical eyes were considered the “windows of the soul”, and the means by which

physical objects were imprinted on one‟s soul.241

From this perspective, once imprinted,

Margaret would then gaze inward with the eyes of her soul, attaining a higher state.

Gazing at the Passion scenes would certainly aid Margaret to store these images in her

imagination. In the medieval discourse, imagination was considered an essential and

objective instrument of memory that enabled “reason, speech, instruction and

edification”, which were part of the devotional process.242

While I do not intend to

ascribe mystics‟ visions to Margaret, I consider the latter discourses as relevant points to

consider when studying these kinds of devotional images, especially when these books

were personal objects, held between one‟s hands and scrutinized at such close distance.

The fact that the Passion cycle presents no accompanying prayers opens up

numerous possibilities in which Margaret of Croy could have used them. These images

could also have been used when she prayed the rosary. The rosary had also been affected

by the currents of the Devotionalists. Instead of focusing solely on the figure of the

Virgin Mary, the rosary started to emphasize Jesus; now the devout individual also

meditated on Christ‟s Life and Passion, and on the model to follow that Christ‟s figure

represented.243

However, this does not mean that Margaret of Croy could not use all of

her prayer book‟s images for these purposes as well. In fact, she could have been flipping

the pages as she prayed the rosary, or chose to only concentrate on her devotional portrait

at times.

241

Ibid., 47. 242

Ibid. 243

Ann Winston, “Tracing the Origins of the Rosary: German Vernacular Texts”, Speculum 68 (1993): 632.

77

Margaret could have also taken her book to Mass. The liturgical interpretation of

the Mass and hourly prayers was connected with the individual stages of the Passion.244

According to Thomas Lentes, in Late Medieval liturgy, exact instructions were given as

to which stage of the Passion corresponded to a specific prayer or psalm.245

Pictorial

panels representing the different stages of the Passion were placed around the church for

these purposes.246

Therefore, it is likely that Margaret‟s carried her book to Mass, where

she had her own full-page miniatures of the Passion to look at when this subject was

addressed. Considering the Devotio Moderna movement, so fervent in the Netherlands, it

can be assumed that Christ‟s Passion and specifically his imitation, were constantly

addressed in Mass. These lessons, acquired in a more public space, would have certainly

influenced the way she gazed at the miniatures, her meditation and recitation, when she

used her prayer book in an intimate space.

We can imagine how Margaret contemplated and meditated on each of the

images. After consulting the calendar to remind herself of the feast days, she would gaze

at the Passion cycle. The Betrayal was the first scene she would encounter (Figure 42).

There, the kiss of Judas would have certainly reminded her that this event marked the

beginning of Christ‟s suffering, and how the human condition was even capable of

betraying the Son of God. The following scene, Christ before Pilate, would remind

Margaret of the injustice caused to Christ, which was even recognized by Pilate (Figure

53). In this scene, Christ arrested as a criminal would make Margaret feel guilty of

244

Thomas Lentes, “ „As Far as the Eye can See…‟: Rituals of Gazing in the Late Middle Ages” in Marie

Bouche and Jeffrey Hamburger, The Mind’s Eye: Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages,

(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006), 367. 245

Ibid. 246

Lentes addresses specifically panel paintings known as Table of Hours, which represented seven images

to contemplate for each hour of the Stations of the Cross.

78

Christ‟s suffering. The next scene was the Scourging of Christ (Figure 41). Here

Margaret would come across with Christ‟s tormentors for the first time in this cycle.

Scenes like these, in which pain was caused to Christ‟s flesh, served as significant visual

aids to meditate on Christ‟s suffering. The following scenes were Christ Carrying the

Cross and the Descent of the Cross (Figure 47, 43). These images showed Christ before

and after the main event, the Crucifixion. First, Margaret gazed at Christ bearing the

heavy Cross on his shoulders, the same Cross in which he was going to be put to death.

After this folio, Margaret would contemplate the moment in which Christ‟s body was

taken down from the Cross. The cycle of images ended with the Crucifixion at the

beginning of the Short Hours of the Cross (Figure 52).

The profound contemplation of the Passion cycle at the beginning of her book, as

well as the currents of the Devotio Moderna, would have certainly influenced Margaret‟s

perception of all these images. After contemplating and reading about each stage of the

Passion and experiencing Christ‟s suffering as her own, almost at the end of her prayer

book, Margaret would have encountered her portrait (Figure 1). The contemplation

exercise at the beginning of her book filled Margaret‟s mind with thoughts, feelings and

images about the Passion of Christ. Therefore, when she encountered her portrait, in

which she is shown before the Mother of God holding her dead Son, the perception was

different. That very moment of inward meditation, in which she imagined and

experienced Christ Suffering‟s, was now a painted scene. Her visionary experience,

which was supposed to be invisible, had become visible in her devotional portrait. She

was capable of gazing at her visionary experience with her physical eyes. In return, her

79

physical eyes, as “the windows of the soul”, would imprint the image and the

understanding of her vision onto her soul.

Conclusion

In the present chapter, each individual part of Newberry Ms. 56 was analyzed to arrive at

a clear understanding of how the owner, Margaret of Croy, engaged with it. The Latin

text was not discussed in detail for these prayers are commonly found in Books of Hours

and other kinds of prayer books, and their content remains basically the same. However,

the relevant aspects that grant Margaret‟s prayer book a certain individuality were

discussed. Now the specific styles in which the book was made are known: the Gold

Scrolls group, the Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode and the Masters of Otto van

Moerdrecht. The inclusion of different styles and workshops bound in a manuscript attest

to the interchange between artists during the Middle Ages.

An interest in Christ‟s Passion was detected in Margaret‟s prayer book, through

the inclusion of a Passion cycle of full-page illuminations without text inserted at the

beginning. This interest was probably influenced and reinforced by the currents and

practices of the Devotio Moderna in the Netherlands, a religious movement

contemporaneous with the decades in which the different parts of Margaret‟s prayer book

were commissioned and made. The combination of the Passion cycle at the beginning of

the prayer book and her devotional portrait almost at the end, contributed to emphasize

Christ‟s suffering. Margaret meditated on Christ‟s Passion using her prayer book in

intimate spaces, such as her bedroom; however, she could have used it in more crowded

80

spaces such as Mass. Whether in a private or public space, the experience of gazing and

meditating with the aid of these images remained personal.

81

Conclusion: Margaret of Croy Reassembled

The study of Newberry Ms. 56 and the life of its female owner has presented an

assemblage of pieces. Just as Margaret‟s life was a total mystery, the composition of her

prayer book is intriguing as well. Certainly, Margaret‟s prayer book is equally important

for its aesthetic qualities as it is for its function as a historical document. The present

study has not only provided us with the possibility of exploring and elucidating

Margaret‟s devotional practices, but also understanding aspects of the secular world in

which she was raised and lived.

The composition of the prayer book‟s contents was another aspect that was put

into question. Newberry Ms. 56 presents the styles of different workshops: the Gold

Scrolls Group, Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht and Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode.

The fact that they were bound together speaks to the illuminated manuscript market that

existed in Europe up to the Late Middle Ages. Unfortunately, few records that can

provide a notion on how the markets and workshops worked have been preserved. These

records include pattern and documented conflicts between guilds. The manuscript surely

reflects the interchange between artists and workshops of the time, but even though this

seems like great evidence, there needs more to be done on this matter.

As a noble lady, having a prayer book was considered very common and even

essential to be instructed in proper and pious behavior. Perhaps, her book was a gift from

her husband Hendrik IV in occasion of their marriage in 1432. This opens up the

possibility of reading the book‟s imagery, especially its marginalia, from a gendered

perspective, for it was likely a male figure who commissioned it for his wife. However,

82

due to the lack of sources pertaining to Margaret of Croy, these questions will remain

unanswered, unless documentation that could add to this aspect is discovered.

Another aspect that remains a mystery is the fact that most of Margaret‟s prayer

book was written in Latin. At this point in fifteenth century Netherlands, it was more

common that prayer books were written in Dutch. Only a few were written in Latin and

their audience was limited to ecclesiastics and members of the nobility, who were often

educated and supervised by clerics.247

This poses several questions in regards to the

degree of Latin knowledge Margaret had. Did she have a general knowledge of Latin

through its constant recitation at Mass? Could she read the Latin text from her prayer

book? Did she have a personal confessor who would help her understand her prayer book

and its program of miniatures? These are questions that cannot be answered; however,

this thesis would not be complete if they are not raised. Hopefully, documents that might

answer some of these questions will be found in the future.

I can put an end to the present investigation stating that Margaret of Croy has

been reassembled. Her name had been only mentioned in genealogy books about the

Croys and related to her husband Hendrik IV van Montfoort. Now, Margaret of Croy has

a context and a life. Although these were extracted gathering information from a variety

of sources and focusing mainly on her perceptions, the present study has definitely shed

light on her figure. Margaret of Croy was not just the daughter of Antoine of Croy and

wife of Hendrik IV van Montfoort. Margaret was a pious noble lady raised in the context

of the most celebrated court of the Late Middle Ages, the Burgundian court of Philip the

247

Rob Duckers, Ruud Priem, Gregory Clark, et al, The Hours of Catherine of Cleves: Devotion, Demons

and Daily Life in the Fifteenth Century, (New York: Abrams, 2009), 19.

83

Good. Due to her lineage and family‟s position, she was married to Hendrik IV van

Montfoort, who belonged to a powerful noble family in the Netherlands. Her marriage

alliance was important, not only for her and her family, but for the duke himself, who

used it as a way of extending his power to these regions which had been difficult to

conquer. Margaret of Croy existed. Her existence is not only confirmed with the presence

of male figures in her life, but also because she owned a fascinating prayer book which

was her personal devotional object and the only property that surely brings us the closest

to her figure.

84

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APPENDIX OF ILLUSTRATIONS

89

Figure 1. Margaret of Croy Kneeling Before the Pieta (c.

1447-1450) Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. Chicago,

Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 151r.

Figure 2-2a. Left: Detail of the Montfoort-Croy coat of

arms. Right: Diagram of the Montfoort-Croy coat of

arms. Chicago, Newberry Library, Newberry Ms. 56, f.

151r.

Figure 3-3a. Left: Detail of Montfoort coat of

arms. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale de

France, Arsenal 4790, f. 33v. Right: Detail of

the Croy coat of arms. The Hague,

Koninlkijke Bibliotheek, KB 76 E 10, f. 65r.

90

Figure 4. Messire de Croy. Paris, Bibliotheque

Nationale de France, Arsenal 4790, f. 145v.

Figure 5-5a.Dyptich showing Philippe of Croy in prayer. Left: Virgin and Child. Middle: Philippe

de Croy in prayer. Right: Croy family crest on the reverse side of Phillippe‟s portrait (c. 1454)

Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum Voor Skoone Kunsten.

91

Figure 6. Fascimile of Philip the Good‟s

prayer book-diptych. Arizona, University

Library (Original manuscript 1430-50 and

housed in Vienna, Österreichische

Nationalbibliothek)

Figure 7. Philip the Good at Mass (c. 1457) Brussels,

Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique, Ms. 9092, f. 9r.

Figure 8. Portrait of Isabella of Portugal (c.

1450) Roger van der Weyden. Los

Angeles, Paul J. Getty Museum.

Figure 9. Philip the Good, Isabella of Portugal and

Charles kneeling before the Virgin and Child (1808).

Drawing by Domingo Antonio de Sequeira based on an

altarpiece by Roger van der Weyden. Lisbon, Museu

Nacional de Arte Antiga.

92

Figure 10. Isabella of Portugal with patron saint (1457-60)

Petrus Christus. Belgium, Grooening Museum.

Figure 11. Gold with Three Souls (1460-1465)

Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. Cleveland,

Cleveland Museum of Art, MA 1998. 124, f. 176v.

Figure 12. God Enthroned with Crucified Christ

(c. 1447-1450) Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms.

56, f. 109.

93

Figure 13. The Crucifixion (1450-1460/1460-70)

Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. The Hague,

Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 133 E 18, f. 50v.

Figure 14. Mary Magdalene engaged in

reading (before 1438) Roger van der

Weyden. London, National Gallery of Art.

Figure 16. The Annunciation (c. 1430) Chicago,


Figure 15. Saint Anne teaching the Virgin

Mary to read (c. 1419) London, British

Library, Harley 2897, f. 340v.

94

Figure 17. Detail of Female Grotesque

(1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters

Museum, The Cloisters Hours, f. 143r.

Figure 18. Saint Louis disciplined by his

confessor (1324-1328) New York, The

Cloisters Museum, The Cloisters Hours, f.

103.

Figure 19 Annunciation with portrait of

Jeanne d‟Evreux (1324-1328) New York,

The Cloisters Hours, f. 16.

Figure 20-20a. Detail of rabbits and hares

(1324-1328) New York, The Cloisters

Museum, The Cloisters Hours, ff. 177r,

160r.

95

Figure 21. The Miracle of Saint Louis with

portrait of Jeanne (1324-1328) New York, The

Cloisters Museum, f.102v.

Figure 22. Isabel of Byron kneeling before

Christ Crucified (1335-1340) London,

British Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f.

27v.

Figure 23. Isabel of Byron kneeling before

Saint Christopher and Christ Child (1335-

1340) London, British Library, BL Egerton

MS 2781, f. 36v.

Figure 24. Isabel of Byron with daughter or

granddaughter (1335-1340) London,

British Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f.

122v.

96

Figure 25. Isabel of Byron as a widow in the Roman

siege of Jerusalem (1335-1340) London, British

Library, BL Egerton MS 2781, f. 190v.

Figure 26. Medieval woman‟s seal.

London, British Library, BL LXXVIII.I9.

Figure 27. All Saints before God the Father (c.

1440) New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, MS.

M. 917, f. 115v.

Figure 28. Catherine of Cleves kneeling

before the Virgin (c. 1440) New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library, Ms. M. 945, f. IV.

97

Figure 29. Catherine of Cleves dispensing

alms (c. 1440) New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, MS. 917, p. 65.

Figure 30. Catherine of Cleves kneeling

before Christ Crucified (c. 1440) New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library, MS. 917, p. 160.

Figure 31. Coronation of the Virgin (c.

1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,

Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f.

Figure 32. Coronation of the Virgin (1450-

1462) Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery,

Walters Ms. 239, f. 78v.

98

Figure 33. Visitation (c. 1430) The Gold

Scrolls Group. Chicago, Newberry Library,

Ms. 56, f. 36.

Figure 34. Visitation (c. 1440) The Gold

Scrolls Group. New York, Pierpont Morgan

Library, M. 19, f. 37v.

Figure 35. Annunciation to the shepherds

(c.1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,


Figure 36. Annunciation to the Shepherds

(c.1440) The Gold Scrolls Group. New

York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M. 19, f.

50v.

99

Figure 37. The Adoration of the Magi (c.

1430) The Gold Scrolls Group. Chicago,


Figure 38. The Adoration of the Magi (c.

1440) The Gold Scrolls Group. New York,

Pierpont Morgan Library M. 19, f. 54v.

Figure 39. Pentecost c.1430) The Gold

Scrolls Group. Chicago, Newberry Library,

Ms. 56, f. 22.

Figure 40. Pentecost (c.1440 ) The Gold

Scrolls Group. New York, Pierpont

Morgan Library, M. 19, f. 95r.

100

Figure 41. Left: “Ad Tertiam”in red ink. Right: The Scourging of Christ (c. 1430)

Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, ff. 8v-9r.

Figure 42. The Betrayal (c.1430) Masters

of Otto van Moerdrecht and unknown

painter. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms.

56, f. 7.

Figure 43. Descent from the Cross (c.

1430) Unknown painter. Chicago,


101

Figure 44. The Entombment (c. 1430-

1450) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht.

The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB

135 K45, f. 62v.

Figure 45. The Entombment (c. 1430)

Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago,

Newberry, Ms. 56, f. 12.

Figure 46. Christ Carrying the Cross (c.

1430-1450) Masters of Otto van

Moerdrecht. The Hague, Koninklijke

Bibliotheek, KB 135 K45, f. 48v.

Figure 47. Christ Carrying the Cross (c.

1430) Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht.

Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 10.

102

Figure 49. The Annunciation (c.1453)

Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. The

Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, KB 79 K

11, f. 17v.

Figure 50. Christ appearing to Mary after

the Resurrection. Master of Gijbrecht van

Brederode. London, British Library, Add.

MS 38724, f. 14v.

Figure 48. The Coronation of the Virgin (c.1460) Book of Hours of Gijbrecht van

Brederode. Masters of Gijbrecht van Brederode. Liege, Université de Liège, Ms.

Witter 13, ff. 13v-14r.

103

Figure 51. The Virgin and Child with Canon van der

Paele (1436) Bruges, Groeninge Museum.

Figure 52. The Crucifixion with Mary and

John (c.1430) The Gold Scrolls Group.

Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 20.

Figure 53. Left: “Ad Primam” in red ink. Right: Christ before Pilate (c. 1430)

Masters of Otto van Moerdrecht. Chicago, Newberry Library, Ms. 56, f. 8.

104

Figure 54. The Burgundian Netherlands.

105

Table 1. The Lords of Croy. (Margaret appears as Marie de Croy)

Author: George Martin.

106

Table 2. Main patrons of illuminated manuscripts. Author: Hanno

Wijsman.

Table 3. Patronage of books of hours. Author: Hanno Wijsman.

REASSEMBLING MARGARET OF CROY

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