PURPLE-DYE PRODUCTION IN LYCIA ? RESULTS OF AN ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL FIELD SURVEY IN ANDRIAKE...

GERHARD FORSTENPOINTNER, URSULA QUATEMBER, ALFRED GALIK,GERALD WEISSENGRUBER AND ANDREAS KONECNY

PURPLE-DYE PRODUCTION IN LYCIA – RESULTS OFAN ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL FIELD SURVEY IN ANDRIAKE(SOUTH-WEST TURKEY)

Summary. In 2003 a substantial deposit of heavily fragmented shells ofpurple snails was by chance located at the site of Andriake, the ancient port ofthe Lycian city of Myra near Demre, in southern Turkey. The archaeozoologicaland archaeological record of a survey project in 2004 proved the identificationof a large installation for the production of purple dye. Adjacent to a wellpreserved Hadrianic granary and partly superimposing the remains of aU-shaped building, the deposit is wrapped around three sides of a subterraneancistern. Apparently dating to the sixth century AD, the deposit containsapproximately 300 m3 of shell debris. The unique chance of examining anundisturbed and well preserved manufacturing place for purple dye providesan excellent opportunity to investigate the processual particularities as well asthe ecological impact of purple-dye production in antiquity.

introduction

In the summer of 2003, in the course of private excursions in Lycia, a strikingaccumulation of heavily fragmented purple snails (mainly Hexaplex trunculus) was found inAndriake, the port of the ancient city of Myra on the south-western coast of Turkey. Lacking anysuperimposed structures the massive heaps of shells suggested the location of a purple-production centre which shows no obvious trace of later disturbance. This hypothesis wasverified in an archaeozoological field survey the following summer.1

Up until the present time, archaeological research in Andriake has been restricted to afew survey projects that yielded more or less elaborate descriptions and sketch plans of thediscernible ruins (Borchhardt 1975; Wurster 1996; Grossmann and Severin 2003, passim).2

1 The authors owe thanks to the official representative of the Turkish government, E. Torunlar, and to the directorof the Austrian Archaeological Institute, F. Krinzinger, as well as to S. Pfeiffer-Tas and T. and B. Marksteiner formost valuable local aid. F. Hild, S. Ladstätter, V. Scheibelreiter and A. Waldner provided skilled scientific aid inelaboration of this paper.

2 Additional evidence will be provided by the results of an archaeological survey that was conducted under thedirection of T. Marksteiner in summer 2005.

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY 26(2) 201–214 2007© 2007 The AuthorsJournal compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UKand 350 Main Street Malden, MA 02148, USA. 201

Discussing a not yet published inscription referring to a purple workshop in Andriake, S. Sahinmentioned also the accumulation of shells (Sahin 1999, 38).

the site

Topographical and historical setting

The city of Andriake (Fig. 1) is situated around a bay, now, completely silted formedby the mouth of the river Andriakos (modern Kokar Çayı), approximately 5 km south-west ofthe ancient city of Myra (Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol. 2, 439). Owing to the lack ofexcavations in this area, the most important source on the history of the settlement – togetherwith the archaeological remains preserved above ground – are a few statements by ancientauthors.3

Even though the bay might have functioned as a harbour earlier, maybe even equippedwith appropriate building structures, the sources remain silent about Andriake until 197 BC whenAntiochos III took over the city, which until then had belonged to the Ptolemaic realm of Lycia(Zimmermann 1992, 220). According to W. Wurster, the fortification wall along the southern

3 Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, 435–9 with earlier literature; for a history of Central Lycia see Zimmermann 1992,for Andriake esp. 219–28. Cf. also Foss 1994, 24–5.

granary

plakoma

cistern

church “C”

byzantine

structures

N

harbour street

absidial b

uildings

A, A1 and B

northern city

southern city

0 100 m

Andriakesketch plan of the city areaafter Borchhardt (1975) and Wurster (1996) with alterations

UQ 1/06

ancient harbour / modern swamp area

modern shorelineMediterranean

Sea

basilica “D”

necropolis

river Andriakos

Figure 1Sketch plan of Andriake.

PURPLE-DYE PRODUCTION IN LYCIA

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY© 2007 The Authors

Journal compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.202

crest of the Andriake peninsula can be dated to Hellenistic times (Wurster 1975). So far thesewalls are the only known remains at the site which can be securely dated to the pre-Romanperiod.4 Subsequently Andriake was conquered by P. Lentulus Spinther in 42 BC. In AD 59 theapostle Paulus had to stay at Andriake before boarding a ship to Rome as a prisoner coming fromAdramyttion (Acts of the Apostles 27,5).

Andriake’s harbour and geographical position contributed to its importance as anintermediate stop for ships transporting grain from Egypt to Rome and later to Constantinople,both testified to by a very well preserved granary from Hadrianic times (Borchhardt 1975, 66)and by written sources such as the Acts of the Apostles mentioned above and the Vita ofHosios Nikolaos of Sion (Ševcenko and Patterson Ševcenko 1984, 31, 65, 67). The latterespecially shows the continuous significance of the place until at least the seventh century AD.According to Hellenkemper and Hild (2004, 438) alterations in some of the churches can bedated to the middle Byzantine era and thus argue for the existence of a settlement even up tothis time.

The area of the so-called ‘plakoma’

Owing to its exceptionally good state of preservation, the Hadrianic granary and acistern to its east attracted the attention of even the earliest visitors to the site (for the history ofresearch cf. Borchhardt 1975, 39 ff). J. Borchhardt published a study of Myra and its portAndriake, including a sketch plan of the harbour’s north and south area. In his survey of theextant remains he paid special attention to the granary and the area east of it, referred to as‘plakoma’.5 In 1976 W. Wurster conducted another survey of the area south of the harbour,producing a more detailed plan (Fig. 1) of the city (Wurster 1996, fig. 8). Today, part of the areais inaccessible owing to a rise in water-level, the marshy terrain and some heavy overgrowth.

Directly to the east of the granary the so-called ‘plakoma’ forms a square ofapproximately 40 by 30 m. While the west, north and east sides of the square are surrounded bya U-shaped structure, its southern side is taken up by an underground cistern. Even though theU-shaped building is mostly destroyed, its basic structure can be discerned (cf. sketch planFig. 2). The walls consist of ashlar masonry, preserved up to three–four courses and reachingmaximum heights of 1 to 1.50 m. Approximately in the middle of the northern flank a passageacross the building was accessible through a door in its northern facade. The entrance is stillpreserved up to its lintel. One layer of stones visible in front of the east wing could be interpretedas a stylobate and thus suggests that at least part of the structure could have been equipped witha portico. A couple of dislocated column drums seem to support this hypothesis.

4 The absence of earlier buildings – in combination with Livy’s emphasis of Patara’s role in the military conflictwith the Romans in the first century BC – might be taken as an indication of Andriake’s minor role among Lyciancities, most probably owing to its function as the harbour place of a dominant mother city; cf. Zimmermann 1992,221–2.

5 Following Borchhardt 1975, 66, n. 61 the name ‘plakoma’ refers to stone slabs, probably those that are coveringthe cistern. The toponym ‘plakoma’ has caused confusion since it is mentioned in the Vita of Hosios Nikolaos indifferent topographic contexts (Anrich 1913, 68, 78, 83, 252). Anrich’s attempt to reconcile them (Anrich 1917,530–2) has not been accepted. Thus, Zimmermann 1992, 223–5 and Blum 1997, 101 argue for two different placeswith that name, one in the area of Myra, the other one being a place in Andriake, probably the local agora. Cf. alsoHellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol. 2, 436, 438 n. 13, 814.Following previous research the term ‘plakoma’ for the area around the cistern will be retained in this article.

GERHARD FORSTENPOINTNER ET AL.

OXFORD JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY© 2007 The AuthorsJournal compilation © 2007 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 203

According to J. Borchhardt the ‘plakoma’ should be interpreted as the commercial agoraof Andriake (Borchhardt 1975, 65–6). The relative smallness of the rooms and its proximity tothe imperial granary suggest indeed a function related to trade and commerce (Fig. 2).

The cistern is a subterranean vaulted structure visible from the top only by its coveringin the form of massive stone slabs (Fig. 3). In its present overgrown state it cannot be decidedwhether there was once a superimposed structure at ground level.

purple production in andriake

Biological and historical background

In antiquity purple dye was manufactured by processing the hypobranchial gland ofmuricid gastropods, in particular focusing on the exploitation of three species, the trunk murex,Hexaplex trunculus (LINNÉ 1758), the dye murex, Murex brandaris (LINNÉ 1758) and – to alesser extent – the redmouthed rocksnail, Thais haemastoma (LINNÉ 1758). After oxidation thenormally translucent mucus of this gland turns to various shades of red, purple or blue colour

cistern

Gra

nary

potterysample

Andriake 2004

sketch plan: area of the “plakoma” deposit of purple snail shellsUQ, AG survey: AK

sample 1

sample 2

vat

Figure 2Sketch plan of the ‘plakoma’.




(Ruscillo 2005, 103). Belonging to the class of indigoid dyes, shellfish purple is chemicallycharacterized by a mixture of indigoid compounds (Andreotti et al. 2004, 1213). The productionof this valuable substance is an often debated topic, arousing the interest of historians as well asof archaeologists and archaeozoologists. The use of purple-dyed clothes touches importantaspects such as prosperity, high-scaled trade and exchange as well as the development andexpression of prestige (Reinhold 1970, passim). Owing to the efforts of W.A. Schmidt, theliterary evidence has been well known since the middle of the nineteenth century (Schmidt1842). The most comprehensive description of the processing of purple dye is given by Pliny theElder (Bostock and Riley 1855–57, critically discussed by Michel and McGovern 1987):

The most favourable season for taking these fish is after the rising of the Dog-star, or elsebefore spring; for when they have once discharged their waxy secretion, their juices have noconsistency: this, however, is a fact unknown in the dyers’ workshops, although it is a pointof primary importance (IX,133) . . . It is a great point to take the fish alive; for when it dies,it spits out this juice. From the larger ones it is extracted after taking off the shell; but the smallfish are crushed alive, together with the shells, upon which they eject this secretion (IX,126). . . . After it is taken, the vein is extracted, which we have previously spoken of, to whichit is requisite to add salt, a sextarius about to every hundred pounds of juice. It is sufficient toleave them to steep for a period of three days, and no more, for the fresher they are, the greatervirtue there is in the liquor. It is then set to boil in vessels of tin, and every hundred amphoræought to be boiled down to five hundred pounds of dye, by the application of a moderate heat;for which purpose the vessel is placed at the end of a long funnel, which communicates withthe furnace; while thus boiling, the liquor is skimmed from time to time, and with it the flesh,which necessarily adheres to the veins. About the tenth day, generally, the whole contents ofthe cauldron are in a liquified state, upon which a fleece, from which the grease has beencleansed, is plunged into it by way of making trial; but until such time as the colour is foundto satisfy the wishes of those preparing it, the liquor is still kept on the boil. The tint thatinclines to red is looked upon as inferior to that which is of a blackish hue. The wool is leftto lie in soak for five hours, and then, after carding it, it is thrown in again, until it has fullyimbibed the colour (IX, 133–4).

cistern

Figure 3Area of the ‘plakoma’ from the south-west (2004).



However, archaeological finds are usually restricted to layers of crushed shell debris,seldom accompanied by related architectural structures (e.g. Stroszeck 1999, 155–7; Baruchet al. 2005, 140–1). One unique find from Motya (Sicily), dating to the sixth–fifth century BC,produced an assemblage of crushed shells of purple snails, stone hammers and four Sperm whale(Physeter macrocephalus, LINNÉ 1758) vertebrae that were most likely used as workingplatforms for breaking up the shells (Reese 2005, 110). While Phoenician cities like Tyre werethe best-known producers of prime quality purple textiles since the Late Bronze Age, the earlyhistory of purple-dyeing probably seems to focus on coastal settlements of the central or evenwestern Mediterranean. Cretan sites like Petras, Kouphonisi and Kommos have yielded depositsof purple-shell debris as early as MM IB (Ruscillo 2005, 101) and recent evidence from CoppaNevigata (Apulia, Italy) even indicates a starting date for the production of purple dye in theEarly Bronze Age (Minniti 2005).6

In the Roman and Byzantine world purple-dyed garments always signified wealth andmost noble standards. In consequence, with greater or lesser effect, various laws aimed to restrictthe use of certain shades of purple to the emperor and his court. However, in late antique or earlyByzantine times the usage of purple was not solely limited to the imperial family. As stated in alaw by Theodosius II (408–50), from this time on only certain types of clothing dyed with blatta,e.g. including the all-purple paludamentum, were restricted to the emperor. Before then, anycitizen was entitled to wear all-purple clothing including tunicae and pallia from silk.Theodosius’ law only lasted until the reign of Justinian I (527–65) who partly repealed it so thatwomen were allowed to wear half-purple luxurious garments.

Apart from the inscription mentioned above from Andriake (Sahin 1999, 38) otherliterary or epigraphic evidence for Lycian purple production seems to be extremely scarce.Intensive research yielded only one record that deals with the Lycian purple-tax during the reignof Ptolemaios V (Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol. 1, 173 n. 253 with ref.).

A purple snail shell deposit, probably similar to the one in Andriake, has been found inthe area of Aperlai (Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol. 1, 173 with ref.; Foss 1994, fig. 32;Hohlfelder and Vann 1998, 29–31). Since no investigations have ever been carried out, we haveno information on the dating or on related building structures.

The purple-shell deposit

The deposit of purple snail shells is situated immediately west, south and east of thecistern underneath the ‘plakoma’ (Figs. 2 and 3). The tachymetric record yielded a total surfaceextent of approximately 1400 m2. Two clearly discernible elevations south-west as well assouth-east of the cistern confine a more flattened part of the deposit along the south side. Thesurface of the shell midden is slightly eroded.

Owing to the lack of transectional profiles, the volume of the deposit cannot be preciselydetermined. Based on the relief of the surface and assuming a continuous spread of the subsoil,an estimate of 290–300 m3 seems to be justified.

Samples of deposited material were taken from two squares, 30 by 30 cm, containing 3l each, approximately (Fig. 4a). A rather thin surface layer, measuring 5 to 6 cm in thickness,revealed slightly eroded snail shells, mixed with small amounts of fine-grained humus soil and

6 For a comprehensive overview on the history and archaeology of purple production up to 1987 see additionallyReese 1979/80 and Reese 1987.




https://www.researchgate.net/publication/230063751_Whale_bones_and_purple_dye_at_Motya_Western_Sicily_Italy?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-416056ef762c5b2c7f44f246ea47069b-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIyOTY1OTYyNjtBUzo5OTI3MzM3OTE1NTk3OEAxNDAwNjgwMDI3ODcx

fragmented pottery. Below this layer only densely packed shell fragments could be found,containing very few remains of coarse pottery.

Analysis of the mollusc remains7 showed an overwhelming predominance of Hexaplextrunculus (LINNÉ 1758), one species of the dye murex. While the second common species of dyemurex (Murex brandaris, LINNÉ 1758) is apparently totally absent, a few shell fragments verifythe presence of other gastropod species like the horn whelk (n = 6, Buccinulum corneum, LINNÉ1758) or the topsnail (n = 1, Monodonta sp., LINNÉ 1758). In both samples the shells show anextremely high grade of fragmentation. Numerical quantification was performed in two quantitiesof sample 1, weighing 400 g each and representing the surface (sub-sample A, Fig. 4b) and thedeeper layer (sub-sample B) of the deposit.After wet-sieving quantitative analysis of both sampleswas performed by means of counting and weighing the discernible compounds, i.e. shellfragments, ceramic sherds and stones. Estimation of MNI (Minimum Numbers of Individuals) wasachieved by counting indicative apical and siphonal shell fragments (Fig. 4c). An overview of allquantitative results is given in Table 1. Based on the MNI values and the estimated total volume ofthe deposit a very coarse calculation of the whole number of individuals seems to be feasible. Evenif the random density of represented individuals is assumed to be as low as 200 per 1000 cm3 the

7 Both samples produced not a single fragment of other faunal remains other than molluscs.

Figure 4aSampling area 1.



calculated quantity of 300 m3 of deposited shell remains seems to represent the almost incrediblyhigh number of 60 million processed purple snails.

Thorough investigation of significant shell fragments, additionally, revealed aremarkable preponderance of small and obviously young individuals. Only comparably fewfragments (<10%) indicated the presence of adult snails.

Chronological and functional considerations

In order to achieve a coarse chronological setting for the shell deposit from Andriake apottery sample from 1 sq m of the surface (Fig. 2) was collected and taken to the Antalya

Figure 4bSubsample A of purple snail shells.

Figure 4cShell of Hexaplex trunculus, indications referring to Table 1.




Museum. Together with other samples recorded during the survey (Fig. 5) the material could beanalysed as follows:8

Body sherds with deep horizontal grooving, very straight and set closely together, couldbe identified as Late Roman amphorae 2 and thus be dated to the early fourth to the late sixth orearly seventh century (Peacock and Williams 1986, 182–4). Other body fragments of amphoraewith a more widely spaced ridging and a more sandy fabric could be identified as Late Romanamphorae 1 for which a chronology between the later fourth to the mid-seventh century could be

8 For help and support in analysing photographs and drawings of the material recorded onsite we owe thanks toA. Waldner and S. Ladstätter.

table 1

Quantitative properties of subsamples 1A and 1B, each weighing 400 gAbbr.: n – number of specimens; w – weight (g); NISP – Number of Identified

Specimens; MNI -Minimum Number of Individuals

Subsample A Subsample B

Volume (cm3) 350 380Shell fragments1 n w n whelical large 154 42.9 132 60.3helical small 4617 161.6 6077 212.7apical 30 9.9 48 13.0siphonal 98 25.9 153 65.1NISP total 4899 6410MNI/1000 cm3 280 403Ceramics 34 68.4 16 27.8Stones 4 38.6 2 8.5Soil 52.7 12.6

1 Positions of shell fragments are indicated in Fig. 4c.

Figure 5Part of the collected pottery sample containing Late Roman amphorae 1 and 2.



established. In particular it occurs frequently in the late fifth and early sixth centuries (Peacockand Williams 1986, 185–7; Bezeczky 2005, 205–6).

In addition, other pottery fragments such as a piece of LRD Hayes form 8 (Hayes 1972,379, fig. 81) and a small fragment of ARS Hayes form 104 (Hayes 1972, 160–6, fig. 30) supporta date for the complex in the sixth century AD.

The pottery scatter basically extends over the area north of the cistern and east of the‘plakoma’. The deposit of purple shells itself is relatively empty of pottery (Fig. 6a and b). Eventhough without excavation and stratigraphic evidence it can only be an assumption, these resultsso far suggest that the shell deposit lies above a layer of earth containing the pottery spreadacross the whole area. If this stratum, especially with this large amount of amphorae, can beconnected to the latest phase of use of the ‘plakoma’ for trade and commerce, one might assume

purple snail deposit

granary

cistern

area with pottery sherds

west wing of “Plakoma”

a

b

Figure 6a and bPurple snail deposit on the west side of the cistern, from the north (2004).




that the deposit of purple shells and hence the production of purple dye in this area was madeafter the sixth century AD.

When the processing of the snails took place, at least a part of the ‘plakoma’ buildingmust have been abandoned because the shell deposit extends right across the western wing of thestructure. The eastern wing was probably still upright since the deposit extends only towards itsedge. The rim of a large stone vessel is still visible above ground in this area (Fig. 7). It mightbe related to the production process of purple dye.

According to the sources, the granary might have remained in use while in its vicinitythe production of purple dye took place. We not only have testimony for a rebuilding of the roofbetween 388 and 393 (Borchhardt 1975, 70; Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol.1, 159), but alsowritten sources tell of the annona shipment in the time of the S. Nikolaos of Sion in the middleof the seventh century (Ševcenko and Patterson Ševcenko 1984, 31, 65, 67; Anrich 1917, 396).If H. Hellenkemper’s and F. Hild’s assumptions are correct and a seal of a horrearius found inMyra is also related to the granary in Andriake, the building remained in use even until thesecond half of the tenth century (Hellenkemper and Hild 2004, Vol.1, 159; Zacos and Nesbitt1984, 228).

discussion

Recent experiments in the production of ‘Royal Purple’ have shown that a commonfeature of all processes, from extraction to dyeing, was a ‘deep pungent smell’, sometimes evenfelt as an ‘incredible stench’ (Ruscillo 2005, 105). The assumption, therefore, of a productioncentre for purple dye next to a storage room for grain seems surprising, considering the depositof all the molluscan waste that must have added considerably to the offensive smell caused by

Figure 7Vat inserted into the ground in front of the east wing (contour of the rim indicated in dotted lines).



processing the dye. Nonetheless the written sources point to a continuous usage of the granary.The archaeological record of our survey indicates that preceding the deposition of the shellmidden the western building structure of the ‘plakoma’ must have been at least partly destroyed,while the northern and eastern wing probably still remained in use. Maybe these rooms wereused as workshops in connection with the production process. A similar coincidence of purple-shell processing facilities in the immediate vicinity of inhabited urban structures has been foundat the site of Tel Dor, south of Haifa (Israel). However, archaeozoological evidence from thisplace most likely points to a diminished occupation of the area during the phase of purple-dyeproduction (Bartosiewicz 2003, 184). Other sites in Israel seem to indicate special efforts tolocate purple-processing facilities leeward to the prevailing wind direction for obvious reasons(Karmon and Spanier 1987, 149).

Considering the predominance of northerly, passatic winds and southerly onshore windson the south coast of Asia Minor (Hütteroth 1982, 98), the position of the deposit eastward of thegranary might not be seen as a useful measure to avoid extreme extents of olfactory disturbance.In any case, it is probable that the cistern, which could provide water for the purple productionas well as for the staining process, was the deciding factor for locating the site of purpleproduction at the ‘plakoma’.

The extremely high quantity of processed purple snails raises the question of whether andto what extent the extensive exploitation of this species caused an ecological impact on its localpopulation. The very high percentage of subadult individuals in the upper layer of the depositseems to indicate a declining abundance of Hexaplex trunculus that finally might have caused thetermination of purple-dye production in Andriake. A distinct shift from adult to younger andsmaller individuals along with diminishing frequencies of the initially dominant gastropod specieshas also been found in Mesolithic shell middens, very likely indicating the effects of localoverexploitation (Thomas and Mannino 1998/99, 19).Additionally, a coarse malacological surveyof the coastal regions of Andriake revealed a very low number of purple snails. Nevertheless, thismight be related to other alterations in environmental conditions (e.g. pollution).

conclusions and perspectives

• Archaeozoological finds as well as the archaeological record prove the identification of alate Roman centre of purple-dye production at the ancient harbour of Andriake. Owing tothe dimensions of this unique site and – even more – to its widely undisturbed state ofpreservation, thorough archaeological investigations should provide substantial enhancementof our knowledge of the processual particularities of purple-dye production in Late Antiquity.

• Further archaeozoological studies will have to focus on the diachronic analysis of age classdistribution within the residual layers of exploited purple snails in order to detect possibleecological impacts and, consequently, also self-limiting effects of large-scaled ancient purpleeconomy.

• Additional research will be necessary to establish feasible discriminative methods todifferentiate recent local Hexaplex populations, possibly by means of isotope analyses. Theavailability of applicable datasets might provide an efficient prerequisite to clarifying also thegeographical extent of coastal exploitation activities and, therefore, to achieve deeper insightsinto the economic importance of fundamental logistic requirements of the management ofancient purple-dye production.




https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272715373_Mesolithic_middens_and_molluscan_ecology_a_view_from_southern_Britain?el=1_x_8&enrichId=rgreq-416056ef762c5b2c7f44f246ea47069b-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzIyOTY1OTYyNjtBUzo5OTI3MzM3OTE1NTk3OEAxNDAwNjgwMDI3ODcx

(GF, AG, GW) University of Veterinary MedicineDept. of Parthobiology

Unit on Archaeozoology and Comparative MorphologyVeterinaerplatz 1

A-1210 ViennaAustria

(UQ) Austrian Academy of SciencesInstitute for Studies of Ancient Culture

Baeckerstrasse 13A-1010 Vienna

Austria

(AK) Im Gereute 8A-1230 Vienna

Austria

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PURPLE-DYE PRODUCTION IN LYCIA ? RESULTS OF AN ARCHAEOZOOLOGICAL FIELD SURVEY IN ANDRIAKE...

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