Parachutes, Ticks, and Moral Environments
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Transcript of Parachutes, Ticks, and Moral Environments
Being a living organism is hard work. Any organism, from the
simplest to the most complex, must navigate a physical
environment of dizzying intricacy in order to survive, an
environment whose elements gain and lose importance depending on
the organism. A crab, for instance, lives in a submarine space of
rocks, open sand, and hidden recesses. A ground squirrel lives in
a space of subterranean holes, branching tunnels, and leaf-lined
bedrooms, knowing nothing of seashores. Human beings occupy a
physical space of comparable complexity, leading to an obvious
question: How do we (organisms) do it?
Crabs and squirrels may not think, but they do survive in
their environment as we do in ours, apparently in ways supported
by physical, biological structures fundamentally similar to ours.
One of the ways to enter the field of cognitive science, the
interdisciplinary investigation of mind that has grown at a
dazzling rate in the last two or three decades, is to view
cognitive science as the attempt, from the distinct perspectives
of neuroscience, artificial intelligence research, linguistics,
anthropology, psychology and philosophy, to provide comprehensive
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insight into issues of the human mind and cognition. What exactly
is going on in human cognition? What is the evolutionary story
that underlies it? At the various levels of the different
disciplines, cognitive scientists hope to fashion a coherent
vision of what human cognition and the human mind are, how they
operate, and how they emerge from the tangled mess of neurons and
neural connections in the brain.
The opening portion of this article touches on some
interesting features of recent work in cognitive science. My
primary aim, however, is to consider how the physical
architecture that supports survival in the physical environment
might tell us something about how we humans navigate,
successfully or unsuccessfully, the equally important environment
of human morality and society. We share the complex physical
environment with other organisms, but we also live in a moral and
social environment, an intricate web of obligations, duties,
entitlements, prohibitions, appointments, debts, affections,
insults, allies, contracts, enemies, infatuations, compromises,
mutual love, expectations, and ideals. Learning the structure of
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the moral/social environment, learning to recognize one’s current
position and that of others within it, and learning to travel
through that space without moral or social failure is at least as
important to any human as learning similar skills for navigating
successfully through purely physical space.
The unquestioned beginning assumption of cognitive
scientists is that the story of “how we do it” must be a
naturalistic one. Paul Churchland expresses this assumption
clearly.
Social animals must learn the interactive culture that
structures their collective life. This means that their
nervous systems must learn to represent the many
dimensions of the local social space, a space that
embeds them as surely and as relevantly as does the
local physical space. . . . In confronting these
additional necessities, a social creature must use the
same sorts of neuronal resources and coding strategies
that it uses for its representation of the sheerly
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physical world. The job may be special, but the tools
are available are the same. The creature must configure
the many millions of synaptic connection strengths
within its brain so as to represent the structure of
the social reality in which it lives. Further, it must
learn to generate sequences of neuronal activation-
patterns that will produced socially acceptable or
socially advantageous behavioral outputs. . . . Social
and moral reality is also the province of the physical
brain. . . . We need to confront this fact, squarely
and forthrightly, if we are ever to understand our own
moral natures.i
It is not my intent in this article to discuss or challenge the
naturalist assumptions underlying cognitive science. Rather, I am
interested in drawing some moral implications from the notion
that moral survival, just as survival in the physical
environment, is of necessity a function of successful neural
connections and representations.
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The received, traditional description of the survival of an
organism in the physical environment runs along the following
lines: The environment is a “landing pad” for organisms that
somehow drop or “parachute” into a largely fixed, entirely
objective world.ii Successful adaptation and survival is a matter
of the organism’s ability to “represent” the environment to
itself successfully in order to avoid harmful environmental
elements and pursue advantageous ones. In short, this view plays
on the traditional, Western model of a sharp distinction between
subject (organism) and object (environment), survival depending
upon the organism’s accurate and useable internal representation
of the world “out there.”
This “parachute” metaphor is perhaps still the prevailing
picture of the relationship between organism and environment.
Recently, however, a number of researchers in various cognitive
science disciplines have begun to challenge this metaphor. The
very structure of living organisms, including the neural
structure of the human being, indicates that the relationship
between organism and environment is highly interactive and
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codependent. Organisms and environments develop interactively,
belying the traditional distinction between subject and object.
Evolutionary biologist Richard Lewontin, for instance, argues
that the very notion of what an environment is cannot be
separated from what organisms are and what they do.
The organism and the environment are not actually
separately determined. The environment is not a
structure imposed on living beings from the outside but
is in fact a creation of those beings. The environment
is not an autonomous process but a reflection of the
biology of the species. Just as there is no organism
without an environment, so there is no environment
without an organism.iii
This interactive and coevolutionary interpretation, stressing the
interdependence of organism and world, is remarkably compatible
with various features of contemporary continental philosophy,
particularly phenomenology. Indeed, philosopher Andy Clark’s
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recent book, subtitled “Putting Brain, Body, and World Together
Again,” is provocatively and illuminatingly entitled Being There.iv
When Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty meet cognitive science,
interesting things happen.
Drawing on research in neuroscience, artificial intelligence
modeling, and psychology, Clark argues that it is misleading at
best to view a successful cognitive system as doing much in the
way of “representing” or “modeling” its environment. Not only
would it be a monumental, perhaps impossible, task for an
organism to represent its entire environment, there is no need
for the organism to do so. An organism need be attuned only to
those features of its environment that have special relevance and
importance to it. Non-important features of the environment are
neither represented nor considered by the organism--for all
intents and purposes, these features of the environment do not
exist for the organism. “The idea is that we reduce the
information-processing load by sensitizing the system to
particular aspects of the world--aspects that have special
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significance because of the environmental niche the system
inhabits.”v This is what Clark calls niche-dependent sensing.
To illustrate, Clark draws our attention to the work of
Jakob von Uexküll and his 1934 paper entitled “A Stroll Through
the Worlds of Animals and Men.”vi Through a fascinating series of
examples, von Uexküll develops the idea that an organism’s world,
including its space and time, is uniquely fashioned by its
umwelt, the set of environmental features to which a given type
of animal is sensitized. For example, the common tick requires
the ingestion of blood in order to lay its eggs. How, in the
midst of the vast physical environment, does this simple blind
and deaf organism accomplish its mission? The tick is sensitive
to the butyric acid found on mammalian skin. This acid, when
detected, causes the tick to loose its hold on a branch and fall
on the animal. Tactile contact extinguishes the olfactory
response and initiates a procedure of scurrying about until heat
is detected. Detection of heat triggers boring and burrowing,
then sucking of blood.
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The tick hangs motionless on the tip of a branch in a
forest clearing. Her position gives her the chance to
drop on a passing mammal. Out of the whole environment,
no stimulus affects her until a mammal approaches,
whose blood she needs before she can bear her young.
And now something quite wonderful happens. Of all
the influences that emanate from the mammal’s body,
only three become stimuli, and those in a definite
sequence. Out of the vast world which surrounds the
tick, three stimuli shine forth from the dark like
beacons, and serve as guides to lead her unerringly to
her goal. To accomplish this, the tick, besides her
body with its receptors and effectors, has been given
three receptor signs, which she can use as sign
stimuli. And these perceptual cues prescribe the course
of her actions so rigidly that she is only able to
produce corresponding specific effector cues.
The whole rich world around the tick shrinks and
changes into a scanty framework consisting, in essence,
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of three receptor cues and three effector cues--her
umwelt. But the very poverty of this world guarantees
the unfailing certainty of her actions, and security is
more important than wealth.vii
The tick’s sensitivity to only three features of the environment
creates a “designer world” for it, one that not only is
responsive to the larger environment but also shapes the
environment itself.
Clark’s argument is that all organisms (including humans) do
likewise. This umwelt-fashioning is what makes it possible for an
organism to navigate the vastly complex environment without
experiencing “overload.” Furthermore, this selective sensitivity
to various features of the environment actually impacts and
creates the future environment, as Merleau-Ponty argued decades
ago.
It is the organism itself--according to the proper
nature of its receptors, the thresholds of its nerve
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centers and the movements of the organs--which chooses
the stimuli in the physical world to which it will be
sensitive. The environment (umwelt) emerges from the
world through the actualization or the being of the
organism--[granted that] an organism can exist only if
it succeeds in finding in the world an adequate
environment.viii
The survival of an organism depends on that organism’s
sensitivity to those features of the environment that are
important to it. If an organism is not sensitive to these
features, it will not survive. If an organism is sensitive to too
many features of its environment, its neural and physical
resources may be overburdened, leading just as certainly to its
demise.
We, however, are not ticks. We are sensitive to countless
more features of our environment than ticks are. Still, the
activity of umwelt-fashioning is apparent in everyday human
activity. For example, I have spent much of the past few months
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teaching my youngest son to drive an automobile. To a large
extent, this has been a matter of teaching him what environmental
features to be sensitive to in order to construct a successful
driving-umwelt. New drivers are often sensitive to too much, or
to the wrong things--learning to drive requires the fashioning of
the appropriate environmental elements into a designer driving-
world. Furthermore, this umwelt changes constantly according to
any number of environmental factors (different traffic laws,
traffic patterns, road construction, etc.). Additionally, the
larger environment itself changes frequently according to the
continuing human activity of driving (new traffic laws, speed
limit changes, etc.). This is a simple example of how organism
and environment interact with and change each other.
What has any of this to do with morals or ethics? I propose
that the lessons learned from research such as that described
above provide clues to understanding humans as moral creatures as
well as physical creatures. The moral and social environment that
humans must navigate on a day-to-day basis is every bit as
complex as the physical environment. If the naturalistic assump-
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tions of cognitive science are largely correct, then the neural
structures that support success in the physical environment are
the same structures that will support moral and social success.
In the case of the physical environment, this includes selective
sensitivity to various features of the environment in creative
umwelt-fashioning, at the expense of ignoring non-relevant
features. What might this mean in the moral world?
A number of possibilities arise here. First, it is not
helpful to imagine the moral world or environment as entirely
fixed and objective, a world into which the prospective moral
agent is “parachuted,” where success depends on discovering and
internally representing the already-in-place “lay of the (moral)
land.” Rather, the moral agent and the moral environment coevolve
in a continuous web of interaction. Furthermore, the moral world
of the moral agent will be constructed out of the agent’s
selective sensitivity to any number of features of the moral
environment. In other words, a moral agent will construct a moral
world or umwelt out of those features of the moral environment
she or he chooses as significant.
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The candidates for moral significance in the creation of a
moral umwelt are too numerous to list exhaustively.
Possibilities, however, include (in no particular order) others,
self, rules, utility, avoidance of pain, pursuit of pleasure,
human life, life in general, the transcendent, autonomy,
character, universality, society, context, rationality, emotion,
will, rights, duties, contracts, family, friends, enemies, and
strangers. Out of these and countless other elements of the moral
world the moral agent constructs a “designer” moral umwelt. One
can recognize any number of traditional moral umwelten, expressed
through traditional moral theories, by selecting one or several
of the above features of the moral environment as foundational
and allowing any number of the others to recede into background
insignificance.
In the physical realm, sensitivity to too little or too much
equally leads to failure. The same is true in the moral realm.
Consider, for instance, a moral agent who is sensitive to too
much. She might attempt to fashion a moral umwelt out of
sensitivity to features of the moral environment that overlap,
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are mutually exclusive, or are at least contradictory.
Essentially, her umwelt is too large--she is trying to be
sensitive to too much. This is a recipe for moral confusion and
indecision. Any student of moral theory will attest to the fact
that trying to pay equal attention to rules, consequences, self,
others, and society in a given moral instance will lead to
frustration and indecision.
More frequent, perhaps, is the fashioning of a moral umwelt
that is not large or sensitive enough. Consider, for instance,
the person who selects “preservation of human life” as the
central and exclusive feature of his moral umwelt. He will be
overly sensitized to features of the moral world that intersect
with his exclusive moral preoccupation while being blind to
features of the moral world that do not happen to coincide with
issues of human life. He will have a “one issue” umwelt, similar
to “one issue” voters in political elections. This is a recipe
for rigidity, inflexibility, and intolerance.
How, then, does one learn to fashion a healthy moral umwelt?
Here we can learn much from Aristotle and virtue ethics. One
15
might describe Aristotle’s practical reason and the life of human
flourishing as visions of the moral agent who progressively
learns the art of fashioning moral umwelten. Development of this
art begins with the recognition that there is no absolute moral
umwelt appropriate to all circumstances and contexts. One’s moral
umwelt must be continually sensitive to the moral environment,
including the changes in the moral environment that individual
and collective moral umwelten bring about over time. It may be
that any number or even all of the possible candidates for moral
sensitivity listed above may serve as the basis for an
appropriate moral umwelt in a given instance. Moral growth and
maturity requires first a recognition of the vast array of moral
“tools” available in the constructing of a moral umwelt and,
second, an equally strong recognition that no one combination or
even limited number of combinations of these elements will
suffice for all moral contingencies.
In conclusion, I offer a personal example of the dynamics of
becoming appropriately sensitive to features of the moral
environment. Aristotle would tell us that we do not come into the
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world sensitive to these features, only with the potential to be
sensitive to any number of elements, for better or worse.
Sensitivity to the features of the moral world is something that
is learned through observation, training and practice. This
places a collective responsibility on moral agents to pass on
techniques of successful umwelt-building to young occupants of
the moral environment. In particular, parents bear much of the
responsibility for providing their children with an array of
umwelt-building tools and strategies.
I was raised in a conservative, fundamentalist religious
tradition, a tradition arising from a collective moral umwelt
that I found to be highly restrictive and unresponsive to the
reality of lived human experience as I became an adult. I have
been anxious to teach my sons of the dangers of narrow moral
umwelten such as the one I was raised in. To that end, I have
made a deliberate practice of tuning in to a specific radio talk
show every weekday afternoon as my son and I travel the fifteen
miles from his high school to our home. The host of this show
actively promotes the conservative, religious, and (in my view)
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narrowly restrictive perspective on life and morality that I was
raised in. I did this to sensitize my son to the dangers of
having a rigid and inflexible view of the world.
To a certain extent, my experiment worked well in that it
did make my son actively aware of rigid thought patterns in a
number of contexts. The experiment, however, worked too well in
that it also desensitized him to the importance of faith and
religion in the fashioning of a moral umwelt. In his mind,
rigidity and religion became synonymous. This has caused him to
become intolerant and rigid in his rejection of any viewpoint
that might be rooted in faith. It is my continuing task to
introduce him, primarily by example, to a more fine-tuned
approach to this aspect of moral umwelt-building.
Survival and success in the moral environment may, in the
end, be a more complex and difficult matter than physical
survival. The idea that organism and environment mutually shape
each other seems obviously true in the moral realm. Furthermore,
the evolution of moral awareness through this mutual interaction
proceeds far more rapidly in the moral than in the physical
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environment. The sketch of moral health provided here is
demanding, in that how we construct our moral umwelt impacts not
only the umwelten of others but also the larger moral environment
itself. A person’s moral umwelt reflects much of what that person
is; we become the moral persons we want to be through the
sensitivities to the moral environment that we develop. As Sartre
reminds us, these sensitivities project not only what we are,
but also our vision of what the world should be.
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i. Paul Churchland, The Engine of Reason, the Seat of the Soul (Cambridge: MITPress, 1995), 123-24.
ii. This analogy is used frequently and criticized roundly in Francisco Varela, Evan Thompson, and Eleanor Rosch, The Embodied Mind (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991).
iii. Richard Lewontin, “The Organism as the Subject and Object of Evolution,” Scientia 118: 63-82.
iv. Andy Clark, Being There (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997).
v. Clark, 24.
vi. Jakob von Uexküll, “A Stroll Through the Worlds of Animals and Men,” in Instinctive Behavior, trans. and ed. Claire H. Schiler (New York: International University Press, Inc., 1975), 5-82.
vii. Ibid., 11-13.
viii. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, The Structure of Behavior, trans. Alden Fisher (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963), 13.