Panayotis Fatseas: Faces of Kythera, 1920-1938
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Transcript of Panayotis Fatseas: Faces of Kythera, 1920-1938
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PANAYOTIS FATSEAS: FACES OF KYTHERA
THE PHOTOGRAPHER OF KYTHERA
Throughout the 19th and up to the middle of the 20th centuries, the greater part of worldwide photographic activity revolved around small local photographic studios. Particularly in poorer and more remote regions, such studios represented virtually the sole source of photographic portraits and other images. Most of their humble production, with few or no artistic pretensions, has been lost or destroyed; what survives is usually approached as a primary source for local history or, at best, as perhaps charming but essentially undistinguished example of vernacular photography. However, in a few rare cases, the fluidity of the photographic medium has ensured that the work of certain almost anonymous practitioners acquires – often many years after their death – an unexpected and enduring artistic value. The best-‐known example is of course that of Eugène Atget (1879-‐1927), who in life described himself as a humble producer of “images for artists” and is now regarded as one of pillars of photographic modernism. Others include E.J. Bellocq (New Orleans, early 1920s) whose hundred or so glass negative plates were reclaimed by Lee Friedlander; Mike Disfarmer, who worked in Heber Springs, Arkansas during the thirties and forties; and the remarkable Malian portraitist Seydou Keita. More recently, in Greece, the collector Yiorgos Golobias was instrumental in preserving the greater part of the negatives of Leonidas Papazoglou (Kastoria, 1872-‐1918), thereby saving an important body of work from certain oblivion.1 To these names can be added that of Panayotis Fatseas, the first commercial photographer to practice on the island of Kythera, southernmost of Greece’s seven Ionian islands.2 Fatseas’ negatives remained untouched from his death in 1938 until 2002, when a few contemporary prints were exhibited during the first Kythera Photographic Encounters.3 Since then, the negatives have been curated and catalogued, while further research has brought to light valuable information about the photographer and his work. Six years later, Panayotis Fatseas is revealed as not merely an invaluable witness to his time, but also as a significant photographic artist of the first half of the 20th century. It is to the photographer’s grandson, Panayotis Ch. Fatseas, that we owe the following biographical information: “Panayotis Fatseas was born to Emmanouil Fatseas and Kyriakoula Kalligeros in the village of Karavochori (later Livadi) on the island of Kythera on 10 March 1888. In September 1899 he finished primary school; on 1 July 1902 he graduated from the Kythera Gymnasium [secondary school], ending his third year with an assessment of “Good” for both learning and conduct. During the next few years he was probably busy with agricultural work. Thanks to his status as the only son of a widow (his father died in 1893), in early 1910 Fatseas was conscripted in the Greek army for a limited three-‐month period. That same year, aged 23, he emigrated to the United States of America. According to Ellis Island records, Panayotis Em. Fatseas sailed from Le Havre on the ship La Gascogne, landing in America on 8 November 1910. He remained in New York, working as a waiter in
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restaurants and hotels and attending night school. He returned from America on 31 October 1912 following the declaration of the First Balkan War. As he noted in his war diary, “Once the Balkan-‐Turkish war was declared, nearly all the Greeks in America were ready to abandon their occupations and answer the call of the motherland…”. He joined the 7th Infantry Regiment as a volunteer, taking part in the battles of Kilkis and Bizani”.4
He must have been provisionally demobilised on the signature of the Greco-‐Turkish treaty of November 1913, since according to documentary evidence, he began his professional photographic activities on Kythera in January of the following year, charging Charalambos Stathis the sum of 17.70 drachmas “for cards” (i.e., for postcard-‐sized prints). According to his children, Fatseas had returned from the United States with a camera, probably one of the first in the possession of a Kytheriote. While it seems that originally he had no intention of following a photographic trade, the demand for portraits was apparently such that he finally bowed to the inevitable, opening a studio in his native Livadi. The records in his carefully maintained workbook show that Fatseas fulfilled a total of fifty orders during the course of 1914, almost entirely for customers from the south of the island – Chora, Livadi and the adjoining villages. The same surnames appear over and over, including Daponte, Charos, Petrocheilos, Kaloutsis, Karatzas, Megalokonomos, Fatseas, Kalligeros and Kassimatis. For reasons which remain unclear, there followed a hiatus in his professional work which lasted till 21 May 1920. As his grandson has suggested, it is likely this was due to outstanding military obligations. The verso of a small photographic portrait of Fatseas in army uniform (a uniform lacking any badges of rank or unit), was inscribed by himself “In Patras January 6, 1916. A souvenir of Patras during the campaign of 1915 where, as a result of being unjustly declared a deserter, I was posted temporarily”. Whatever the reason behind this misunderstanding, which was most likely due to bureaucratic confusion, Fatseas was formally demobilised on 31 July
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1916. Returning to Kythera, he worked at various occupations, mostly associated with farming but also with retail trade, since in 1919 he began the construction of a shop in the centre of Livadi. In 1921 he married Alexandra Stathis, by whom he was to have five children, three sons and two daughters: Koula (b.1921), Manolis (b.1923), Antonia (b.1925), Yiannis (b.1926) and Charalambos (b.1928). The new building in Livadi included a photographic studio and darkroom at the rear, as well as a shop fronting the main street which sold, apart from photographs and related items, writing and drawing implements and haberdashery. A photograph of the shop taken in the thirties includes three separate signs, reading respectively PHOTOGRAPHIC STUDIO, MIRRORS and FRAMER, while the small central display window is full of framed photographs. Strangely enough, as the dates of the portraits taken between 1920 and 1922 show, he did not at first set up in the new building, making use instead a room of the family home. It is likely that some additional time was required before the studio was finally completed; it was designed in traditional 19th century style, with large windows and a north-‐facing skylight with adjustable blinds. A feature of the studio was the elaborately carved wooden chair which figures in many of his portraits, as well as the decorative painted backdrop commissioned from a peripatetic sign writer. Though closed for decades, the building was still standing at the end of the century. Two local advertisements of the period reflect the range of Fatseas’ commercial activities. The first was published in 1927 in the newspaper I Kythiraiki, and commends the “Artistic Photography Studio [of] Panayotis Fatseas”; the services advertised include “enlargements, copies and all similar work”, and it is emphasised that “orders can be accepted directly from America and Australia for portraits of the relatives of immigrants”. The second is an advertising card dating from the thirties, by which time the range of services has expanded: “All kinds of frames constructed. Mirrors re-‐silvered. Photographic enlargements, film developed and printed. We stock all photographic materials, mirrors, sheet glass and various items of haberdashery. Reasonable prices”. The Kythiraiki Epitheorisi annual of 1923 confirms Fatseas’ commercial success with the following entry under ‘Arts and Professions’: “[Pan. Fatseas] readily collaborated in the preparation of this volume, providing the majority of photographs. He has recently demonstrated significant progress in his art and has extended the scope of his activities, receiving direct orders from our fellow-‐citizens in America and Australia who commission him to photograph their relatives on the Island and forward the prints”. In this section, essentially a directory of the island’s professions and tradesmen, Fatseas’ name is the only one to warrant additional comment. It is worth noting that one other photographer is listed, D. Sofios of Logothetianika, and that at the time the island found employment for no fewer than four “hagiographers” (icon painters).5 Though essentially self-‐taught, Fatseas seems to have taken his new profession seriously, making efforts to increase his knowledge and remain as far as possible up to date with technical developments in the medium. Paper and chemicals would be ordered from the established Athenian firm of D. Kondos, to which he also turned whenever he needed advice. In a letter to Fatseas dated 20 August 1920, a member of the firm advises him that “Your order has been despatched, and I can tell you that the stains on your postcards are the
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result of giving them sufficient time [presumably he means insufficient washing time]; if you gave them more time then the stains would not appear… However, it would be best if you sent us an example of the stains and we will write to you with an explanation”.6 Apart from this source of professional advice, Fatseas also owned the two volumes of what was at that time a basic work of reference, the chemist Kostas Makris’ Elements of Photography Derived From the Latest French and German Publications (1925 & 1926). In 1928 he also subscribed to the first Greek magazine devoted to the medium, Fotografikon Deltion (Photographic Bulletin). Panayotis Fatseas died at the tragically early age of fifty. Suffering from acute pemphigus, a chronic auto-‐immune syndrome whose signs are evident on one of the last photos taken of him, he passed away on 8 September 1938 in an Athens hospital. His eldest son, Manolis, who had learned the trade from an early age, continued to exercise it after his father’s death throughout the war years and beyond. Together with his brother Charalambos, they maintained the photographic studio for at least another four decades. In the 1950s they expanded their activities by constructing a small outdoor cinema in Livadi, while from 1953 to 1972 they also operated a mobile projection unit which organised screenings in even the remotest Kytherian villages.
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THE PHOTOGRAPHIC PROFESSION
Considerably more expensive were the so-‐called artistic or ‘weekly’ prints, which were always shot on medium-‐format glass negative plates. According to photo historian Fanni Konstantinou, ‘weekly’ prints were “the outcome of painstaking studio sessions directed by the photographer in an appropriate decor, resulting after retouching in high-‐quality prints with a delivery time of about a week”.8 Fatseas rarely shot more than one negative per sitting, echoing Costis Antoniadis’ remark that in the Papazoglou archive “nearly all the surviving photographs are unique, since for reasons of economy it was standard practice for professional photographers of the period never to use more than a single negative plate for each session”.9 Fatseas’ surviving output falls entirely within this second category, whether in the shape of vintage positives or of glass negatives.
Fatseas’ professional activities were of two kinds. One the one hand were photographs destined for immediate, practical use, specifically small portrait prints meant to be attached to identity documents, certificates and the like. For these images, known as ‘instant’ prints which the client could collect within a few minutes, Fatseas used inexpensive paper negatives. According to his son Manolis, “we never kept these negatives; we would wash them in a little water and throw them away after use. We kept them just long enough to make a print”.7 Few if any of these thousands of ‘instant’ prints have survived.
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In terms of subject matter, it consists for the most part of formal portraits of individuals, couples or small family and social groups. The formality resides in their being the result of a very specific, indeed almost ceremonial process. The subjects dressed with care, wearing their best or most formal clothing; they would adjust their clothes and hair at the last moment (the studio included among its equipment a comb and hairbrush for clients’ use) and almost subconsciously arrange themselves in poses which tended to be an accurate reflection of the group’s social dynamics. The most important person would be placed in the centre, often seated rather than standing: in family portraits this was the head of the family, in school photographs the headmaster, in baptisms the godparents, in weddings the bride and groom, in ecclesiastical gatherings the bishop, and so forth. Other ranking members of the group – siblings and close relatives of the same generation, senior staff, etc, -‐ were placed to either side of the dominant figure, those of lesser status usually stood in the back row, while the youngest either sat cross-‐legged in the foreground or were crammed into the wings. Small, telling details express or emphasise class or aspiration, professional or educational status: a pocket-‐handkerchief or pen (occasionally both together) in the breast pocket of a suit jacket, an often modest item of feminine jewellery, the almost subconscious foregrounding of a wedding or engagement ring, the bible in the hands of a priest, the gold watch and chain of the successful or merely ambitious businessman, the dandy’s straw boater, the dog curled up at the feet of an ardent hunter, the luxurious necktie of the citified clerk, the carefully adjusted headscarf of the peasant woman – these were all signifiers to be instantly and infallibly decoded by the recipients of the portraits. The commonest and most formal of all these images were undoubtedly wedding portraits. According to Manolis Fatseas, “The bride would come and dress there, in the studio. Not on her wedding day, but a few days later; she would bring her wedding gown with her. There were no cars then, it wasn’t easy to get about”.10 It is noticeable that in many wedding portraits, the brides are wearing what appear to be similar gowns – not an indication that one and the same gown was passing through many hands, but rather a reflection of the fact that the same local seamstress must have been responsible for the majority of Kytherian wedding dresses. Weddings, however, were just one of life’s milestones, all of which had to be celebrated with due ceremony. These literally iconic milestones began with the first baby or child photograph, to be followed perhaps by another taken in adolescence and then by images of a wedding, a baptism, a young mother surrounded by her children, a large family group comprising two or three generations, the parents in old age, ending with a photograph of the funeral. In this society, photographs were not taken casually or on the spur of the moment; they were premeditated moves with an important role to play in maintaining the social web of a population deeply divided by emigration -‐ originally to Asia Minor and Egypt, later to the United States and Australia. The emigrants would go off and then, after a while, “they would return, get married here, start a baby and leave before it was born because they had to earn money to live. When the child started growing, they would clamour for photographs – of the child, the family, the child with its mother, with the grandparents…”.11
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This craving for pictorial testimony embraced all of life’s stages, from the birth of a child to the funeral of a parent: “My father attended weddings and attended funerals. Funeral photography was very common, because the children were abroad, in Australia, and so their relatives would send them a photo so that they could see the funerals of the father or their mother”.12 Funeral photography had its own ceremonial: surrounded by relatives, friends and priests, the open coffin would be propped against an outside wall of the dead person’s house, though the face usually remained covered. Sometimes a second photograph would be taken of the funeral procession at the entrance of the graveyard. Judging by images in the Kythera Photographic Archive, the custom persisted for some time after the war; in the case of a particularly eminent person, small hand-‐made photo albums containing images of the funeral procession might later be distributed to a restricted circle of family and friends.13
As witness the handwritten dedications and messages on the backs of surviving prints, a fairly rigid protocol governed the distribution of formal portraits, particularly wedding portraits; all relatives of the couple up to at least the second degree of affinity who were unable to attend the wedding had to receive a copy with the appropriate ritual message. At other times a portrait photograph might be sent to off-‐island relatives to celebrate a nameday, or even for no specific reason other than to maintain contact. The dedication behind a vignetted portrait of Panayotis Kassimatis and his wife sent to their uncle Spyridon Kassimatis in Athens read as follows: “In Kythera, the 11th of December 1936. Honoured uncle Spyro. Upon the occasion of your nameday we wish you many happy returns and everything you may desire. Your nephews Panayotis B. Kassimatis, Marika Emm. Vardas”.
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Most portraits were taken inside the studio, where Fatseas had better control of natural light. In certain circumstances, however, he might travel to meet his customers; this would have been the case if they were particularly aged, like Mr and Mrs Spyro Kavalini in Avelmonas in 1927, or Spyro Kassimatis’ mother in Karvounades, in 1938. At other times the client may have wanted by the same opportunity to record some aspect of his house or property, but such cases were on the whole rare.
Fatseas also undertook outside commissions, photographing social gatherings such as wedding receptions and excursions. Among the several subjects he recorded were the procession of the icon of Panagia Myrtidiotissa, carnival revels, christenings, parties and dances as well as group photographs of schools, chambers of commerce and amateur dramatic societies. Other commissions undertaken on behalf of local businesses included details of shops, factories, workshops and machinery; frequently recurring subjects are the sewing and embroidery classes organised by the local distributor of Vesta brand sewing machines. Finally, there are a smaller number of landscapes, views of Chora, churches and church interiors. Some of the latter, mostly of Myrtidia monastery, appear to have been printed and circulated as postcards, with or without the addition of a typewritten caption attached to the negative. Fatseas’s equipment was exceedingly simple, even basic for its time. He used a bellows camera with an iris diaphragm, a simple rangefinder and a removable lens, normally placed on a tripod. Unfortunately the lens has not survived, but judging by results, it must have had a relatively shallow depth of field; on the other hand, the glass negative plates he used were capable of recording very fine detail, permitting enlargements far beyond the requirements of his time. All photographs were taken by natural light, since pre-‐war Kythera had not yet
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been electrified. For the same reason, only contact prints could be produced locally: “Printing was carried out in a very primitive fashion. Developing took place in the darkroom, which was equipped with an oil lamp obscured with red paper or cloth. The printer was simply a wooden frame roughly 15x25 cms, with a sheet of glass on one side and a sliding cover on the other. He would place the negative in the frame, cover it with a piece of photographic paper and slide it shut, so that the two were firmly in contact. Then he would expose it by opening the door of the darkroom to whatever light there was. He would time it by counting 1,2,3,4,5…”.14 As for the enlargements mentioned in his advertisements, these must have been entrusted to a photographic studio in the capital, mostly likely once again that of Kondos. The ‘weekly’ prints also had to undergo the essential process of retouching, by which excess wrinkles and other marks were discreetly removed from the sitter’s hands and face. This was carried out with a red or black pencil directly on the surface of the negative, placed for the purpose on a small lightbox, known as the retousara (from the French ‘retouche’). According to Manolis Fatseas, such retouching was considered essential at the time: “To be honest, most faces were like mine today, like unplaned lumps of wood. What else could we do? The faces had wrinkles, they had this and that mark, and so we patched things up as best we could with a little pencil”.15 Finally, Fatseas would glue the printed photograph onto a modest decorative mount of light or dark brown cardboard, sometimes ribbed, whose size varied from 27x16 to 28x19 cms. The final touch was the addition of the signature “P. Fatseas, Kythera” in white ink beneath the lower right corner of the image. In a few cases, the signature has been placed on the actual surface of the print, always on the lower right. The simple postcard-‐sized prints, on the other hand, were never signed, but the majority are identified by a rubber-‐stamped “PAN. FATSEAS KYTHERA” on the verso (very occasionally on the front). Another, admittedly rare form of presentation was the so-‐called vignette, in which the subject or subjects (usually a couple) would be isolated from the background from the waist up. Such prints were designed to be placed in small oval or rectangular table-‐top frames, but were often cut down with scissors at a later date in order to fit different frames or holders.
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THE WORKBOOK
From Charalambos Stathis for postcard prints 17.70 From Moatsos family and Eleni Oikonomop. postcards 28.50 …………………………………………………………………………………….. Konstantinos Petrocheilos developing 2 rolls 6.90
The third page saw the beginnings of at a more systematised record, with separate ruled column for the name and surname of the customer, the number of prints and the total charged, but these entries come to a halt on the sixth line.
When Fatseas resumed his photographic activities once again on 21 May 1920, the entries in his workbook became much more detailed, including information which would eventually prove of great value to researchers. Each page of the ledger was divided into between seven and nine ruled columns, a formula he stuck to for the next eighteen years with only minor modifications:
1. “Name and surname of customers”, to which were sometimes added details such place of residence, profession, the particular occasion or an order for enlargements. 2. “Quantity of photographs ordered”. The term ‘photograph’ here refers exclusively to the ‘weekly’ prints, specifically uncropped contact prints of the entire plate, usually on a card mount. 3. “Date” (initially, the day and the month). 4. “Year”. 5. “Number of persons photographed”.
Fatseas’s workbook is the most valuable source of information we possess concerning his professional activities. It consists of a large, hardbound ledger begun in January 1914 – at the start, that is, of Panayotis Fatseas’ first, short-‐lived commercial venture. On the first two pages he kept what was in effect a brief record of income derived from photographic commissions in the following format:
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6. “Cards”, meaning the number of additional contact prints on postcard-‐size paper (9x12 cm) ordered by the customer; these were effectively cropped all around, since the paper was slightly smaller than the original negative. 7. “Drachmas”. The total charge for each commission. 8. “Plate number”. The unique, consecutive number assigned to each glass negative plate. 9. The negative plate dimensions.
Later, columns 3 and 4 were merged into one, drachmas and their decimal subdivision, lepta, briefly acquired separate columns, while in January 1923 another column was started listing new, smaller 9x12 cm negative plates. This development must not have met with much success, since in April 1924 the column was discontinued after a total of no more than 64 negatives had been recorded. At the foot of the respective columns Fatseas would note the running total of photographs, cards and income for the year; these were carried forward from page to page but also from one year to the next. The latter practice continued for a decade, up to 1930, ceasing the following year. During the first three years, 1920-‐1922, a large percentage of the entries (over two-‐thirds in 1920) do not include a plate number, instead of which the corresponding column simply reads “9x12”. According to Manolis Fatseas, these entries represent ‘instant’ prints made from paper negatives, which as mentioned above were not preserved and therefore did not merit consecutive numbering. From January 1923 they no longer appear in the ledger, though this does not of course mean they were no longer produced. Beginning in 1927, and without going into detail, at the end of every year Fatseas would record a separate total for income derived from ‘instant’ photography – income which during the next decade was to overtake that derived from the more artistic ‘weekly’ commissions. The most valuable item of information is of course the plate number, since in principle it allows a negative to be cross-‐referenced with the workbook data. After developing, fixing and washing, Fatseas would identify each plate with a consecutive number tagged to the corresponding workbook entry. Sometimes, mostly early on, he would affix small squares of gummed paper to a corner of the plate; later on, he would inscribe the number in white china ink or engrave it directly into the emulsion. The exposed plates would then be replaced in the original manufacturers’ cardboard boxes in batches of 12 or 14. Originally they were of French manufacture, sold under the names of Jougla or Lumière, while later they were German, mostly Agfa or Hauff. Before adding the full boxes to the stack building up on a shelf in the studio, he would write the numbers of the first and last plate as well as the year on the leading edge of each box. Unfortunately, over time the slow infiltration of humidity into the boxes and between individual plates often resulted in the erasure or otherwise destruction of the reference numbers on the plates or of the data inscribed on the box edge. Nevertheless, the photographer’s punctilious record-‐keeping can still at times help establish the identity of a particular negative. If, for example, we know that an unnumbered plate portraying a group of five people happens to come from a damaged box with the indication “1592-‐1607”, then it is undoubtedly negative number 1596, since that is the only one in this particular batch that fits the relevant workbook records. It should however be kept in mind that as a rule,
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Fatseas would record the name not of the subject or subjects, but of the customer, and that the two were not of course invariably the same. The final pages of the ledger are devoted on the one hand to notes and recipes for the mixing of darkroom chemicals, and on the other to details of expenditure for paper and chemicals. It is worth noting that among the recipes, some are in Greek, some in English and some in French.
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ELEMENTS OF MICROECONOMICS
part from providing details of the date and subject of each photograph, Fatseas’s
workbook is also a valuable source of information about the financial aspects of his profession and by extension, that of other local photographers of the period. Commenting on the cost of portraits in his father’s time, Manolis Fatseas remarks “They were expensive. For six postcard-‐size prints, that is 10x15 cm, he would charge about 100 drachmas, the equivalent of two or three day’s salary for a labourer. For wedding portraits which were larger, 13x18 cm, he might charge twice as much, 200 drachmas”.16 Specifically, for six large-‐format (‘weekly’) photographs he would charge an average of 25 drachmas in 1921, 60 drachmas in 1923, 120 drachmas in 1925, 150 drachmas in 1927, 175 drachmas in 1933 and 200-‐250 drachmas in 1927. The cost of postcard-‐sized prints was substantially lower: 50 drachmas for half-‐a-‐dozen in 1925, 70 drachmas in 1927, 80 drachmas in 1933 and 80-‐100 drachmas in 1937. Of particular interest are the annual aggregate totals, which represent income from photographic activities alone; other sales from the shop such as frames, mirrors or haberdashery are not included. For each year that the studio was in operation, the recorded financial activity was as follows:
YEAR
PHOTOGRAPHS
CARDS
INCOME FROM WEEKLY PRINTS (IN DRACHMAS)
INCOME FROM INSTANT PRINTS (IN DRACHMAS)
1920 215 310 1.713 ? 1921 223 528 2.661 ? 1922 568 505 3.449 ? 1923 479 358 5.731 ? 1924 257 387 5.607 ? 1925 334 366 9.143 ? 1926 276 512 12.571 17 ? 1927 293 456 14.075 4.940 1928 252 342 12.806 4.200 1929 426 446 18.824 7.774 1930 364 356 16.397 6.445 1931 96 198 6.615 4.285 1932 192 232 8.606 3.612 1933 166 352 13.065 7.796 1934 129 332 12.889 15.071 1935 147 385 13.040 15.582 1936 160 464 15.857 16.088 1937 132 653 16.335 19.365 1938 100 332 11.395 n.a.
Judging by these figures, the busiest year was 1929, both in number of commissions and in income. Two years later, in 1931, the effect of the Great Depression of 1930 makes itself
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felt, with a slight delay: the number of commissions falls disastrously from 364 to 96, and income from photography declines from 16,397 drachmas the previous year to 6,615. During the rest of the decade, activity picks up gradually, without however ever reaching the level of the twenties, at least as far as the more expensive ‘weekly’ prints are concerned. Counter-‐balancing this fall is a substantial increase in demand for the cheaper ‘instant’ prints, which by 1934 represent the largest part of the annual photographic income. It is in any case known that this income would not have sufficed to maintain Fatseas’ family in reasonable comfort; he supplemented it partly through the shop’s other, non-‐photographic transactions, and partly with the traditional agricultural pursuits of most Kytherians, particularly olive-‐tree cultivation. “He would take photographs and then go and plough. We had an ox back then which we shared with neighbours, one day we had the use of it, the next they did. How else could we make ends meet? Five children and three adults, we all had to eat, there were eight of us gathered round the table. We couldn’t live off his photography, so he also farmed, tended olive-‐trees. Bread was expensive in those days, up to ten drachmas a kilo”.18
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A SMALL SHARE OF IMMORTALITY
he core of the Fatseas archive, quantitatively and qualitatively, is undoubtedly made up of his portraits. The most superficial glimpse is enough to confirm how different they are from the average commercial portraits of the period. They stand out first of all thanks to their immediacy and animation, free of that fatal rigidity which transforms so many subjects of early 20th century photographic portraiture into mummified dummies. They stare back at us, most of them, seriously but unaffectedly. Though these images include the incidental period information which is the usual attraction of old photographs, in this case it is unlikely to hold our attention; on the contrary, our gaze settles upon the evocative faces of the sitters, upon the postures which betray so much about them and their relationship with one another, and upon those wonderfully expressive hands. These are, it seems, paradoxically contemporary images – or perhaps, like all good art, they are simply timeless.
Did Fatseas stage his portraits? We don’t know. Or rather, yes – of course he staged them; but he didn’t practice what is meant today by staged photography. In other words, he didn’t invent imaginary stories or devise alternative realities. On the contrary, the sole purpose of staging was to emphasise the objective nature of those passing before his lens. The way he arranged people in front of the background curtain was a kind of staging, and so was his ever more restrained use of the simple props he allowed himself: the few flower petals scattered on the floor at the feet of the young girls, the carved walking stick flourished proudly by a gendarme, the spring of basil held by a solitary woman, a bouquet, the dog
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curled up beneath his master’s chair, a long-‐barrelled shotgun like an old musket. And after all, the way he approached his subjects was itself a form of staging: an approach which instead of intimidating, allowed them to be, quite simply, themselves. These portraits offer themselves up for deliberate scrutiny, and the eye constantly discovers emotionally and visually charged details which bring an added dimension to the image: the ‘best’ jacket of the young boy whose too-‐short sleeves hover just above the wrists, the heavy hobnailed boots worn with a formal suit, or the almost but not quite identical dresses worn by two young women of the same family. Alan Trachtenberg’s perceptive comment about Mike Disfarmer, that distant colleague of Fatseas’, applies no less to the Greek photographer: “…his people leap out; nothing distracts attention from them, from the physical details which comprise them and make their bodies and dress and expressions such plausible vehicles of particular lives – the delicacy of a hand touching a shoulder, the twist of an ankle, the tilt of a hat, the rumpled folds of trousers, the fall of cotton dresses on the work-‐stiffened bodies of country women”.19 The Kytherians photographed by Fatseas do not seem like impersonal figures, symbolic perhaps of some nostalgically viewed past, but preserve their individual personalities. The two or three days’ wages which they paid the photographer turn out to have been a good investment, since alongside the postcard-‐sized prints mailed to a father or son in Australia, they were – all unwittingly – also purchasing a small share of immortality. Not just because their faces have travelled down the years to reach us, but above all because the photographer’s alchemy proves such that before these miraculously resurrected photographs, we pause involuntarily to study their image and wonder who they were, how they lived and what passed before their eyes. Immortalised by Fatseas, they are simultaneously other and familiar.
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NOTES 1 See Leonidas Papazoglou: Fotografika portraita apo tin Kastoria kai tin periochi tis tin periodo tou Makedonikou Agona, edited by Costis Antoniadis and Yiorgos Golobias, Thessaloniki Museum of Photography, 2005. 2 Kythera, or Cerigo as it was known under the Venetians, lies off the southern tip of the Peloponnesus. With a total surface area of 108 square miles, it is one of the larger Greek islands. The permanent population is currently about 3,500; in the 1920s, it was nearly 10,00. 3 For further details regarding the Fatseas archive and its preservation, see Yannis Stathatos, “O Kythirios fotografos Panayotis Fatseas” in Ellinikes Fotografikes Meletes 2002, Thessaloniki Museum of Photography & Kythera Photographic Encounters, 2003. 4 Panayotis Ch. Fatseas, To archeio tou Kythiriou fotografou Panayoti Em. Fatsea tis periodou 1920-‐1938. Meleti gia ti diasosi tou. Dissertation for the Department of Preservation of Antiquities and Works of Art, Athens Technical Institute, 2004, p.32. 5 Sp. Stathis, Kythiraiki Epitheorisis, Athens 1923, p.193. 6 Quoted in Panayotis Ch. Fatseas, above, p.35. 7 Interview with the author on 2 February 2007. 8 Fanni Konstantinou, “To ergo tou Panou Iliopoulou […]” in the catalogue Panos Iliopoulos, Benaki Museum, Athens 2006, p.7. 9 Papazoglou, as above, p.23. 10 Interview, as above. 11 Interview, as above. 12 Interview, as above. 13 Such a memorial album, size 11x17 cms and containing ten separate photographic prints, was produced in an unknown number of copies by the Potamos photographer Emmanuel Sofios on the occasion of the funeral of the merchant and one-‐time Mayor of Potamos, M.I. Megalokonomos. 14 Interview, as above, 15 Interview, as above. 16 Interview, as above. 17 Exceptionally, Fatseas has noted on the last page for the year 1926 an additional sum of 1,350 drachmas “from America”, raising his income for the year to 13,921 drachmas. In view of the fact that only entries resulting from photographic activities were recorded in the workbook, it can be assumed that this sum represents payment for a large order from the United States. 18 Interview, as above. 19 Alan Trachtenberg, “Disfarmer and Heber Springs”, in Mike Disfarmer, Steidl/Steven Kasher Gallery, Göttingen & New York, 2005, p.19.
The original Greek version of this text was published in Giannis Stathatos, Panayotis Fatseas: Prosopa ton Kytheron, tetarto editions, Athens 2008. An English-‐language edition, incorporating the present text, was planned but never published; this is therefore the first publication of the English version. © John Stathatos, 2014