PAGANS OR CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY MEDIAEVAL CEMETERY FROM ZALĂU “VALEA RĂCHIŞORII /...

AD FINEM IMPERII ROMANI

Studies in Honour of Coriolan H. Opreanu

AD

FIN

EM

IM

PER

II R

OM

AN

I St

udies

in H

onou

r of C

oriol

an H

. Opr

eanu

ISBN 978-606-543-600-8

9 786065 436008

I N S T I T U T E O F A RC H A E O LO G Y A N D H I S TO RY O F A RT C LU J ‑ N A P O C A

STUDIES IN HONOUR OF CORIOLAN H. OPREANU

AD FINEM IMPERII ROMANI

Editors:Sorin Cociș

Vlad‑Andrei LăzărescuMonica Gui

Dan‑Augustin Deac

MEGA Publishing House | Cluj‑Napoca | 2015

• •

PAGANS OR CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY MEDIAEVAL CEMETERY FROM ZALĂU “VALEA RĂCHIŞORII / PÁLVÁR”?

Dan Băcueț-Crișan

Abstact: The site from Zalău “Valea răchişorii / Pálvár” is located on the territory of the modern town of Zalău, at the foothills of the Meseş Mountains, at the end of the Crasna street, in the precinct of the former tank military practice range, in the direction of the Aghireş village.Out of the twelve burials, nine had the bodies put directly in the grave, furthermore in three burials traces of the coffins being noticed. The funerary inventory was formed by some personal objects such as adornments made out of bronze and silver. Regarding the placement of the burials, all of them are oriented East-West with only a few degrees deviations. Taking into consideration all the aspects analyzed above we can state that the funerary practices observed by now in the cemetery in question do not differentiate of the ones found in other Christian cultural environments. Keywords: pagans, christians, cemetery, inhumation burials, funerary inventory.

The site from Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár” is located on the territory of the modern town of Zalău, at the foothills of the Meseș Mountains, at the end of the Crasna street, in the precinct of the former tank mili‑tary practice range, in the direction of the Aghireș village.

The cemetery is placed on an elongated and low terrace at the base of the Meseș Mountains (pl. I). The first archaeological excavations on this objective were conducted in 1989 and had a rescue purpose due to the fact that while constructing the practice range some Early Medieval inhumation burials were destroyed. The excavation was carried out by I. Bajusz from the History and Art County Museum of Zalău and focused on a small area in which five inhumation burials were identified, disposed on three rows. Some human bone fragments were collected from the near‑by area also, as a result of previous damaging of the site, in 19891. Because of the importance of the previous archaeological results, new excavations were further carried out, in 2000–2002, identifying another seven inhumation burials from the same period2 (pl. II, pl. VII).

Analyzing the location of the skeletons found in the emerged archaeological features, we can observe at this stage the existence of five separate rows of burials, while only one burial – M. 1 / 2002 – seems to be isolated from the others (pl. II).

Out of the twelve burials, nine had the bodies put directly in the grave, furthermore in three burials traces of the coffins being noticed. The traces of wood from the burials M. 1 / 2000, M. 2 / 2000 (pl. III) and M. 1 / 2001 (pl. IV) came from coffins with a fourangle planimetry3. The most interesting burial is the one conventionally numbered M. 1 / 2001, where a body of a child was identified, together with eight iron clasps used in the side gussets of the coffin4 (pl. IV–V). The arrangement of the wooden coffin burials suggest the fact that there were other burials – simpler ones – grouped all around them.

The funerary inventory was formed by some personal objects such as adornments made out of bronze and silver (pl. VIII). Only one burial (M. 2 / 2001) did contain the upper part of a ceramic vessel (pl. VI). Furthermore in these burials no bone animals were discovered suggesting a possible offering of meat.

Regarding the placement of the burials, all of them are oriented East‑West – with only a few degrees devia‑tions (pl. II, pl. VII). The heads of the bodies are facing the western side. Unfortunately the state of the preser‑vation of the bodies is not in all cases satisfactory but still it could be observed the fact that the bodies were laid‑down on their backs with their legs stretched forward. The arms were laid straight forward in a position parallel

1 COSMA 1994, 323–329.2 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2001, 274; BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2002, 338–339.3 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S. / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003, 63, Pl. 71–72 / 1.4 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S. / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003, Pl. 72 / 1, pl. 74.

72 Dan Băcueț‑Crișan

to the bodies with the interior of the palms facing the basin of the skeletons. The sole exception was the case of the burial M 2 / 2001 which had the palms laid on top of the basin and the arms slightly bent from the elbows.

The other features of the bodies had no distinctive, odd positions of parts of the bodies such as the head, feet or arms. Nevertheless two burials, namely M 4 / 1989 and M 2 / 2000, had the skulls positioned backwards, meaning with the blockhead touching the neck vertebras. These situations were not the cause of some pagan ritual practices5 but rather because of the natural, biological processes of decaying of the bodies, a process which itself triggers the changing of the position of the bones, mixed together with the intervention of animals from the soil.

Regarding the sex / gender determination and the age of the defunct, an incipient anthropological analysis was undertaken, the results being still processed. Nevertheless, judging by the dimensions of the skeletons we can firmly affirm the fact that M. 1 / 19996, M. 2 / 1989 and M. 1 / 2001 were children bodies. More than that, the burial M. 1 / 1989 triggered the attention further on and started some disputed among scientists. For instance the bracelets discovered here were interpreted by C. Cosma as temple rings7, a hypothesis which was later on reappraised by the scholars which re‑framed this type of artifacts in the category of wired bracelets with bulbed edges8.

A peculiar situation was identified in the pit of the burial M. 1 / 2002 in which the head of the body is missing (actually the skeleton was poorly preserved), instead a rock / sandstone of large proportions was discov‑ered where the actual head should have been9. The presence of this sandstone in the burial pit, under the head of the deceased person can have only two possible explanations:

a. one, the stone was put in the burial pit from the beginning for the support of the head, a gesture which betrays a certain care for the deceased.

b. or the stone was laid on top of the burial, after the body was buried and covered with earth, while the stone had the role of marking the burial, later on because of the pressure of the earth or some interventions, the stone falling into the pit.

These are for now the elements which characterize the burials uncovered by now in the cemetery of Zalău“Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár”. Bearing in mind the pieces of information which was previously exposed, we will try further on to give an answer on one particular question: were these people pagans or christians?

One of the most important features is the fact that the burials are facing East‑West, with the head on the west and the feet on the east side. Studies revealed the fact that the funerary practices of the early Christian communities were similar to the ones of the people burying their dead in the cemetery of Zalău, namely the defunct was laid on their backs and had their arms stretched parallel to the body or put in a crossed position on top of the chest or abdomen10.

Besides the orientation of the burials, the position of the hands and arms of the defunct is an aspect commonly analyzed in the argumentation of the Christian / Pagan debate. However these characteristics can lead sometimes to false conclusions if we take into consideration the fact that even in the 11th century, not all the Christian “dogmas” related to the burial process, such as the position of the arms were not always respected by the Christian communities11.

As mentioned, out of the twelve burials discovered in the Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár” area, only five had a funerary inventory which can be categorized as follows: apparel accessories of the defunct (found in four burials) and the upper part of a broken ceramic pot in one other burial.

In the Romanian specialty literature there is a fierce debate regarding the Christian / Pagan burials with funerary inventory. It is thought that the funerary inventory contradicts the idea that this kind of burials could belong to a Christian because these objects forming the funerary inventory are against the liturgical texts

5 In the opinion of C. Cosma (COSMA 2006, 865).6 Regarding the burial M. 1 / 1989, we had already expressed this opinion in 2003. In a study with the topic focusing on the

discoveries of Köttlach type from the western and north‑western part of Romania, published in 2006, C. Cosma contested our opinion, affirming that the preserved bones came from the parts of the body of an adult male (COSMA 2006, note 44). This statement is however totally erroneous due to the fact that I. Bajusz‑ who coordonated the excavations from 1989 when the first burials were discovered, informed us to the fact that the burial M. 1 / 1989 contained several bones coming from children judging by their dimensions were later on reburried in the area nearby. Thus, C. Cosma did not have at his disposal the bones of the skeleton at the time when he published his article in 1994!

7 COSMA 2006, 863.8 GÁLL 2009, 160; The type Ic in the typology proposed by A. Dragotă et al. for the bracelets discovered in the cemeteries dating

in the 10th–11th centuries (DRAGOTĂ ET ALII 2003, 90, Pl. 1 / 1c).9 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S. / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003, 44, pl. 85.10 POULOU‑PAPADIMITRIOU ET ALII 2012, 379.11 BARVENOVA / LAVYSH 2012, 662.

73Pagans or Christians in the early mediaeval cemetery from Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár”?

and the Christian dogma12. This perspective however is slightly wrong mainly because most of the times, the apparel accessories of the dead person are confused with the items / goods put in the burial as elements of the burial rituals‑ offerings to be more accurate. More than that, the results of the archaeological investigations give us a series of compelling evidence regarding the practice of depositing objects in the Christian burials:

– in certain areas, the Orthodox Church was more permissive than the Catholic one regarding the catego‑ries of goods to be deposited in the burials13;

– the Medieval liturgical texts allow the depositing of a large variety of objects14;– in the Merovingian cultural environment (6th–7th centuries), in the interior of churches, Christian

burials with a rich funerary inventory of the elite social classes showed the importance of the deceased in the social hierarchy15.

In the case of the funerary practices dating in the 10th century, the depositing of ceramic material in the burials seems to have been a fundamental characteristic of this particular period of time. In the first part of the 10th century the ceramic pots were deposited in the area of the feet of the deceased while after the middle of the 10th century in the upper part of the body, on the right side of the skull16, as is the case of the burial M. 2 / 2001 from the cemetery of Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár”17. Moreover, the depositing of ceramic vessels in burials, a practice which originates in the Pagan Late antiquity, characterized also the early Christian communities in the Byzantine Empire (4th–7th centuries)18.

The study of the form and dimensional characteristics of ceramic vessels deposited in the inhumation burials concluded that the vast majority of them were of small dimensions19. Concerning these pots it was stated that they could be miniature vessels and thus imitating the ones of the “normal” dimensions, their sole purpose being the one of serving in the funerary rituals. Also, the idea that the some potters were specialized specifically in manufacturing this kind of vessels was advanced20.

In our opinion this theory is not accurate and furthermore is contradicted by archaeological discoveries from the early Middle Age settlements:

– these artifacts are not copies / imitations of “normal” / bigger vessels because in the settlements dating in this period amphora‑shaped vessels of different sizes were discovered21 and cups and similar shaped vessels (pots with no handles) 22;

– they cannot be classified as miniature vessels because this assertion would imply the fact that they did not have a practical utility, while in the Early Medieval settlements, ceramic pots of small scale dimensions were discovered, in which diverse liquids were preserved or which were used for drinking (cups);

– the assertion that these vessels were specially created for funerary practices is fundamentally contra‑dicted by the ceramics inventory from the settlements of this period of time, where this kind of small‑scale vessels do appear23.

The funerary / ritual practices around 1000 AD had in their composition the deposition of stones in their burials, this situation being also observed in the cemetery of Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár” in the burial M. 1 / 2002. But is this a pagan or Christian funerary practice?

The archaeological investigations conducted here have concluded the fact that in the early Christian commu‑nities this practice was commonly used, the evidence being the burials with an East‑West orientation in which the head of the deceased was supported by a “pillow” made out of stone or bricks (re‑used from the ancient contexts) put under the head with the purpose of orienting the face of the deceased towards sunrise in the awaiting of the second coming of Christ.24 This practice was observed in the later chronological stages, as it is the case of burials from the 12th–13th centuries belonging to the laic and religious elites of the eastern Slavs (Russians), burials

12 GÁLL 2013, 165; ŢIPLIC 2013, 229.13 SPIRĢIS 2012, 704.14 WREZIŃSKI 2012, 547.15 BRATHER 2012, 338–339.16 DRAGOTĂ 2006, 134; COSMA 2011, 123.17 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S. / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003, Pl. 72 / 2.18 POULOU‑PAPADIMITRIOU ET ALII 2012, 379–380.19 COSMA 2011, 133.20 COSMA 2011, 133.21 BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2009, Pl. VI.22 MATEI / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2011, Pl. 11 / 3, Pl. 31 / 1; BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014, 619, Pl. V / 1.23 HARHOIU / BALTAG 2007, Pl. 51 / 6, Pl. 210 / 13; BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN / PRIPON 2008, Pl. IV / 4; IONIŢĂ 2009, Pl. 158 / 19,

Pl. 217 / 21.24 POULOU‑PAPADIMITRIOU ET ALII 2012, 379.


characterized by the deposition of stones in the area of the head of the deceased (commonly put under the head as a “pillow”) or in cases in which the body of the deceased was covered and protected by a layer of stones25.

The historic‑archaeological realities observed in diverse cultural environments show that Christian elements appeared in the pagan communities even before their official Christianization26 and that some of the pagan practices were preserved by Christianity but were somehow adapted to the new realities. The religious beliefs had always had an official aspect and a particular one27, implicit in Christianity in around 1000 AD.

With this occasion we re‑state the fact that the Lunar shaped earring belonging to the burial M. 1 / 1989 and to the discoveries of the Köttlach type does not necessary represent an irrefutable or sufficient argument in the favor of the presence of a new group of western Slavs in this area28. The presence of this kind of artifacts is more likely a result of some influences or cultural‑economic relations29.

The burials of the cemetery of Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár” start in the first decades / first quarter of the 10th century or somewhere in the middle of the 10th century. Taking into consideration the characteristics of the artifacts discovered in the burials, the closing period of this kind of burials seems to have happened after the middle of the 10th century or somewhere in the second part of the mentioned period.

Taking into consideration all the aspects analyzed above we can state that the funerary practices observed by now in the cemetery of Zalău “Valea Răchişorii / Pálvár” do not differentiate of the ones found in other Christian cultural environments.

Dan Băcueț-CrișanMuzeul Județean de Istorie și Artă Zalău

[email protected]

REFERENCES

BARVENOVA / LAVYSH 2012 BARVENOVA / K. LAVYSH, Burials in churches from the 11th–14th centuries on the territory of Belarus: influence

of Christianization on the costume of the elite in the Western Rus’ principalities. In: M. Salamon, M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin , P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence / I (Kraków‑Leipzig‑Rzeszów‑Warszawa 2012), 661–676.

BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2001 D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, Zalău – Pálvár. In: Cronica cercetărilor arheologice din România. Campania 2000

(Suceava 2001), 274.BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2002 D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, Zalău – Pálvár. In: Cronica cercetărilor arheologice din România. Campania 2001

(Buziaş 2002), 338–339.BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2009 D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, Vasele amforoidale medievale timpurii din vestul şi nord‑vestul României. Annales

Universitatis Apulensis, Series Historica, 13, 2009, 69–87.BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2014 D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, O locuinţă medievală timpurie descoperită în anul 1995 la Alba Iulia – Dealul Furcilor.

Câteva consideraţii privind locuirile medievale timpurii de pe teritoriul oraşului Alba Iulia. Apulum. Series Archaeologica et Anthropologica 51, 2014, 615–643.

BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2014a D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, Contribuţii arheologice privind nord‑vestul României în sec. VII–XI. Cercetări în

Depresiunea Silvaniei (Cluj‑Napoca 2014).BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN / PRIPON 2008 D. BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN / E. PRIPON, Ceramica medievală timpurie de la Cosniciu de Jos (judeţul Sălaj). Vasaria

Medievalia 1, 2008, 141–154.BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN S. / BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN D. 2003 S. BĂCUEŢ-CRIŞAN / D. BĂCUEŢ-CRIŞAN, Cercetări arheologice pe teritoriul oraşului Zalău. Descoperirile

neo‑eneolitice şi medievale timpurii (sec. VII–XI) (Zalău 2003).

25 MYSKO 2012, 553.26 MUSIN 2012, 80–81.27 WRZESIŃSKI 2012, 547.28 According to C. Cosma (COSMA 2006, 867).29 MADGEARU 2001, 177‑178; BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S. / BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003, 64.


BRATHER 2012 S. BRATHER, Pagan or Christian? Early medieval grave furnishing in Central Europe. In: M. Salamon ,

M. Wołozyn , Al. Musin, P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence / I (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 333–349.

COSMA 1994 C. COSMA, Morminte din secolele IX–X p. Ch. descoperite la Zalău (jud. Sălaj). Ephemeris Napocensis 4,

1994, 323–329.COSMA 2006 C. COSMA, Necropole de tip Köttlach descoperite în vestul şi nord‑vestul României. In: C. Gaiu, C. Găzdac

(Eds.), Fontes Historiae. Studia in honorem Demetrii Protase (Cluj‑Napoca – Bistriţa 2006), 829–844.COSMA 2011 C. COSMA, Funerary pottery in Transylvania of the 7th–10th centuries (Cluj‑Napoca 2011).DRAGOTĂ 2006 A. DRAGOTĂ, Aspecte de multiculturalitate spirituală. Rit şi ritual funerar în Transilvania şi în Europa Centrală

şi de Sud‑Est (sec. IX–XI) (Alba Iulia 2006).DRAGOTĂ ET ALII 2003 A. DRAGOTĂ / A. S. NICULESCU / M. BREAZU / C. URIAN / I. BĂBUŢ / A. BREAZU, Tipuri de brăţări în

cimitirele de secol X–XI. Patrimonium Apulense 3, 2003, 89–112.GÁLL 2009 E. GÁLL, The date of the appearance of the S‑ended lock‑rings in the Transylvanian Basin. Ephemeris Napocensis

19, 2009, 157–175.GÁLL 2013 E. GÁLL, Churchyards in the Transylvanian Basin from the 11th to the First Half of the 13th Centuries. On the

Beginning of Institutionalized Christianity. Marisia 33, 2013, 135–250.HARHOIU / BALTAG 2007 R. HARHOIU / GH. BALTAG, Sighişoara – Dealul Viilor. Monografie arheologică / II (Bistriţa – Cluj‑Napoca

2007).IONIȚĂ 2009 A. IONIŢĂ, Aşezarea din secolele XII–XIII de la Bratei (Sibiu 2009).MADGEARU 2001 Al. MADGEARU, Românii în opera Notarului Anonim (Cluj‑Napoca 2001).MATEI / BĂCUEȚ‑CRIȘAN 2011 AL. V. MATEI / DAN BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN, Contribuţii arheologice privind topografia şi structura internă a

satului medieval timpuriu din nord‑vestul României. Aşezarea de la Porţ – La baraj (judeţul Sălaj) (Cluj‑Napoca 2011).

MYSKO 2012 I. MYSKO, The religious beliefs of Slav population in the Upper Prut and the Middle Dniester region. In:

M. Salamon, M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin, P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence / II (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 545–561.

MUSIN 2012 AL. MUSIN, Byzantine reliquary‑crosses in the formation of medieval Christian culture in Europe. In:

M. Salamon, M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin , P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence / II (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 61–94.

POULOU‑PAPADIMITRIOU ET ALII 2012 N. POULOU‑PAPADIMITRIOU / E. TZAVELLA / J. OTT, Burial practices in Byzantine Greece: archaeo‑

logical evidence and methodological problems for its interpretation. In: M. Salamon, M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin, P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence, I (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 377–428.

SPIRĢIS 2012 R. SPIRĢIS, Archaeological evidence on the spread of Christianity to the Lower Daugava area (10th–13th century).

In: M. Salamon, M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin, P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence / I (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 333–349.

ȚIPLIC 2013 M. ŢIPLIC, Aspecte de ritual funerar în necropola medieval timpurie de la Orăştie Dealul Pemilor X2. Banatica

23, 2013, 223–241.WREZINSKI 2012 J. WREZIŃSKI, The Dziekanowice cemetery‑Christians cultivating venerable traditions. In: M. Salamon,

M. Wołozyn, Al. Musin, P. Spehar (Eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly‑Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence, I (Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012), 535–551.


Pl. I. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Overview of the site (1–2). The site on the Josephine survey map (3).

1

2

3

fortress

fortress

cemetery

cemetery

settlement

settlement


Pl. II. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Plan of the archaeological excavations from 1989 (after COSMA 1994), 2000, 2001, 2002 (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN S./BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN D. 2003; BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

coffin burials

MODERN PIT

smithy

trench excavated in 1989

0 5 m


Pl. III. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Grave M. 2/2000 (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014 a).

A. pottery fragmentB. wooden coffin

1

1a

0 1 m


Pl. IV. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Children grave M. 1/2001: drawing and photo (1–1b), iron cramps (2–9) (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

a–h. iron crampsA. wooden coffin

0 1 m

iron cramp

iron cramp

iron cramp

iron cramp

1b

1a


Pl. V. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Grave M. 1/2001. Reconstruction suggestion (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

a–h. iron crampsA. wooden coffin


Pl. VI. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Grave M. 2/2001: photo (1), pottery from grave (2–3) (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

pottery fragment (2)

pottery fragment (3)

1

2

3

0 5 cm


Pl. VII. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Aspects during the excavations (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

1

2

3


Pl. VIII. Zalău “Valea Răchişorii/Pálvár”. Artifacts from the graves: M. 1/1989 (3–6), M. 3/1989 (2, 7), M. 5/1989 (1) (after BĂCUEŢ‑CRIŞAN 2014a).

1 2

3

4

5

6 7

PAGANS OR CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY MEDIAEVAL CEMETERY FROM ZALĂU “VALEA RĂCHIŞORII /...

Documents

Transcript of PAGANS OR CHRISTIANS IN THE EARLY MEDIAEVAL CEMETERY FROM ZALĂU “VALEA RĂCHIŞORII /...