_-_

ably see them on Cooglerone wants to make stare

." How many occupantsrund the world have had

rf vulnerability as theyin the past decade?

d commentators cast the

importers (usually the

Europe) as vulnerable torful energy exporters like

;raphic perspective en-

< again. For all that oil is

rduction of new certain-

ry, perhaps it would be

attention to the shared

lity and anxiety that are

th producers and con-ections of today's global'gy regimes.

sistant professor of anthro-

i.sity. His recent book Ihe

ussian Land: A Historical

in the Urals rCornell 200(

ion for the Clifford Ceertz

ology of Religion. His re-

il culture is supported by

ral Science Foundation and

on East European and Eur-

Orphans in theGlobal Sy'stem

Moyo Coffee Producers

in Chiopos. Mexico

Molly Doane

$ n 1998 | returned lo my hometown of

ffi M.rdison, Wisconsin, after several years

of research in southern Mexico. A friend

took me to a new coffee shop that in true

Madison style accommodated its customers

on found and used furniture and served ve-

gan baked goods. But this shop had some-

thing new as well: its coffee was "fair trade."

A bag of coffee with a Mexican origin in-

cluded a label to explain the concept. lt

read: "By choosing this fair trade certifiedproduct you are directly supporting a better

life for farming families through fair prices,

direct trade, community development, and

environmental stewardship." At that timethe concept of "fair trade" was relatively

new in the U.S. market. But it was the other

side of a commodity chain that linked Mexi-

can coffee producers to politically minded

CONSU METS.

Although it was not the focus of my re-

search as I sipped coffee in a Madison cof-

fee shop in 1998, I had spent time with an

organic coffee co-op during a brief research

project in 1995, where I had learned about

the origins of the system that would come to

be called "fair trade." As I will show, the op-

timistic and progressive claims on the bag in

Molly Doane

the coffee shop vastly simplify the reality of

Mexican farmers who grow fair trade coffee.

While fair trade is the best option available

for many farmers, its pricing system is not

generous enough to solve poverty or totransform communities. The strength of fair

trade lies in the way it sustains farmer coop-

eratives and community organizations-many of which were formed before the ad-

vent of the fair trade system. Fair trade is not

a gift that coffee consumers have given to

coffee farmers. Rather, it is the outcome of

several decades of state development initia-

tives and organization among producers

themselves.

Fair trade is a concept that originatedamong Mexican coffee farmers whose liveli-

hoods were threatened by the globalization

of markets. ln the case of coffee, the mini-

mum price of $1.21 per pound plummeted

so dramatically after its deregulation in

1989 that coffee farmers could no longer af-

ford to produce it. This created instability

both for farmers, many of whom were

obliged to migrate to the United States in

search of work, and for suppliers of the

high-quality coffee that is produced by fam-

ily farmers on small plots in places like

Mexico. Mexico is the world's fifth largest

producer of coffee, which is its largest ex-

port after oil. Three-quarters of that coffee is

produced by family labor on small plots of

fewer than .l

2 acres. Mexico leads the world

Mexico leads the world in

fair trade production, of which

70 percent is also organic.

I r f,ljti;:_:::ii :.::Lll;:ti .,':iltl: 17mber 2 September 201 1

in fair trade production, of which Z0 percent

is also organic. Of the Mexican states, Chia-

pas is the largest producer of organic coffee.

Beginning in 1989, small farmers in Mex-

ico began to work with coffee buyers inter-

ested in importing quality coffee to Euro-

pean markets. Coffee growers began toproduce organic coffee because it couldcommand a higher price than conventional

coffee grown with chemical additives, and

small European coffee roasting companies

directly imported the beans. For producers,

organic production provided a way to earn

an income without having to take out loans

for agricultural inputs like chemicals. ltpromised to break the cycle of debt that per-

petuates poverty and that tied them to polit-ical leaders who controlled access to credit

and markets.

Organic coffee production fit into a

broader movement for "productive auton-

omy'/-sn effort that Mexican peasants em-

ployed to combat the decline in Iivelihoods

associated with globalized markets, and torebuild sustainable economies at the local

level. Fair trade is a global certification sys-

tem that originated in Mexico and emerged

out of these direct markets in organic coffee.

Criteria for fair trade coffee mandates that

coffee producers be organized within dem-

ocratically structured cooperatives and that

their coffee be produced on small plots us-

ing only family Iabor.

As such, it reflects the organization of the

Mexican producers with which it origi-nated. lt is also an examole of the new so-

cial movements that have emerged in the

age of globalization, where affluent urban

consumers can be linked to the poorest ru-

ral producers through the market. lt fits into

18 ;rsi{ }ar:i:g*<::!lg:' rt:-rr

Coffee farmer, author, and a co-op technicianharvesting coffee.

a broader trend for "ethical consumption"-in which political expression translates into

economic capital and channels throughmarkets. ln 2005 | began a new research

project to study this intriguing Iink between

rural coffee producers in Chiapas, Mexico,

and midwestern consumers of fair trade cof-

fee. I interviewed many professionals and

activists who have built the fair trade coffee

market in the United States, and I visitedfifty coffee-producing families between

2005 and 2008. These farmers belong to afair trade coffee cooperative called Solidar-

ity, which sells their coffee to Harvest Coffee

Roasters in Milwaukee and Caf6 Direct, the

Iargest fair trade coffee wholesaler in the

United Kingdom.

11 r'**li:i*s':r:*s $F*;rE"t*-: * r; **dt3:*

'i-afus:r *€ il*F$s*

The mountains around the old colonial cityof San Cristobal de las Casas are Maya cof-

fee lands that produce organic fair trade cof-

fee that sells in the United States and Eu-

rope. These steep, terraced hills have been

Volume3 = Number2 r September 2oll

farmed since pre-col<

driver of one of the c,

ried me between tht

where I visited coffee

Canal, a dot on the

Cristobal de las Casa

mountains at an altitr

fee grows best at all

feet, so the coffee lar

cated downhillfrom I

Canal means "nine lt

Pasqual tells me that

on which the town is

tinct Ievels that the ar

ago. When the great f

tants started moving

the rising waters, br

each time. After bu

they had reached th

having nowhere left t

away by the water

Pasqual-who speaks

guage-there are r

Judeo-Christian retel

Iapse asserts that the

in a certain way this i

The ancient Maya

around 1000 AD. Th

the continent five cer

the indigenous inhak

vivors, who spoke r

languages that persist

cut off from their pre

and economic relatic

ships had connecte(

on the coasts to agr

inland and by river tr

and south, constitutir

work. After Spanish

communities, once f

Molly Doane

f-

"ethicaI consumption"-:xpression translates into

and channels throughbegan a new research

; intriguing link between

:ers in Chiapas, Mexico,

nsumers of fair trade cof-many professionals and

built the fair trade coffee

led States, and I visitedcing families betweenrese farmers belong to a

operative called Solidar-'coffee to Harvest Coffee

kee and Caf6 Direct, the

offee wholesaler in the

**jjfs *:ir{.$ry**

rnd the old colonial citylas Casas are Maya cof-

rce organic fair trade cof-

: United States and Eu-

terraced hills have been

rmber 2 ., September 201 'l

farmed since pre-colonial times. Pasqual, a

driver of one of the collective taxis that car-

ried me between the hamlets of Tenejapa

where I visited coffee farmers, is frorn Balun

Canal, a dot on the map just outside San

Cristobal de las Casas, perched high in the

mountains at an altitude of 7000 feet. Cof-

fee grows best at altitudes of 3000-6000feet, so the coffee lands of Tenejapa are lo-

cated downhillfrom Pasqual's village. Balun

Canal means "nine levels" in Tzeltal Maya.

Pasqual tells me that this is because the hill

on which the town is perched has nine dis-

tinct levels that the ancient Maya made long

ago. When the great flood came, the inhabi-

tants started moving up the hill to escape

the rising waters, building a new terrace

each time. After building the ninth level

they had reached the top of the hill and,

having nowhere left to go, were soon swept

away by the waters. This is why, says

Pasqual-who speaks Tzeltal as his first lan-

guage-there are no more Maya. This

Judeo-Christian retelling of the Maya col-lapse asserts that the Maya are extinct, and

in a certain way this is true.

The ancient Maya civilization collapsed

around 1000 AD. The Spanish conquest of

the continent five centuries later decimated

the indigenous inhabitants of Mexico. Sur-

vivors, who spoke dozens of indigenous

languages that persist in Mexico today, were

cut off from their previous social, political,

and economic relationships. These relation-

ships had connected fishing communities

on the coasts to agricultural communities

inland and by river to societies to the north

and south, constituting a complex trade net-

work. After Spanish conquest, indigenous

communities, once highly internally differ-

Molly Doane

entiated by occupation, class, and status

and connected to each other in a complex

agricultural economy, became peasants (as

defined by European colonists in relation to

themselves). Severed from their previous

economic relationships, they were obliged

to sell their Iabor to meet their survival

needs. While indigenous communities ap-

pear isolated and timeless to visitors-andare certainly presented this way for tourists

-they have been linked to global markets

since the Spanish arrived, working on large

farms to earn cash for goods that they can-

not grow or manufacture at home.

Pasqual's town, Balun Canal, is tierra fria,

producing apples, peaches, and corn for lo-

cal marl<ets. Cash from these concerns is in-

sufficient, and people from this town often

go to the United States looking for work.

Pasqual has picked tomatoes in Florida and

worl<ed as a gardener in Virginia. For those

who want to stay closer to home, a less lu-

crative option is to work seasonally on

coastal coffee plantations (fincas). Coffee

production is impossible at extremely high

elevations where it is too cold, and in the

region as a whole it is relatively new. Tradi-

tionally, farmers in Tenejapa, where coifee

can be produced, Brew corn and beans for

subsistence, migrating along with their high

altitude neighbors to the coastal coffee

farms to earn necessary cash. Beginning in

the '20s, farmers here began to adopt coffee

production for reasons that Antonio ex-

plained to me as we sat on his veranda one

mild, sunny day:

I am an orphan. My father died when I was

10 of drink. My mother died when I was.l 2 of {ever. So I had to go work on the cof-

i]+':r:ihi+;rc: iti liltc' i."]*it;ei $.vstlr,-il: 19

td a co-op technician

fee finca. I went for the first time when I

was .l 0 to support my mother. At first, I

worked in the kitchen because I was too

young to work in the fields. When I was

12, I began agricultural work on the finca,

under the care of a man from my owncommunity. The man felt sorry for me and

was kind, making sure that I got to pick the

most loaded trees so I could fill my bags

quickly and earn well. I worked for 12

years on this finca. As an adult the workwas much harder. You had to get up at twoor three in the morning to work until five

in the evening. I worked from about 1950

until about 1975 on the finca and often felt

lonely in my heart. Eventually I inherited

six hectares from my father's estate and

was able to marry. At first, we grew

peanuts, corn, and beans, and I continued

to work seasonally on the finca. About 30

years ago we started growing coffee,

which was promoted through a govern-

ment agency called INMECAFE, and I no

longer had to work on the finca. (Antonio,

October 31 ,2006)

Antonio's story of orphanhood, child la-

bor, and eventual adoption of coffee farm-ing is quite typical of the farmers I visited inTenejapa. Stories like Antonio's highlight theimportance of productive autonomy forfarmers, many of whom experienced thedrudgery and loneliness of plantation lifefirst hand. Beginning in the 1970s, coffeeproduction on small plots enabled farmersto earn cash for necessities without havingto migrate to coastal plantations. Fair tradeis intended to prevent coffee farmers fromhaving to return to these conditions of debt-peonage, either on the coastal plantations

20 ;:Lr::L:l::"*::t:li:p,; tr:::

that still produce coffee in Chiapas or theexploitative tomato fields of Florida.

j i;s$i** i5:rq:,r.rull {**s*rt::; lic}s:

Many fair trade activists I have talked tohave had their consciousness raised in thecourse of talking to or hearing about farmerslike Antonio. Zoey, a leader in the UnitedStudents for Fair Trade, described her visitsto a coffee plantation and later a fair tradecoffee co-op:

My experience on the plantation versus

the co-op was pretty radical. The levels ofempowerment, llecause the co-op was

small producers who owned their land and

were in this co-op, lhey were erperiencingpower through that first Ievel of democracy

and being invested in something. They

were able to grow and improve the qualityof their plots and increase productivity ...

but instead of selling to these intermedi-aries that their peers were selling to, they

were making a trashload more, they were

invested in the decisions and then the

money that they were making was going

back to their quality of Iife, was going back

to the broader community through some

really progressive initiatives. Whereas, at

the plantation I was at, the farmworkershad absolutely no access to power or em-

powerment. They worked a few days a

week when the landowner would call from

the city and say, "yeah, we want you towork." They would get paid whatever he

dictated for the work and they had no

other options. As a consumer, it's my

choice and I would far prefer to invest in

Volume 3 ,. Number 2 September 2Oi 1

empoweflng commt

messed up stuff. (Zo<

Trade, April 26,2006)

In the past decade, 1

a significant avenue f(

learn about and act o

that are epitomized l:

tions of low-wage pla

d u c ing agricu Itu ral c

provides a ready fot

movement aimed at

equality. Because it is

not commonly consut

duced and is a luxury

sity, it is a signature pr

Yet its exploitative orig

erased through the re

correct coffee purcha

appealing cause for stt

vides a consumer-bas(

rate inequality, and it ;

the market to do just

consumers have, I hav

system with a great dei

ten find in it hope and

ing a more just world

For example, studer

United Students for Fa

Fair trade is an i

for students bec

a consumer-bar

ameliorate ine

attests to the pov

to doju

Molly Doane

coffee in Chiapas or theo fields of Florida.

l il**sr.lx:g:€!*s'r

lctivists I have talked rornsciousness raised in ther or hearing about farmers

y, a leader in the Unitediade, described her visits

tion and later a fair trade

rn the plantation versus

etty radical. The levels of

f,ecause tne co-op was

vho owned their land and

l, they were experiencing

at first level of democracy

ted in something. They

r and improve the quality

increase productivity ...

lling to these intermedi-

)ers were selling to, they

ashload more, they were

decisions and then the

were making was going

ty of life, was going back

rmmunity through some

r initiatives. Whereas, at

vas at, the farmworkers

I access to power or em-

, worked a few days a

rdowner would call from

"yeah, we want you tod get paid whatever he

work and they had no

s a consumer, it's my

ld far prefer to invest in

tmber 2 ,, September 201 1

empowering communities versus this

messed up stuff. (Zoey, Students for Fair

Trade, April 26,2006)

In the past decade, fair trade has become

a significant avenue for student activists to

learn about and act on global inequalities

that are epitomized by the dismal condi-tions of low-wage plantation workers pro-

ducing agricultural commodities. Coffee

provides a ready focus for a consumer

movement aimed at reducing global in-

equality. Because it is a commodity that is

not commonly consumed where it is pro-

duced and is a luxury rather than a neces-

sity, it is a signature product of exploitation.

Yet its exploitative origins can seemingly be

erased through the relatively simple act ofcorrect coffee purchasing. Fair trade is an

appealing cause for students because it pro-

vides a consumer-based strategy to amelio-

rate inequality, and it attests to the power ofthe market to do just this. Fair trade coffee

consumers have, I have found, invested the

system with a great deal of meaning, and of-

ten find in it hope and optimism for achiev-

ing a more just world through the market.

For example, students involved in the

United Students for Fair Trade, an organiza-

Fair trade is an appealing cause

for students because it provides

a consumer-based strategy to

ameliorate inequality, and itattests to the power of the market

to dojust this.

Molly Doane

tion active on campuses around the nation,

have told me that fair trade will "correct the

abuses of the market." They also often un-

derstand the fair trade system as one that

encourages cooperative ownership, the

ability of small farmers to stay on their land,

and social development in coffee communi-

ties, including projects to improve educa-

tion, health, and opportunities for women.

But farmers do not attribute the strength of

their co-ops and communities solely to the

fair trade system: rather, they point to an

earlier period of history as an importantsource of their current strengths.

il'll r* i:!e,:a.*${}ii,}sl} ** jl c'}i ?li':*

,l::;lIe" 'jlf;i#-l $*'sI*r:: iy: fu€s:lis:sr

ln 1970s Tenejapa, coffee was grown insmall quantities and by a few farmers who

had brought home seeds from the coffee fin-

cas, but it became a major local enterprise

after INMECAFE-Ihe National Coffee Insti-

tute-introduced a coffee-planting program.

INMECAFE provided subsidies, seeds, fertil-

izers, and pesticides through a loan pro-

gram, along with free ongoing technical as-

sistance. During this period, the hillsides of

Tenejapa were transformed from largely de-

forested corn plots to shaded hillsides dot-

ted with coffee bushes. Some of the techni-

cians who introduced coffee to the Tenejapa

region were left-leaning activists focused on

development for marginalized rural people.

They felt that coffee production, whether in

lieu of corn and beans or in tandem withthose crops, would free rural families from

the exploitative conditions of the coastal

coffee fincas and alleviate the necessity for

{..:ts'rlr!:icirri -''

Jlt't' tiir,iir:.i :'i3,s{l:i:l 21

labor migration to the coast or abroad. Cof-

fee producers spoke very favorably of lN-MECAFE. lts technicians helped campesinos

to build terraces, plant shade trees, growcoffee bushes from seed, prune and main-

tain plants, and regulate shade. During this

period (the late-'ZOs to mid-'BOs) minimum

international coffee prices were negotiated

in accordance with the International Coffee

Agreement (lCA) and producers organized

into co-ops. Producers described this period

as a good one, both for the empowerment

from the training they received and for the

price of coffee:

When INMECAFE arrived, they brought

technicians who came to tell us and con-

vince us that there was a market for coffee.

But still people didn't know if it was true.

But then when it really did work, little by

little people got organized and began to

sell a little coffee and then a little more.

This is how INMECAFE worked-they sent

a technician to convince the people, the

people agreed they wanted to do this work,

and then they planted coffee, Iike that, little

by little. I don't know how many years I

worked in my coffee plot before INME-

CAFE died. (Pancho, November B, 2006)

Many producers described the introduc-

tion of coffee marketing in Tenejapa by the

Mexican coffee agency INMECAFE in terms

similar to those Pancho relates above. Some

describe INMECAFE as animated or personi-

fied, as a positive force, and as fosteringorganization. The disappearance of INME-

CAFE in the late-'BOs was described as akind of death. After its death, a period of so-

cial chaos ensued, during which campe-

22 rsr:ll*"*g:<;i+.g': lr:::

We saw that it wasn't working out

with each producer working alone

tryrng to sell his coffee.

sinos, Iike so many orphans, suffered from

social abandonment and isolation. This limi-nal period after the death of INMECAFE

gave way to the current period, whichstarted after the formation of Solidarity Co-

operative. The co-op formed in the wake of

the deregulation of coffee prices interna-

tionally and globally. After the disappear-

ance of INMECAFE, prices for coffee plum-

meted. This is because internationalregulations on prices were abandoned and

national subsidies for growers discontinued,

making the chemical pesticides and fertiliz-ers used on coffee crops too expensive to

purchase. Coffee farmers described this pe-

riod as one in which there was "no market."

After the market disappeared, coyotes or

middlemen preyed upon the farmers, who

now had no way of knowing what the price

for coffee was, but had to take the word of

any buyer who showed up at the door:

Many coyotes arrived in Tenejapa and San

Cristobal and in the community to buy

coffee. Yes, we sold the coffee to them, ex-

cept that they really ripped us off. When

they weighed the coffee, lots of time they

shorted us on the weight a few kilos per

sack. (Diego, December 14,2006)

Buyers may indeed have been cheating

the producers, but in any case free market

pricing had made coffee prices plummet in

Volume 3 Number2, September 2011

lhis period, making it

had put a finger on the s

responded to this situi

themselves. Diego procr

At that point, I began ,

my options and listen. \

ter than this? Where is t

zation, where they wi

fairly? That is why I am

ityl today.

Through a network o

local farmers became a

op in Oaxaca (UClRl)tt

ing organic coffee for

co-op put the Tenejap;

with a co-op in Chiapa

ino nro.anic r-nffce'"b - b-" -

gained entry into the or

ket. Cabriel describes tl

When we were alon

working in coiiee durir

saw that it wasn't wor

producer working alor

coffee. That is why we f

tion th.rl g.rve us the rig

to other nations. We s,

nized ourselves we wol

ties we saw lhat it is

nized. The truth is that

freedom through assr

)une 4,2007)

The history of the co

portance of organizal

gious, community, or 1

maintaining acceptabJ

nomic conditions. Wh,

Molly Doane

it wasn't working out'oducer working alone

to sell his coffee.

rny orphans, suffered iroment ano tsotatton. Ints ltmt-the death of INMECAFE

re current period, whichiormation of Solidarity Co-r-op formed in the wake ofr of coffee prices interna-cally. After the disappear-FE, prices for coffee plum-; because international'ices were abandoned and

s for growers discontinueo,rical pesticides and fertiliz-3e crops too expensive tofarmers described this pe-

ich there was "no market."disappeared, coyotes or

:d upon the farmers, whoof knowing what the priceut had to take the word ofrowed up at the door:

'rived in Tenejapa and San

n the community to buy

old the t offee lo lhem, ex-

eally ripped us off. When

e coffee, lots of time they

re weight a few kilos per

rcember 14,2006)

deed have been cheatingrt in any case free market

: coffee prices plummet in

rlumber 2 September 20.1 1

this period, making it seem like someone

had put a finger on the scale. Coffee farmers

responded to this situation by organizing

themselves. Diego proceeded to explain:

At that point, I began to think and weigh

my options and listen. What would be bet-

ter than this? Where is there a good organi-

zation, where they will weigh my coffee

fairly? That is why I am here [with Solidar-

ityl today.

Through a network of Catholic churches,

local farmers became aware of a coffee co-

op in Oaxaca (UClRl) that had begun grow-

ing organic coffee for sale in Europe. This

co-op put the Tenelapa farmers in contact

with a co-op in Chiapas that was also sell-

ing organic coffee. In 1992 Solidarity

gained entry into the organic fair trade mar-

ket. Cabriel describes the process this way:

When we were alone-mY father was

working in coffee during those times -wesaw that it wasn't working out with each

producer working alone trying to sell his

coffee. That is why we formed an organiza-

tion that gave us the right to sell our coffee

to other nations. We saw that if we orga-

nized ourselves we would have opportuni-

ties-we saw that it is better to be orga-

nized. The truth is that really you get some

freedom through association. (Cabriel,

)une 4,2007)

The history of the co-op attests to the im-

portance of organization-whether reli-

gious, community, or producer based-inmaintaining acceptable social and eco-

nomic conditions. When Solidarity joined

Molly Doane

the organic co-op based in the Lacandon

forest, they associated themselves with an

agenda of political economic autonomy

later articulated by the Zapatistas. This led

to a break with the local community author-

ities, at that time (1992) affiliated with the

PRl, which had ruled in Mexico without

challenge for almost 7O years. Organic and

fair trade coffee production was adopted in

the context of a number of other local and

national level changes. This local history is

significant because it is exemplary of the

political organization among rural people,

who, whether sympathetic to the Zapatistas

or not, have felt more empowered in the last

two decades.

Many scholars attribute this new empow-

erment or agency to a "democratic open-

ing" in Mexico. Along with a number of an-

thropologists, I think that it has much to do

with the retreat from a revolution-era social

contract and the declining hegemony of so-

cial democracy in general: society as a

whole is no longer the source of security for

the poorest of its members. This in turn

loosens the patron-client bonds that kept ru-

ral people committed to the ruling political

party at the national and local levels' This

social loosening has allowed movements

that strive for political autonomy to flourish.

Social movements, including the Zapatistas,

have connected political and economic au-

tonomy under the aegis of "productive au-

tonomy," within which organic, fair trade

coffee production has played an important

role. In the early '90s, fair trade markets

provided an alternative to the conventional

coffee markets that local political elites who

also wielded electoral influence controlled'

But in the current era of market solutions,

rural people experience their relative politi-cal freedom in a context of extreme eco-

nomic insecurity, since there is little protec-

tion from the market. Fair trade partnerships

and markets offer the best form of security

available.

t-h* E-Eilr;$ri* c}6 ll:;:is' Yr;:ai*

However, freedom through the market has

proved to be constraining in its own ways,

and its pricing system has not freed peasants

from their traditional roles as petty com-modity producers partly dependent upon

subsistence agriculture. Nor did farmers I

interviewed prefer the new arrangements to

the arrangements that prevailed under lN-MECAFE, and generally found that theirearnings were about the same or less than

they had been in the late '80s, although the

time spent cultivating coffee had increased.

The Harvest-Solidarity commodity chain

is an example of a "relationship" commod-

ity chain. Harvest is a coffee importer as

well as roaster and retailer. Representatives

from Harvest periodically visit SolidarityCo-op to make recommendations for im-proving production levels and quality. They

have made a long-term commitment to buy

Solidarity's coffee, despite some problems

with coffee quality that arose early in their

association. Moreover, Harvest has a "give-

back" program that returns twenty-five cents

to the cooperative for every pound ofbagged Solidarity coffee sold in stores. This

amounts to thousands of dollars annuallythat the Co-op can use for necessary equip-

ment or infrastructure, subject to the ap-

proval of Harvest. When a landslide deci-

24 il*rd.€al"rs5:srfust'r' rr:r:'

mated the coffee plot of one of Solidarity's

members, Harvest sent the producer several

thousand dollars to help offset the loss ofthe crop. Solidarity members value their re-

lationship with Harvest for the support theroaster has extended over the years. More-

over, Solidarity belongs to two larger um-

brella coooeratives that share the costs ofmarketing, processing, local transportation,

contracts, certification, and shipping fordozens of cooperatives like Solidarity. Soli-

darity sells all of its certified coffee to or-

ganic, fair trade buyers and does not have to

unload an excess of fair trade beans to con-

ventional coffee buyers as many coffee co-

operatives do. This fair trade commoditychain represents a best-case scenario withinthe fair trade world.

However, as the fair trade system has be-

come institutionalized through auditedpractices, it has also become expensive and

onerous. Dual organic and fair trade certifi-cation resulted in higher costs and necessi-

tated the centralization or merging of sepa-

rate coooerative structures to create more

effective economies of scale. Producers not

only bear the burden of fees imposed by

certifying agencies, but also bear the burden

of quality control-a cost shouldered by

buyers in conventional coffee markets.

Farmers oointed out that the extra work re-

quired to produce high-quality organic cof-

fee was not reflected in the current price for

fair trade, organic coffee. Fair trade coffee

researchers have discussed in detail the bur-

dens of certification and the extra-workniche coffee production demands. This was

evident as I observed coffee farmers on their

daily rounds.

Alejandro is a case in point. I accompa-

Volume 3 Number 2 September 2011

nied Alejandro and his ac

they tended to their cof

walked several kilometers f

a village consisting of abou

to one of his three tiny par

of land consisting of sligf

acre. Alejandro and Juan

their backs a plasticized bL

ing at least 60 pounds and

made organic compost. Thr

attached to a tumpline o

mekapal, anchored by thhead. That day Alejandro d

of organic compost into 1

newly planted bushes that

tured, would produce higl

coffee beans. As he wo

pointed out the terraces he

venl erosion, the hedges h

act as a barrier for pesticir

stabilize the terraces, the

needed to cut back, and t

that needed to be pruned o

moss from strangling them.

After an afternoon of

chatting, we returned to

housing compound: two

board shacks topped with

minum - one a primitive ki

by an open cooking fire, tl

ing little else besides bedrc

and an equally weathere

settled out in the yard nei

that represented the only r

the property, and began r

view. I asked Alejandro to t

about his own history of g

explain further some of tfhad demonstrated earlier,

the changes he had seen-

Molly Doane

Y_

coffee plot of one of Solidarity'sJarvest sent the producer severallollars to help offset the loss ofrlidarity members value their re-

,ryith Harvest for the support theextended over the years. More-arity belongs to two larger um-leratives that share the costs ofprocessing, local transportation,certification, and shipping for;ooperatives like Solidarity. Soli-all of its certified coffee to or-

'ade buyers and does not have tolxcess of fair trade beans ro con-rffee buyers as many coffee co-do. This fair trade commodity;ents a best-case scenario within: world.

; as the fair trade system has be-tutionalized through auditedhas also become expensive andral organic and fair trade certifi-ted in higher costs and necessi-

ntralization or merging of sepa-

ative structures to create morernomies of scale. Producers nothe burden of fees imposed by

;encies, but also bear the burden:ontrol-a cost shouldered byconventional coffee markets.nted out that the extra wor< re-

oduce high-quality organic cof-reflected in the current price forrganic coffee. Fair trade coffeerave discussed in detail the bur-

tification and the extra-workproduction demands. This was

rbserved coffee farmers on their

r is a case in point. I accompa-

3 , Number 2 ,, September 201 1

nied Alejandro and his adolescent son as

they tended to their coffee bushes. We

walked several kilometers from his house in

a village consisting of about a dozen houses

to one of his three tiny parcelas, a fragment

of land consisting of slightly less than an

acre. Alejandro and Juan each carried on

their backs a plasticized burlap sack weigh-

ing at least 60 pounds and filled with home-

made organic compost. The burlap sack was

attached to a tumpline or sling, called a

mekapal, anchored by the carrier's fore-

head. That day Alejandro dug small pockets

of organic compost into the roots of 100

newly planted bushes that, when they ma-

tured, would produce high quality arabica

coffee beans. As he worked, Alejandropointed out the terraces he had dug to pre-

vent erosion, the hedges he had planted to

act as a barrier for pesticides as well as to

stabilize the terraces, the shade trees he

needed to cut back, and the coffee bushes

that needed to be pruned or scraped to keep

moss from strangling them.

After an afternoon of composting and

chatting, we returned to Alejandro's tinyhousing compound: two weathered clap-

board shacks topped with corrugated alu-

minum - one a primitive kitchen dominated

by an open cooking fire, the other contain-

ing little else besides bedrolls for sleeping-and an equally weathered outhouse. We

settled out in the yard near the washstand

that represented the only running water on

the property, and began our formal inter-

view. I asked Alejandro to tell me a bit more

about his own history of growing coffee, to

explain further some of the techniques he

had demonstrated earlier, and to reflect on

the changes he had seen-from working on

Molly Doane

Coffee farmer carrying compost with the aid oi amekapal.

large coffee plantations, to growing his own

"conventional" coffee, the transition to or-

ganics, and most recently, to organic fair

trade coffee. When Alejandro did not volun-

teer any specific information about the fair

trade system, I asked him to explain to me

what that was. He replied, "Yes, we have

meetings over at the co-op about comercio

Tusto where people come and talk about it.

It is ... there's a lot of information ... I forget

what it is."

Alejandro was the one of the first coffee

farmers I talked to, but certainly not the only

who "forgot" what fair trade is. Civen the re-

markable ability of these farmers, who at

best had sixth-grade educations, to explain

the intricacies of the commodities markets,

government policy, and changing agricul-

tural practice for the past three decades, this

forgetting merits examination. In my inter-

:i:':::t;t:t:t . , ;t' iii::lril Sl'tiiq.l:: 25

views, the coffee system was almost always

referred to as "organic" and associated with

a set of technioues for its execution. Or-

ganic production was particularly valued

because it frees farmers from buying expen-

sive pesticides, fertilizers, and herbicides,

and organic coffee commands a higher

price than conventional coffee. They said

they deeply valued the relationships that

they had established with Harvest Coffee,

and spoke favorably of the technical support

and investments that this fair trade partner

had orovided. Like the earlier techniciansfrom the state agency INMECAFE, personnel

from Harvest coffee were seen as bearers of

useful technology and patrons capable of

providing an entr6e into privileged markets.

But I found that, with the exception of a few

co-op leaders, coffee producers had little or

no knowledge of the fair trade system or itspurposes. As one farmer put it, "lt's what the

market is called right now."

In many hours of interviews and informal

conversation, none of the benefits valued by

consumers of fair trade were iterated by pro-

ducers. This is likely because cooperativeorganization and small-holder coffee pro-

duction pre-dated the fair trade system by

several decades. The small-holding coffee

production system that keeps farmers from

having to migrate to plantations or to the

United States was developed through signif-

icant investments of time and technology

promoted by the national government be-

fore global markets were "freed" for compe-

tition. The free market devastated coffee

prices, which fell from their regulated mini-

mum of $1.21 per pound to lows of forty

cents per pound. From the perspective of

farmers, the National Coffee Agency "died"

26 rastilS'rr*g:r>llnrg: t::rl

Though fair trade and the demand

for organic coffees may have

permitted farmers to survive by

cultivating their own land ...,

and the recent price hikes are

a hopeful sigu, the promise offair trade for reducing inequality

has yet to be realized.

and the market vanished, leaving coffee

farmers orphaned in the new global system.

When fair trade emerged in 1992, it raised

prices from abysmal lows to $1.26 per

pound (with a higher price of $.1.4'1 for or-

ganic fair trade) and fostered new market re-

lat ionsh ips for [armers.

These prices did not change significantly

until 201 1, when fair trade prices were in-

creased by twenty cents per pound to keep

pace with rising prices in the conventional

coffee market. Yet, in the aftermath of free-

market policies first implemented in the

early 1 980s, the price for the "canasta

bdsica"-the basic food items and con-

sumer goods deemed necessary for every

household-has increased from one-half of

the minimum wage to at least four times the

minimum wage. Fair trade maintained cof-

fee prices at roughly the level they were in

1989, when the cost of Iiving was at most

one eighth of what it is now. Though fair

trade and the demand for organic coffees

may have permitted farmers to survive by

cultivating their own land when they could

not otherwise, and the recent price hikes are

a hopeful sign, the promise of fair trade for

Volume 3 Number 2 September 2011

reducing inequality has yt

Instead, fair trade has becr

global market, one that

speed treadmill for farmers

harder and harder but still

Alejandro, who looks as '

houses, has yet lo see his s

or for that matter, justice tc

iJ::lir.r

All photos are courtesy of the

*c.rgg*si*l* ${**ri,;t;+

Collier, Ceorge, and Elizabet

Basta! Ltnc! tnd the lapalist,

pas. Oakland: Food First Bool

Doane, Molly. 2010. "Rel

Structure and Agency in the

Molly Doane

ir trade and the demand

tnic coffees may have

d farmers to survive by

ing their own land ...,

recent price hikes are

il sign, the promise offor reducing inequality

vet to be realized.

et vanished, leaving coffeered in the new global system.

le emerged in 1992, it raised

Lbysmal lows to $'1.26 perhigher price of $1.41 for or-

r) and fostered new market re-

farmers.

; did not change significantly

ren fair lrade prices were in-)nty cents per pound to keep

rg prices in the conventionalYet, in the aftermath of free-

:s first implemented in thethe price for the "canastabasic food items and con-leemed necessary for everyrs increased from one-half ofvage to at least fourtimes the

e. Fair trade maintained cof-rughly the level they were in

re cost of living was at most

what it is now. Though fairdemand for organic coffeesnitted farmers to survive byr own land when they couldand the recent price hikes are

the promise of fair trade for

' Number 2 September 201 .1

reducing inequality has yet to be realized.

lnstead, fair trade has become a part of the

global market, one that remains a high-

speed treadmill for farmers who are workingharder and harder but still going backward.

Alejandro, who looks as weathered as his

houses, has yet to see his ship come to port,

or for that matter, justice to the market.

N*{*

All photos are courtesy of the author.

i;.:t::*s€*c i, €*;r ri i :tg:

Collier, Ceorge, and Elizabeth Quartiello. 2005.

Basta! Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chia-

pas. Oakland: Food First Books, third edition.

Doane, Molly. 2010. "Relationship Coffees:

Structure and Agency in the Fair Trade System."

Molly Doane

ln Sarah Lyon and Mark Moberg, eds. FairTrade

and Social Justice: Clobal Efhnographles. New

York: New York University Press, 229-257.

Jaffee, Daniel . 2OO7. Brewing Justice: Fair Trade

Coffee, Sustainability, and Survival. Berkeley:

University of California Press

Lyons, Sara, and Mark Moberg, eds. 2010. Fair

Trade and Social Justice: CIobal Ethnographies.

New York: New York University Press.

Molly Doane is assistant professor at the Univer-

sity of lllinois at Chicago. Her work concerns so-

cial movements, environmentalism, organics, and

globalization in Mexico and the United States.

She is currently working on a book about fair

trade coifee. Her earlier research on the politics

of the environment in Mexico resulted in several

articles and a book, The Jaguar and the Orchid:

The Politics of the Environment in a Mexican For-

est (forthcoming, University of Arizona).

:.r:1.iii:rr. ia; t.i:rt' {;laii:ili ":,.r':i:' l: 27