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Describe the significance of coffin design from the Twenty-First

Dynasty based on materials in European Museums

The unifying principle of this report is twofold: The exploration of

museology embedded within the layout of the visited museums and its

influence on the reception of Twenty-First Dynasty coffins’

iconographic repertoire. European museums, as this report will

demonstrate, not only form persuasive, didactic organisations, but

in doing so, concurrently impose intellectual barriers because of

the particularity of the messages broadcasted. Consequently, the

term ‘coffin design’ refers explicitly to iconographic motifs, with

‘significance’ relating to not only the themes they impart but also,

as products of ‘European museums’, how the reception of this

iconography may be influenced. Therefore, in order to discover the

intent of coffin iconography, the report will follow two routes. The

first will explore how early-mid Twenty-First Dynasty coffins permit

the life-bestowing properties of the state-god, Amun-Re, through his

identification as the deity Re-Osiris, to reach the deceased. This

conclusion will demonstrate how museums, through the organisation of

object and space, can influence the thought process of the observer.

The second will explore later, Twenty-First Dynasty coffin

iconography, and its diffusion of sacred, iconographic motifs into

profane scenes, illustrating the growing credence in the real-

presence of Amun-Re. This will not only illuminate the coffin’s role

as a medium for theological expressionism, but in doing so will

ultimately navigate past the categorisations embedded in the same

layouts which encourage a purely funerary perspective of coffins.

Before looking at how the museums have displayed and arranged the

Twenty-First Dynasty coffins, affecting their interpretation, it is

important to first establish the meanings associated with their

iconography. During the investigation of museum collections,

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iconographic motifs expressing cosmological and eschatological

concepts focusing on the Solar-Osirian unity occurred repeatedly.1

The potency for this model of rebirth is captured explicitly on the

cartonnage lid of Butehamon in Turin’s Museo Egizio, as shown in

Figure One. Winged-Khephri, the embryonic form of Re and

consequently a symbol of solar renewal, is surmounted by the Atef

crown, itself an emblem of Osiris, embodying immortality and

enhanced status.2 Captured within a single motif is the union of

cyclical, neheh time, and the resultative, djet time: the creative

principle of the sun merging with the perpetual regeneration of

Osiris, indoctrinating and invigorating the deceased with both

identities.3 Illustrated in a succinct, pictorial form then, are the

myths and rituals attached to the union of the creator god’s ba, Re,

with his khat, Osiris during the sixth hour of the Amduat, a funerary

text:4

My ba-soul is with me, that I may alight on my corpse.

...

Becoming One, from whom every god came into being

Raise yourself!

…

These gods hear the voice of Re every day,

and they have their life through his voice.

The command to rise is addressed simultaneously to the deceased and

the Becoming One - the resulting deity of this coniunctio - meaning

that the imperative for self-resurrection draws authority from

1 Abbas 2014a: 73.2 Abbas 2010b: 50. Goff 1979: 272-80.3 Amenta 2014: 501-02. 4 Schweizer 2010: 139.

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mythological space, empowering ritual action. The audible

manifestation of life-force furthermore, is registered on a divine-

level, reinvigorating the spawn of the universal progenitor, thus

preserving the entirety of created space by re-living the process in

which it first began.5 Rebirth on the micro-level appears to be

dependent on the macro-level. The resurrection of the deceased was

tied to this cyclical, cosmological process, partaking of the

restorative energies which were imparted each day.6

Coffin iconography alludes to no individual corpus, but references

and embodies a variety of funerary concepts rooted in both myth and

ritual pars pro toto.7 As a primarily visual media, imagery provides a

multitude of various readings and interpretations, establishing new

lines of connectivity with one another; creating innovative nexuses

which strengthen desired themes.8 Hence, the association established

between the well-being of the cosmic collective and the individual,

also recalls the rituals of the Gliedervergottung, recorded in Book

of the Dead spell forty-two, which reconstituted the deceased’s

scattered bodily divisions, transfiguring him into a new, collected

entity:9

My hair is Nun,

My face is Re.

The deceased could thus say of himself:10

I am entirely a god,

No limb of mine is without a god.

5 DuQuesne 2006: 30-32.6 Nyord 2007:29. 7 Niwinski 2009: 153. 8 Taylor 2001b: 164-65.9 Faulkner 2010: 62. Nyord 2007: 10-29.10 Hornung 1976: 88-89. This is an extract from the Litany of Re.

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The gods restored the limbs of the deceased and they arose from

them. He consequently formed and engendered a pantheon, functioning

as the compound Re-Osiris deity, who he emulated.11 He became a

cosmic demiurge in whose body the gods are apparent; originator of

all creation and the container for all substance and space.12

Consequently, the coffin not only offered a space for celestial

wandering, but re-enacted transfiguring rituals, affecting the body

of its occupant, which manifested as the expansive cosmos itself, a

microcosm of a macrocosm.13

Properties of universal renewal were also assigned to Amun-Re in the

Twenty-First Dynasty, a realisation achieved while searching through

the Leiden collection and finding a hymn to Amun-Re, as illustrated

in Figure Two:14

He (Amun-Re) who began the earth in the first instant.

Secret of birth and numerous of forms.

…

All gods are three: Amun, Re and Ptah, whom none equals.

He who hides his name as Amun, he appears to the face as Re, his

body is Ptah.

Amun-Re is identified as an ancient, primordial being who is at once

a singular, trinitarian entity and multitudinous. He begat himself

and in doing so, began the process of universal creation, attributes

which, as we have seen, were assigned to the Re-Osiris deity.

Although the chasm between cultic hymn and funerary container may

seem too dichotomous for influences to be posited, it must be stated

that the most common occupier of these coffins in museums were 11 Assmann 2005: 35.12 Nyord 2009: 514. 13 Raven 2005: 43-53. Bommas 2010: 50-53.14 Ritner 2009: 151.

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priests of Amun. For instance, Djedmonthuiufankh, discussed below,

held the title ‘Gods Father of Amun’, a high

priestly office. The possibility for

reciprocating lines of influence between theological and funerary

concepts then, increase. Nevertheless, the god Amun, one third of

the Amun-Re trinity, is never directly alluded to in the coffin

iconography. This implies that the immeasurability, the hidden and

unrepresentable character of Amun as a deus absconditus, - for he was

‘secret of birth’ - is reflected in his absence from these

artefacts.15 The vignettes, in the sense of icons of a multi-level

character, exactly express the trinity of Amun in this way.16 There

is no direct reference to him on the coffins, satisfying his

secretive and hidden aspect, as Amun, and his Re manifestation is

expressed in purely solar or joint Osirian/solar terms, as

previously demonstrated. His Ptah aspect is alluded to at times

textually, as Figure Three illustrates, where the coffin of

Djedmonthuiufankh has painted on its interior, head rest, the

hieroglyphs:17

‘Ptah-Sokar, Lord of the šṯyt-shrine’

Although Amun-Re was never referenced directly, he had, through

constant allusion to his constituent elements, permeated coffin

design, securing a role in the funerary concepts expressed in these

motifs.

This leads to the possibility that Re-Osiris, who the deceased

sought to emulate, can be linked to the state deity Amun-Re, by

virtue of shared properties and the latter’s nuanced presence in

15 Assmann 1979: 33.16 Assmann 1989: 140.17 Assmann 2008: 64.

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coffin iconography. In fact, it could be said that Amun-Re became

the source not only for rebirth, but individual succour, as

illustrated in the oracular decree of Neskhons:18

Who comes to him that calls,

With a heart inclined to him that worships him,

…

A good protector for him who gives him into his heart.

Just as the deceased traversed through, and was, at once, the bodily

cosmos of the Becoming One, here identified as Amun-Re, so too did

the living individual find Amun-Re rooted within his own inner,

corporeal universe.19 By melding mortal and divine tissues, the

message becomes implicit: in both life and death, Amun-Re, in the

Twenty-First Dynasty, became a source for personal salvation, as

recounted in the oracular decree of Neskhons:20

Who guides the millions by his shining,

Lord of life, who gives to whom he wishes.

Iconography therefore, had established a connectivity to the divine,

bringing the spheres of myth and ritual to a single point of

convergence in the form of the coffin. The container underwent a

transubstantiation: its inert material transfigured into an

animating locus for transformation, perpetuating, artificially, the

voice and actions of the mythically charged officiants, by keeping

the occupier forever within range.21 In this way, the coffin

functions as a ritual machine, an enabling device, which manifested

18 Ritner 2009: 153.19 Assmann 2003b: 306.20 Ritner 2009: 152-53.21 Assmann 2005: 249.

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the life-giving beneficence of Amun-Re, a source for salvation both

in life and death.22

The above inference originates in the discovery that each of the

visited museums had accommodated a sequential layout, organising the

coffins so that they conformed to this linear pattern. This is

exemplified by the British museum, illustrated in Figure Four, which

not only outlines the floor-plan of the ‘Egyptian death and

afterlife: mummies’ exhibition, but tracks the most potent of entry

and exit points. The lines from points A to B are the most common

pathways taken by visitors, illustrating the organizational

influence of such layouts on an otherwise undirected mass. This is

corroborated by Figure Five, which is taken from the crowd

perspective and illustrates the sequential theory in action. The

curators’ justification for this spatial form is publically

announced, as illustrated in Figure Six, where they intended ‘the

central case [to] illustrate the evolution of … the burial and [its]

changing relationship through time.’23 The implementation of this

layout therefore serves didactic purposes. The idea of Amun-Re

intervening through the coffin however, occurred after visiting the

Vatican Museum. As Figure Seven illustrates, it also implemented a

sequential movement, extending however, beyond the ‘Gregorian

Egyptian Museum’, continuing into the ‘Pio Clementino Museum’, and

terminating in the Sistine Chapel. Through what museologists Duncan

and Wallach term a ‘ritual walk’, the museum created an atmosphere

which resembled a traditional, religious experience.24 Although not

permitted to be photographed, the foci of the Sistine Chapel, the

‘creation of Adam’, stimulated this idea. It represents the point at

which God transferred his cosmic, creative principle to the

22 Willems 1996: 265.23 British Museum 2015.24 Duncan and Wallach 1980: 452-61.

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individual, mortal level; to Adam, whose outstretched hand towards

the divine illustrates his dependency on this being for vitality.25

This is not to say however, that Egyptian belief was an anticipatory

foundation for Christian theology, or that the former was seen as a

source of dogma by the latter, merely that the museum seeks to

artificially extend Christianity’s roots into the ancient past. That

the museum itself perceived a link between Christianity and the

disparate civilisations in its collections is explicitly stated by

curator Nadia Fiussello. She states that one of the museum’s aims

was to ‘reconstruct and narrate the path of humanity from its

origins up to its most complex expressions.’26 Christianity was not

only embedded in the distant past, but was to be presented as the

anticipated, culmination of human achievement.

The implementation of sequential layout in museums not only

influences thought, but also has the negative consequence of

projecting the false classification of time as linear progression.27

It is a homogenising force which works to manipulate objects, the

lens through which we perceive past events, to present an altered

and ultimately plastic, historical narrative.28 To address each

object in its artificially controlled environment therefore, would

be to pursue the agenda of the curator, at the cost of inquiry and

possibly, historicity. These institutions suspend coffins in a

sterilised environment, creating subjective divisions, supplemented

only by misleading thematic categorisations.29 Ancient Egypt is

partitioned into separate divisions, titled by broad headings

concerned with the political, social and funerary.30 The Rijksmuseum

Van Ouden in Leiden proudly claims this division in an emblematic 25 Pomella 2007: 177.26 Fiussello 2012: 389.27 Cooney 2007: 282. Cooney 2014: 53.28 Walsh 1992: 31.29 Lupton 2003: 68.30 MacDonald 2003: 91.

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form, as illustrated in Figure Nine: the banner delineating the

point at which one facet of culture begins, and where another ends.

Consequently, the visitor is to operate and analyse objects linked

in an artificial nexus, making it difficult to establish atypical

connections, in spite of relevancy. It was only after reviewing the

acquired data, that the concept of funerary materials as

sociological mediums revealing, profound cognitive changes in the

Twenty-First Dynasty occurred, as illustrated in the following

section.

Following the stylistic typology of Niwinski, it seems that

iconographic themes of mortal and divine connectivity becomes more

prevalent toward the end of the Twenty-First Dynasty.31 Coffins

within the type V typology appear to share a common iconographic

subject depicted on the left or right sides of the outer-coffin,

with only one earlier parallel in the type III group found among the

museums’ collections. What is depicted are references to the twelfth

hour of the Amduat through the use of divine motifs superimposed

with funerary processions. A table of their frequency has been

constructed, arranged in chronological order on page thirteen.

The syncretism of divine and mundane passage is suggested initially

through the posture of the towing characters - a feature which all

coffins in Table One share - who look back towards the deceased.

This gesture is reminiscent of the twelfth hour of the Amduat,

depicted in Figure Thirteen, where the oar-bearers in the Cyperus

Papyrus turn their heads to the emerging solar-deity atop his night

barque. However, Figure Ten and Figure Eleven, feature more explicit

references to the Amduat, such as the goddesses’ with snakes on

their shoulders and the accompaniment of the ‘World Encirler’

respectively. What is evident from the gathered data, is the

31 Niwinski 1988: 235.

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increasingly explicit depiction of parallels between the Amduat and

the funerary procession as the Twenty-First Dynasty concluded. What

precipitated was a synchronous depiction of the funerary ritual and

the Amduat, which could be seen as the staging of two dramas

simultaneously: the process of death and rebirth of both the

deceased individual and of the sun.32

It also suggests however, that the boundaries which had

traditionally partitioned the concrete world of the living from the

mythical hereafter had become porous. In fact, it could be said that

the division between the sacred and profane at this point in the

Twenty-First Dynasty had become, artistically, and perhaps,

cognitively, nebulous.33 Type V coffins demonstrated the altered

properties of space further, through appropriation of temple

imagery, by implementing royal, Ramesside tomb scenes into their

iconographic repertoire. Pictorial extracts now included the

offering of a w3s-sceptre by the b3-bird in the vignette below the

squatting figure of Nut on the lid in Figure Fourteen. This

attribute was secondarily awarded by the gods to the king, the

inevitable conclusion being that divine/royal prerogative had been

usurped by private individuals.34 This divinisation developed

symmetrically with another phenomenon, which sought to establish a

new dynamic in the pre-existing equilibrium between the divine and

human, as illustrated in Figure Fifteen. For the first time in

Egyptian history, deities are enthroned on ordinary chairs of the

New Kingdom type, instead of on the usual ḥwt-cube throne, an

artistic inversion which subjected them to the process of

‘humanisation.’35 This reflects the final result of the change in

mental attitude towards the divine.32 Duarte 2014: 85.33 Duarte 2014: 88-89.34 Van Walsem 1997a: 156.35 Van Walsem 1997b: 352. Baker 1966: 179-80.

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The private individual, just like the Ramesside kings, in their

‘Gottebenbildlichkeit’ – in particular to Amun-Re – were no longer

acting on the ethical level by the intermediary of Ma’at, but in

direct confrontation with and following the divine will, an

inflation of privilege manifest via the medium of the coffin.36 The

sacred and profane had converged to establish a new plane of

existence; a levelled path where the mortal and divine traversed

together. The implications of this new pattern of thinking are

evident within the oracular decree of Neskhons, which encapsulated

the temporal nature of Amun-Re: time and space are tied to his

authority, or rather his very being:37

(Amun-Re) Under whose might eternity comes about,

Eternal one, who traverses the years,

Without limits to his lifespan,

Aged and rejuvenated, who traverses eternity.

A theological link had been established between the personal,

cyclical lifespan of Amun-Re, and the first moment of being: the

genesis of created space. History no longer continued along a linear

progression, revived by the regenerative powers of the solar-deity,

but had been returned, continuously, to a primeval mode of

existence.38 The Egyptian cognition had conceived that the

traditional, temporal and tripartite barriers of the cosmos had

imploded, transmuting the world into a place of reoccurring

creation, pulsating with the real presence of Amun-Re.39This was 36 Assmann 1983: 382-86. He correctly interprets it as far more than a phenomenon of Amun theology, but an adjustment of experienced reality. Assmann 2003a: 53-60.37 Ritner 2009: 152.38 Niwinski 2000: 25-28.39 This interpretation follows a theological reading of the declaration of the era of wḥm-mswt, ‘repeating of births.’ For the more traditional, political interpretation see Van Walsem 1997a: 367-68.

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pictorially realised on the Type V coffin, as the inner coffin wall

of Djedmwt in Figure Sixteen illustrates. Here the deceased, an

individual of lower clerical rank, is interacting with the divine,

without any form of intermediary, honouring the god in personam. The

coffin was therefore not only a funerary object, but a medium for

psychological expression and restless spiritualisation, exploring an

individual’s relationship with the gods, and the world around him.40

The preceding sections have analysed repetitious iconographic

motifs, aimed at broadcasting socially pervasive concepts, and has

yielded significant results. It appears as if the Solar-Osirian

unity as expressed in reoccurring vignettes, precipitated in

response to the role of Amun-Re as saviour, utilising his life-

bestowing properties. This conclusion was formulated in response to

the suggestive apparatus prevalent within museums. Later coffin

iconography however, seems to have been preoccupied with the

infusion of the sacred and profane, revealing insightful cognitive

changes within the Twenty-First Dynasty. As the relation between man

and god increased in intensity and proximity, the Egyptians’

experience of reality seems to have altered in response, envisioning

a landscape which reverted continuously to primeval existence. This

sociological aspect of the coffin is rarely explored, or suggested

in museums, which actively placed them within the broad, category of

the funerary realm, limiting the object to only one sphere of

influence, when it apparently embodied several concurrently.

Word Count: 3,096.

40 Kitchen 1986: 256-57.

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Tables and Figures

13

Figure 1. The cartonnage lid of Butehamon, part ofthe Drovetti collection, catalogue number: C. 2236/1-2. (photograph: 1329874)

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14

Figure 2. The (Leiden) hymn papyrus to Amun-Re, catalogue number: AMS 54 vel 1. (photograph: 1329874)

Figure 3. The inner, head rest of Djedmonthuiufankh’s coffin, featuring a central cartouche naming Ptah, catalogue number: AMM 18 h. (photograph: 1329874)

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15

Figure 5. A photograph of Room Sixty-Two, part of the British Museum’s ‘Egyptian deathand afterlife: mummies’. (photograph:

Figure 6. An information board found on the northern entrance to Room 63, part of the British Museum’s ‘Egyptian death and afterlife: mummies’. (photograph: 1329874)

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16

Figure 7. A view of the ‘Pio Clementino Museum’ upon exiting the ‘Gregorian Egyptian Museum’, moving along the pathway to the

Figure 8. The standard signalling the beginning of the ‘Mummies’ exhibition located within the Rijksmuseum Van Ouden in Leiden. (photograph: 1329874)

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Photographic Information

Date Typologicalclassification

Image

Figure 9. The coffin of Djedmwtfrom the Vatican collection, catalogue number:25008. 2. 2. (photograph: 1329874)

Early 21st Dynasty, 1070-945 BC.41

Type III.

Figure 10. The coffin of Djedmonthuiufankh, from the Leidencollection, catalogue number:AMM 18 h. (photograph: 1329874)

Late 21st or early 22nd Dynasty, 950-900BC. 42

Type V.

41 Grenier 1993: 25.42 Ikram and Dodson 1998: 215.

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Figure 11. The coffin of Amenemope, from the London collection, catalogue number:EA 22941. (photograph: 1329874)

Late 21st or early 22nd Dynasty, 950-900BC.43

Type V.

Figure 12. Coffin’s occupierunknown, from theLondon collection, catalogue number:EA 35287. (photograph: 1329874)

Late 21st or early 22nd Dynasty, 945-875BC.44

Type V.

43 Strudwick 2006: 222. Taylor 2001a: 58.44 Singleton 2003: 84.

18

Table One:The SylisticChanges ofParticularMotifs onOuter,

Coffin SidesDuring the

Twenty-FirstDynasty.

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19

Figure 14. The outer coffin lid of Djedmonthuiufankh located within the Rijksmuseum Van Ouden in Leiden, catalogue number: AMM 18 h. (photograph: 1329874)

Figure 13. The twelfth hour of the Amduat, an extract fromthe Cyperus Papyrus in the Drovetti collection of Turin’s Museo Egizio, catalogue number: C. 1776. (photograph:

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Figure 16. The coffin of Djedmwt, catalogue number: 25008. 2. 2. (photograph: 1329874)

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