A Rare Formula on a Thirteenth Dynasty Stela

ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIAANALECTA

————— 192 —————

THE SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD(THIRTEENTH–SEVENTEENTH DYNASTIES)

Current Research, Future Prospects

edited by

MARCEL MARÉE

UITGEVERIJ PEETERS and DEPARTEMENT OOSTERSE STUDIESLEUVEN — PARIS — WALPOLE, MA

2010

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VIII

MARCEL MARÉE, Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI

JAMES P. ALLEN, The Second Intermediate Period in the Turin King-list . . . . . . . . . . . . 1JANINE BOURRIAU, The relative chronology of the Second Intermediate Period: Problems in linking regional archaeological sequences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11ANNE SEILER, The Second Intermediate Period in Thebes: Regionalism in pottery development and its cultural implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39STEPHEN QUIRKE, with a contribution by DANIELA PICCHI and CLAUDIO D’AMICO, Ways to measure Thirteenth Dynasty royal power from inscribed objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55DAWN MCCORMACK, The significance of royal funerary architecture for the study of Thirteenth Dynasty kingship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69GLORIA ROSATI, A rare formula on a Thirteenth Dynasty stela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85DAPHNA BEN-TOR, Sequences and chronology of Second Intermediate Period royal-name scarabs, based on excavated series from Egypt and the Levant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91KIM RYHOLT, The date of Kings Sheshi and Yaqubhar and the rise of the Fourteenth Dynasty . . . . . 109IRENE FORSTNER-MÜLLER, Tombs and burial customs at Tell el-Dab¨a during the late Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127MANFRED BIETAK, From where came the Hyksos and where did they go? . . . . . . . . . . . 139DOROTHEA ARNOLD, Image and identity: Egypt’s eastern neighbours, east Delta people and the Hyksos . 183W. VIVIAN DAVIES, Renseneb and Sobeknakht of Elkab: The genealogical data . . . . . . . . . 223MARCEL MARÉE, A sculpture workshop at Abydos from the late Sixteenth or early Seventeenth Dynasty . . 241DETLEF FRANKE †, “When the sun goes down…” – Early solar hymns on a pyramidion stela from the reign of Sekhemra-shedtawy Sobekemsaf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283GLORIA ROSATI, A statuette of the Seventeenth Dynasty in Florence . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303WOLFGANG GRAJETZKI, Notes on administration in the Second Intermediate Period . . . . . . . . 305SABINE KUBISCH, Biographies of the Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties . . . . . . . . . . . 313FRANCESCO TIRADRITTI, Luigi Vassalli and the archaeological season at western Thebes (1862–3) . . . 329DANIEL POLZ, New archaeological data from Dra¨ Abu el-Naga and their historical implications . . . . 343CHARLES C. VAN SICLEN III, The Third Stela of Kamose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355CHARLES BONNET and DOMINIQUE VALBELLE, The Classic Kerma Period and the beginning of the New Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359

Plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367

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1 Fabretti et al. 1882, 175-6 [1628]; Maspero 1882, 119 [IX]. Provenance not recorded; ex Drovetti collection. Sandstone. 48x29 cm.

2 Simpson 1974, 21, pl. 74 (ANOC 55.2).3 Franke 1984, Dossiers 599, 600 and others; Franke 1994,

71-2.4 Berlin 7309 and Toulouse 1181: Simpson 1974, 21, 24; pl. 74

(ANOC 55.3-4).5 Louvre E.11573: Simpson 1974, 21, pl. 75 (ANOC 55.1);

Delange 1987, 144-7. For an excellent photograph of the group

statuette with offering table, whose provenance from Abydos is documented, see Seipel 1989, 130-1 [97].

6 Among the stelae illustrated in Simpson 1974, only one shows a similar design, viz. Louvre C 2 on his pl. 44 (ANOC 29.1).

7 Wb II 404 [3]; 403 [13]; 400 [1-2]; Wiebach 1981, 72-5; Spencer 1984, 196-202; Wallet-Lebrun 1988.

8 Mastaba of Khnumhotep: PM III2, 896; MMA Excavations 01.119. I wish to thank James Allen for showing me images of the inscriptions on both recovered lintels.

9 Lansing 1933, 9-10, figs. 11-2.

A RARE FORMULA ON A THIRTEENTH DYNASTY STELA

Gloria ROSATI

Stela Turin Cat. 1628 (Old Number 276)1 has never been fully published but is well known to Egyptolo-gists. William Kelly Simpson included it in one of his ANOC groups (no. 55),2 and Detlef Franke proposed a date for its owner Senpu and his colleagues in the Thir-teenth Dynasty, around the reign of Neferhotep I.3 The monuments of this palace administrator are likely to come from Abydos and allow a complete reconstruction of his funerary chapel: on the left and right walls were the slabs now in Berlin and Toulouse,4 in the centre the well-known group statuette with offering table that is now in the Louvre,5 and at the back the Turin stela.

The Turin stela has an unusual shape, rarely attested otherwise in the Middle Kingdom. An upright rectangle with raised torus, it is crowned not only by a cavetto cornice but also by a lunette.6 The latter bears a short inscription in the middle which consists of four col-umns (Plate 6). This identifies the owner and evidently presents us with a shortened version of a longer for-mula (Fig. 1):

wsjr NN ¨q.k m ryt rst pr.k

“O Osiris NN, may you enter by the southern doorway, and may you come out.”

The term rwt/ryt, “doorway, gate”, is also used with reference to false doors.7 In fact, parallels for these words appear on the lintels of some conventional false

doors, and by coincidence this colloquium has alerted me to two examples from Dahshur, first discovered by J. de Morgan.8 The parallels are listed here:

1. The same words appear on the granite lintel of a door, or more correctly a double door, of the mast-aba of Senwosretankh at Lisht from the first half of the Twelfth Dynasty (Fig. 2).9 The text runs left-wards and rightwards from the centre and reads as follows:

¨q.k m rwt rst ¨Ì¨.k jm.sn n†r js

“O NN, may you go in by the southern doorway and stand there as a god!”

pr.k m rwt mÌtt Ìms.k jm.sn wr js

“O NN, may you come out by the northern doorway and sit there as a great one!”

Fig. 1: Stela Turin Cat. 1628: inscription in the lunette. Drawn from Simpson 1974, pl. 74 [ANOC 55.2].

Fig. 2: Inscription on the double lintel from Senwosretankh’s mastaba at Lisht. Drawn from Lansing 1933, p. 12, fig. 12.

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86 THE SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD

10 Lansing 1933, 10, n. 1.11 De Morgan 1903, 38, fig. 87.

12 PM III2, 896; de Morgan 1895, 27-8, figs. 44-5; Cairo CG 1468-1477. See also Grajetzki 2003, 44, fig. 57.

Lansing explained jm.sn to be “not plural, but dual, and to refer to the doors, or rather to the pair of leaves of each of the two doors”.10

2. An anonymous fragment with the “southern door” phrase was found by de Morgan near the pyramid of Amenemhat II, also at Dahshur.11 The text partly reverses the previous example (Fig. 3):

¨q.k m rwt rst Ìms.k jm wr js

“May you enter by the southern doorway and sit there as a great one!”

The expressed wish is here to “sit”, not “stand”, in the southern doorway, and to be “as a great one”, not “a god”. In the previous example, these conditions were associated with the northern doorway.

3. Following the wording of the second example, a complete pair of phrases recurs over the southern and northern false door niches of mastaba no. 11 in the North Cemetery at Dahshur, owned by the embalmer-priest Khentykhetyemsaf (now Cairo CG 1470 and 1477).12 The texts (Figs. 4-5) read as follows:

Fig. 3: Dahshur, anonymous lintel. After de Morgan 1903, 38, fig. 87.

Fig. 4: Dahshur, North Necropolis, mastaba no. 11 of Khentykhetyemsaf: lintel of the southern false door. After de Morgan 1895, 28, fig. 44.


A RARE FORMULA ON A THIRTEENTH DYNASTY STELA 87

13 Lansing 1933, 10.14 E.g. PT Spell 374 [659] with a similar wording: wn n.k ¨wj pt

pr.k jm.sn Îrw js, “the doors of the sky will be opened to you, that you may go out from them as Horus” (so also translated by Faulkner 1969, 124).

15 Sander-Hansen 1936; Edel 1964, 415-6 [828]; Vernus 1996, 173-7.

16 Wb I, 231 [22-3], 232 [1-6]. Prj can be used with the meaning “to ascend” (Assmann 1977, 1207 and n. 8), but this is hardly intended here.

17 Posener 1965, 71.18 Kees 1956, 121, explained the figures on the jambs of false

doors as entering and coming out (“man stellt gern auf ihr [= the false door] beiderseits den Toten dar, d.h. beim Herein-

und Herausgehen”), but the fact remains that they usually show the inward orientation of “symmetrical reversals”: Fischer 1977, 13-4. For the owner standing in the door panel, see for example Berlin 1108 of Manefer (Fifth Dynasty, from Saqqara: Müller 1991) or the “stèle-maison” of Hebai (Sixth Dynasty (?), Saqqara: Jéquier 1929, 113, fig. 128). For the owner seated in the door niche, see for example Cairo CG 1426 of Hesira (Third Dynasty, Saqqara: PM III2, 438) and CG 1385 of Khabausokar (Third or early Fourth Dynasty, Saqqara: PM III2, 449-50 [No.5]), and compare the comments on their interpretation with Wiebach 1981, 88.

19 Cairo CG 57121 and 57120 (JE 38563-4). Mastaba of Iynefer: PM III2, 894; Barsanti 1902, 198-201, pls. 1-2; Alexanian 1999, 71-3 and pls. 14-7.

¨q.k m rwt rst Ìms.k jm.s wr js jmÌ NN

“May you enter by the southern doorway and sit there as a great one, o revered NN!”

pr.k m rwt mÌtt ¨Ì¨.k jm.s wr js jmÌ NN

“May you come out by the northern doorway and stand there as a great one, o revered NN!”

These examples are all the published evidence I could find, and I know of no comments apart from Lansing’s in his publication of the Senwosretankh example. He described the text as “unusually appropri-ate to the purpose of a tomb entrance”, and noted “the similarity and, at the same time, contrast of the ideas expressed, their literary quality, their appositeness in relation to the doorway of the tomb and the anticipated state of its owner in the after world”.13

The wording of these formulae is carefully struc-tured and echoes certain Pyramid Texts.14 As an inten-tional archaism, it uses the enclitic particle js.15 One is also struck by the coupling of opposing terms. The “enter”/“come out” combination is well attested16 and seems to convey the notion that the deceased is free to move and act as he desires. That his entry should be through the southern doorway (which is usually the more important in Old Kingdom tombs) is not surprising; there are many instances in Egyptian texts of the equations “south” = beginning, and “north” = destination, end.17

The words “stand” and “sit” recall the traditional deco r ation of false doors. On the jambs and sometimes in the central niche, the owner is usually shown standing (also if represented in a statue), while in the panel over the door and sometimes in the door niche he is seated.18 From Dahshur comes an example fully matching the early Twelfth Dynasty wording on Senwosretankh’s

lintel: the two door niches from Iynefer’s mastaba of the Fourth Dynasty (Cairo CG 57120 and CG 57121) show the deceased standing in the southern and seated in the northern one.19 From this correspondence between an early pictorial and later textual example, it is difficult to know whether this particular arrangement

Fig. 5: Dahshur, North Necropolis, mastaba no. 11 of Khentykhetyemsaf: lintel of the northern false door.

After de Morgan 1895, 28, fig. 45.



20 Also in Khnumhotep’s mastaba at Dahshur (cf. n. 8 above): the inscriptions of the two lintels adhere to the pattern ¨q.k / Ìms.k above the southern doorway, and pr.k / ¨Ì¨.k above the northern doorway.

21 Faulkner 1962, 47 (¨Ì¨) and 170 (Ìmsj).22 Zandee 1974, 63 and 71, 33 g.23 Wb I 219, 12-13; Meeks 1981, 78.0775.24 See Ciampini 1996 for other funerary texts found secondarily on

stelae.25 See also Franke 1994, 72 note 247.26 Hein and Satzinger 1993, 45-50, particularly 49-50; Franke

1994, 110-1 and pl. 12.27 Fischer 1976, 65; Allen 1996, 14 and n. 31.28 See n. 3 above.

29 The newly recovered fragments from the tomb of Khnumhotep at Dahshur must date back to the reign of Amenemhat III.

30 De Morgan 1903, 77.31 E.g. PM III2, 896; Lüscher 1990, 24 and 103 (dating the canopic

chest of Khentykhetyemsaf, Cairo CG 4049, to the late Twelfth Dynasty, i.e. the reign of Senwosret III or later).

32 Fiore-Marochetti 1995; 2000. For the pyramidion spell, see Wil-lems 1988, 168-9; Lapp 1993, 226-8; Grajetzki 1998, 31-7; Bosticco and Rosati 2003.

33 De Morgan 1895, 28, fig. 47; Cairo CG 1473 (one piece now lost); Lohwasser 1991, 92.

34 Goedicke 1986; see also Radwan 1975.35 Fischer 1976, 59, n. 6.36 Lapp 1994, 301, n. 29.

(standing in the south, and seated in the north niche) would already have been important during the Old Kingdom. In any case, the other late examples of the formula favour the opposite combination.20

Jan Zandee noted in 1974 that the combined use of the complementary opposites “to stand” and “to sit”21 may have denoted the total of human activity, and therefore have meant “to live”.22 It may further be sug-gested that the combination of these verbs could well have invoked the image of someone sitting down at the table to eat23 – which in the present context is not a major mental leap.

Our dossier suggests a continuity from the literal rel-evance of these formulae on false doors to their more allusive application on the Turin stela. This transposi-tion only emphasises the latter’s symbolic meaning, being a stela whose design still evokes the false door of a tomb. In fact, this is not the only instance of a formula transferred to a different, “anomalous” context.24

It may be added that the stela itself is of sandstone, typical of the Aswan/Elephantine area.25 The slab is remarkable for the high finish of its sides (with vertical inscriptions flanking the torus) and its back, whose outer limits were cut slantwise. These features are closely par-alleled in another stela of sandstone, Vienna ÄS 111, which was decorated in the “Elephantine style”.26

The “doorway formula” was most probably created at the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty near the Resi-dence of Lisht. Senwosretankh’s tomb must date back to the reign of Amenemhat II.27 The Turin stela appears to date from the middle of the Thirteenth Dynasty, as noted above.28 Between these two chronological limits, we may try to date the remaining sources more precisely.29

It is difficult to say anything about the anonymous fragment from Dahshur (Fig. 3), whose present loca-tion is unknown and whose context, a cemetery near

the pyramid of Amenemhat II, was described by de Morgan as consisting of similar mastabas to those near the pyramid of Senwosret III.30

The mastaba of Khentykhetyemsaf in Dahshur North is usually considered to date to the reign of Senwosret III or soon thereafter, as a cartouche of this king appears in its inscriptions.31 A dating after Senwosret III is sup-ported by the choice of texts in this mastaba, which is paralleled in mastabas of the late Twelfth to Thirteenth Dynasty, for instance at Hawara, and on other funerary material from at least the later Twelfth Dynasty.32 The cartouche of Senwosret III appears on a fragment with the beginning of an offering formula, whereafter the inscription mentions the god Geb and continues with the “opening of the sight” formula (Fig. 6).33 The inter-pretation of this cartouche merits a short excursus.

It is not unusual for a king to be named among the

gods in an offering formula.34 That a king should be mentioned first is less common, as noted already by Henry Fischer in 1976,35 but he cited several examples. Discussing the example in Khentykhetyemsaf’s tomb, Günther Lapp has suggested that the king’s name may be taken in apposition to nswt of the Ìtp dj nswt phrase, and that it may therefore be regarded as a true dating criterion.36 I believe, however, that a king named in an offering formula must always be considered as deified,

Fig. 6: Dahshur, North Necropolis, mastaba no. 11 of Khentykhetyemsaf:

fragment of offering formula with the prenomen of Senwosret III. After de Morgan 1895, 28, fig. 47.


A RARE FORMULA ON A THIRTEENTH DYNASTY STELA 89

37 Frankfort 1928, 240-1 [6], fig. 2 and pl. 20 [1].38 Franke 2003, 51.39 Koefoed-Petersen 1948, 13-4 [14] and pl. 14; Jørgensen 1996,

164-5 [66].

40 Munich ÄS 7211: Fischer-Elfert and Grimm 2003, 68-72, pls. 18-21.

and that his mention provides no more than a terminus post quem.

I know of only a few uncertain cases. On a stela from Abydos published by Henri Frankfort,37 a king – again Senwosret III – is named right after the words Ìtp dj nswt. He is referred to by his Horus name, prenomen and nomen, followed by the “given life” epithet (dj ¨nÌ). If this were merely an apposition to nswt, we would be dealing with an offering formula in which no god is mentioned, and perhaps effectively the only attestation of simple Ìtp dj nswt + dj.f, a possibility that has been ruled out by Franke.38 A stela from Harageh in Copen-hagen (Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, ÆIN 1540)39 names Senwosret II alone in an offering formula. However, that stela bears a sequence of five formulae, all of the

pattern Ìtp-dj-nswt + god + n k n, and Senwosret II is here clearly presented as the fifth god.

Further evidence is now also offered by the statue of Sesheshen Sahathor in Munich from the reign of Senwosret II.40 In the offering formula on the proper right side of the seat, the (here clearly) deified Amen-emhat I is mentioned before Hathor. The formula on the left side is shortened but has Ìtp dj nswt + one god, the latter being the same deified Amenemhat.

In conclusion, there seems to be sufficient evidence to suggest that the nswt in the offering formula remained always unspecified, and that, in the Middle Kingdom, the normal sequence was Ìtp dj nswt + god(s) + dj.f/.sn. The tomb of Khentykhetyemsaf must therefore post-date the reign of Senwosret III.

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Plate 6: Stela Turin Cat. 1628, close-up of the lunette. Courtesy of the Soprintendenza al Museo delle Antichità Egizie, Turin.

G. ROSATI

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A Rare Formula on a Thirteenth Dynasty Stela

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