Notes on the Yasaviya and Naqshbandiya in Western Siberia in the 17th – early 20th Centuries

NICCOLÒ PIANCIOLA AND PAOLO SARTORI (EDS.)

ISLAM, SOCIETY AND STATES ACROSS THE QAZAQ STEPPE (18TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURIES)

ÖSTERREICHISCHE AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTENPHILOSOPHISCH-HISTORISCHE KLASSE

SITZUNGSBERICHTE, 844. BAND

VERÖFFENTLICHUNGEN ZUR IRANISTIKHERAUSGEGEBEN VON BERT G. FRAGNER UND FLORIAN SCHWARZ

NR. 72

NICCOLÒ PIANCIOLA AND PAOLO SARTORI (EDS.)

ISLAM, SOCIETY AND STATES ACROSS THE QAZAQ STEPPE

(18TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURIES)

Vorgelegt von w. M. BERT G. FRAGNERin der Sitzung am 14. Juni 2013

Alle Rechte vorbehalten

ISBN 978-3-7001-7336-6

Copyright © 2013 byÖsterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften

Wien

Druck: Prime Rate kft., Budapest

http://hw.oeaw.ac.at/7336-6http://verlag.oeaw.ac.at

Printed and bound in the EU

Die verwendete Papiersorte ist aus chlorfrei gebleichtem Zellstoff hergestellt,frei von säurebildenden Bestandteilen und alterungsbeständig.

Diese Publikation wurde einem anonymen, internationalenpeer-review Verfahren unterzogen

This publication had been anonymously reviewed by international peers

Cover: "Volost administrators from the Ural'sk region withQazaq students of the Ural'sk secondary military school (1901)",

courtesy of the journal DANA.kaz.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................... 7

Niccolò Pianciola and Paolo Sartori Introduction: Towards a Connected History of the Qazaq Steppe ............................ 9

Devin DeWeese The Yasav Presence in the Dasht-i Qïpchaq from the 16th to 18th Century ............. 27

Alfrid Bustanov Notes on the Yasav ya and Naqshband ya in Western Siberia in the 17th – Early 20th Centuries ........................................................................................ 69

Tomohiko Uyama The Changing Religious Orientation of Qazaq Intellectuals in the Tsarist Period: Shar a, Secularism, and Ethics ................................................. 95

Paul W. Werth The Qazaq Steppe and Islamic Administrative Exceptionalism: A Comparison with Buddhism Among Buriats ...................................................... 119

Anna Afanasyeva Qazaq Religious Beliefs in the Writings of Russian Doctors during the Imperial Age (1731–1917) .................................................................... 143

Yuriy Malikov Disadvantaged Neophytes of the Privileged Religion: Why Qazaqs Did Not Become Christians .............................................................. 181

Allen J. Frank Sufis, Scholars, and Divanas of the Qazaq Middle Horde in the Works of Mäshhür Zhüsip Köpeyulï ...................................................................... 213

Bakhtiyar Babajanov and Sharifjon Islamov Shar a for the Bolsheviks? Fatv s on Land Reform in Early Soviet Central Asia ................................................................................................. 233

David Brophy Correcting Transgressions in the House of Islam: Yang Zengxin’s Buguozhai wendu on Xinjiang’s Muslims ................................... 267

Niccolò Pianciola Interpreting an Insurgency in Soviet Kazakhstan: The OGPU, Islam and Qazaq “Clans” in Suzak, 1930 .......................................... 297

Index ....................................................................................................................... 341

Notes on the Yasav ya and Naqshband ya in Western Siberia in the 17th – early 20th Centuries

A L F R I D B U S T A N O V *

Amsterdam

The study of the role played by Islamic mysticism in the history of the Mus-lim communities of Western Siberia is a relatively recent undertaking, which is closely related to the ethnographic study of the Siberian Tatars. Since the well-known publication of Nikolai F. Katanov1, the Sufi presence in the region was associated with the activity only of the Naqshband ya shaykhs. The new material collected in expeditions and archives allows a more de-tailed study of Sufi activities in Siberia and to raise new questions. It is nec-essary to pay attention to the sources produced by the local Muslim popula-tion and in the broader context of Islamic history on the territory of the Rus-sian Empire, because otherwise we miss the voice of the actors themselves and see the development of communities in anachronistic terms of nationali-ty, which was a feature of Soviet scholarship. Moreover, such sources are necessary to question the narrative, promoted by both Soviet and post-Soviet authors, about the Naqshband s being the sole actors in the literary represen-tation of Islamization and, more specifically, in formation of the cult of saints.

A number of Turkic and Persian texts produced by Siberian Sufis call in-to question the long-term “domination” of the Naqshband ya since the time of the Siberian Khanate and early Russian rule (16th–17th c.). If we agree on the crucial role of Sufi masters in the process of Islamization, we have to ask ourselves what was the context of appearance of our sources on this topic, why do they point on this or that particular Sufi affiliation, and what do we know about individual shaykhs? In order to answer these questions I should

* Many thanks to Paolo Sartori, Niccolò Pianciola, Thomas Welsford and Artemy Kali-

novsky for reading early drafts of this paper. I am grateful to Il’ias Mustakimov and Allen J. Frank for sharing with me copies of manuscripts and rare literature.

1 N.F. Katanov, O religioznykh voinakh uchenikov shaykha Bagauddina protiv inorodtsev Zapadnoi Sibiri (po rukopisiam Tobol’skogo gubernskogo muzeia) (Kazan, 1904).

Alfrid Bustanov 70

like to bring to light several Turkic and Persian texts written by Siberian Sufis which pay special attention to the local legend (more properly, sacred history2) of Islamization in its two variants. I define Islamization legends as narratives which recounts the local community’s story of conversion to Is-lam in the aftermath of a holy war conducted against the infidels. One of such texts was edited by Katanov. Similar texts which probably became prototypes for Siberian legends are broadly known in Central Asia3 and ex-isted in the Volga-Ural region too.4 The compilation and circulation of Is-lamization legends is strongly connected to descent groups who claim their origin from a saint who was martyred in the holy war for spreading religion; numerous burial places of saints in Siberia are known as ast na5 and are legitimated through the catalogues of holy graves included into the Islamiza-tion legends. It should be said that these sacred narratives do not directly address the question of Sufi brotherhoods. They were not written in order to prove belonging of local tradition to this or that particular ar qa (this func-tion was played by special licenses ij za). The main goal of these texts was to legitimate the cult of saints (avliy ’), which emerged in Western Si-beria in the late 16th century, as well as to draw a sacred geography of local 2 Devin DeWeese, “Yasavian Legends of the Islamization of Turkestan,” in: Aspects of

Altaic Civilization, ed. Denis Sinor, vol. III (Bloomington, IN, 1990), 2; Id., Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in His-torical and Epic Tradition (University Park, PA, 1994), 9–11.

3 Islamizatsiia i sakral’nye rodoslovnye v Tsentral’noi Azii: Nasledie Iskhak Baba v narra-tivnoi i genealogicheskoi traditsiiakh, Tom 2: Genealogicheskie gramoty i sakral’nye se-meistva XIX-XXI vekov: nasab-nama i gruppy khodzhei, sviazannykh s sakral’nym skaza-niem ob Iskhak Babe / Islamization and Sacred Lineages in Central Asia: The Legacy of Ishaq Bab in Narrative and Genealogical Traditions, Vol. 2: Genealogical Charters and Sacred Families: Nasab-namas and Khoja Groups Linked to the Ishaq Bab Narrative, 19th-21st Centuries, eds. A. Muminov, A. von Kügelgen, D. DeWeese, M. Kemper (Al-maty, 2008).; Z. Zhandarbek, “Nasab-nama” nusqalary zhene turki tarikhy (Almaty, 2002); A.K. Muminov, Rodoslovnoe drevo Mukhtara Auezova (Almaty, 2011).

4 A.J. Frank, “Islamic Shrine Catalogues and Communal Geography in the Volga-Ural Region: 1788–1917,” in: Journal of Islamic Studies 7/2 (1996), 265–86; Id., Islamic His-toriography and ‘Bulghar’ Identity among the Tatars and Bashkirs of Russia, (Leiden, 1998); A.K. Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” in: Tiurkologicheskii sbornik, 2009–2010. Tiurkskie narody Evrazii v drevnosti i srednevekov’e, eds. S.G. Kliashtornyi et al. (Moscow, 2011): 69–73.

5 A.G. Seleznev and I.A. Selezneva, “Kontsept astana i kul’t sviatykh v islame,” in : Tiurkologicheskii sbornik 2007–2008, Istoriia i kul’tura tiurkskikh narodov Rossii i so-predel’nykh stran (Moscow, 2009): 338–59.

Notes on the Yasav ya and Naqshband ya in Western Siberia 71

Islamic community, which also corresponded to the core of the Siberian Khanate. Islamization legend should be separated from genealogical narra-tives of individual families of Bukharans who at various points moved to Siberia. The latter texts were used as a proof of aristocratic origin.6 Thus in both cases, Islamization legends and genealogical narratives do not articulate Sufi affiliations as the main point.

In what follows I shall attempt to suggest two-phase model of develop-ment of Sufism in Siberia: the presence of the Yasav ya between the second half of the 16th century and the early 18th century and an overlapping dissem-ination of Naqshband s since the 18th century until the early 20th century. My hypothesis is that the cult of saints might have been constructed by shaykhs with Yasav affiliation who had emigrated from Urgench and Sayr m to numerous Siberian villages and towns, bringing with them Central Asian religious traditions. Since the 18th century domination of Naqshband ya in Siberia is unquestionable. It should be remembered that the main sources of information on the first Central Asian emigrants, the so-called Siberian Bu-kharans, are their genealogies accompanied by more or less extending histor-ical narratives. True, there is no direct documentary evidence of Yasav yan presence in Western Siberia manifested by the chains of spiritual succes-sion.7 I am aware of the fact that, as Devin DeWeese clearly demonstrates in 6 F.T.-A. Valeev, “Rodoslovnye zapisi (shezhere) sibirskikh tatar kak istoriko-

etnograficheskii istochnik,” in: Problemy antropologii i istoricheskoi etnografii Zapadnoi Sibiri (Omsk, 1991), 98–104.

7 In 1997 such a chain of the Volga-Ural Sufis was discovered by Dzhamil’ G. Mukhamet-shin (Bulghar) in the village Iske Räjäp, in Spask region of Tatarstan. After A mad Yasav the source counted his disciples: B b Mach n, Khud yd d, adr Ata, Al Shaykh, Shaykh Mur d, Jal l ad-D n, and Q sim Shaykh. At this point the document was cut by the owners because of the fear of repressions against relatives of those who were mentioned in the chain. However, as Mukhametshin suggested, it is possible to recon-struct the chain on the basis of local epigraphic material (Dzh. Mukhametshin, “Ber shejereneng sere,” Vatanym Tatarstan 30.05.2007; D.M. Iskhakov, Institut seiiidov v Uluse Dzhuchi i pozdnezolotoordynskikh tiurko-tatarskikh gosudarstvakh [Kazan, 2011], 22). Thus, this source, as well as similar documents preserved at the Ibragimov Institute of Language, Literature and Art in Kazan and Bulghar State Museum are still to be col-lected and studied in inter-regional context. I would like to thank Dzhamil G. Mukhamet-shin and Damir M. Iskhakov for sharing this information with me. Some arguments on the presence of Yasav ya in the Volga-Ural region since the late mediaeval up to the mid-18th century were discussed by Michael Kemper in his monograph Sufis und Gelehrte in Ta-tarien und Baschkirien, 1789–1889: Der islamische Diskurs unter russischer Herrschaft (Berlin, 1998), 82–6.

Alfrid Bustanov 72

his contribution to this volume, the Yasav yan presence in Dasht-i Qïpchaq has been previously taken for granted by scholars and that the history of Sufi brotherhoods based on spiritual lines of succession (silsila) and descent groups of elite families based on genealogical narratives (shajara, nasab-n ma) should be studied without strict relation to each other;8 however, there is considerable indirect data in our sources that allows discussion of the ac-tivity of several Yasav yan shaykhs in Siberia.

The present essay is organized as follows. Part 1 surveys the secondary literature on Sufism and the cult of saints in Siberia. In Parts 2 and 3 I con-sider a range of evidence suggesting that members of the Yasav ya played a significant role in the Islamization of the region in the 16th-early 18th centu-ries. In Part 4 I discuss data on the local Naqshband shaykhs and the discus-sion around vocal and silent remembrance (dhikr).

1. THE STATE OF THE ART

The Siberian legend of Islamization and therefore the question of Sufi broth-erhoods in the region was first addressed by the Kazan’-based Turkologist Nikolai F. Katanov (1862–1922), who was asked by Tobol’sk agronomist and museum employee Nikolai L. Skalozubov (1861–1915) to translate a copy of two manuscripts which were preserved at Muslim sacred places near the village of Qar gh y in Tobol’sk region.9 We owe to Katanov the thesis of the Naqshband ’s predominance in the region.10 Generations of scholars replicated the same argument, claiming that Islam in Siberia was spread by Naqshband Sufis in 797/ 1394–1395, the date mentioned in a manuscript preserved in the Tobol’sk Museum and published by Katanov.11 The history

8 See also Muminov, Rodoslovnoe drevo Mukhtara Auezova, 162. 9 A detailed story of this publication is reproduced in I.V. Belich, “O religioznykh voinakh

uchenikov shaykha Bagauddina protiv inorodtsev Zapadnoi Sibiri (k 100-letiiu publikatsii N.F. Katanovym rukopisei Tobol’skogo muzeiia,” Vestnik arkheologii, antropologii i etnografii 6 (2006): 153–171; M.A. Usmanov and R.A. Shaikhiev, “Obraztsy tatarskikh narodno-kraevedcheskikh sochinenii po istorii Zapadnoi i Iuzhnoi Sibiri,” in: Sibirskaia arkheografiia i istochnikovedenie (Novosibirsk, 1979), 88, footnote 14.

10 N.F. Katanov, O religioznykh voinakh, 1, 18–19. 11 This manuscript is stored in the Archive of Written Sources of the Tobol’sk State Histori-

cal-Architectural Museum, inv. no. 61, ff. 1a, 3b. See: F.T. Valeev, Sibirskie tatary: kul’tura i byt, (Kazan, 1992); F.T. Valeev, N.A. Tomilov, Tatary Zapadnoi Sibiri: istoriia i kul’tura, (Novosibirsk, 1996); Islam, obshchestvo i kul’tura, (Omsk, 1994); Islam v isto-


of this manuscript was studied in detail by Igor’ V. Belich who pointed out that Islamization legends are largely of sacred, not documentary nature and that despite the last fact all the sacred places mentioned in manuscripts in-deed exist and the shrine custodians recount similar stories found in the leg-ends of Islamization. In 1989 and 2000 Belich also recorded an oral version of Yasav yan hagiography known as ak m Ata kit bï in the village of Bai-shevo in the Tiumen’ region, where the sacred grave of ak m Ata, one of the main disciples of Khw ja A mad Yasav , is located. Therefore Belich detected links between the wide-spread cult of ak m Ata in Siberia and Khorezm, where, it is said, ak m Ata was born in 1186.12 However, the presence and impact of the Yasav ya was not yet discussed in Belich’s works.

In Western scholarship, the Sufi texts were taken into account in a broad-er geographical context. Allen J. Frank placed the Siberian narratives of religious war against infidels in the context of similar traditions in the Vol-ga-Ural region, Eastern Turkestan, and Southern Kazakhstan.13 By so doing Frank stated that Islamic life in Siberia was not isolated from neighbouring centres of Islamic culture. Like Thierry Zarcone14, Frank did not question the idea of Naqshband ya predominance among Siberian Muslims. This view

rii i kul’ture Tiumen’skogo kraia, (Tiumen’, 2004); A.G. Seleznev, I.A. Selezneva, Sibir-skii islam: regional’nyi variant religioznogo sinkretizma, (Novosibirsk, 2004), etc.

12 I.V. Belich, “Legenda o Khakim-Ata,” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy piatogo Sibirskogo simpoziuma “Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri, ed, by A.A. Adamov et al. (Tobol’sk/Omsk, 2002): 405–12; I.V. Belich, “Vsemirnaia skazka v fol’klore sibirskikh tatar,” in: Etnografo-arkheologicheskie kompleksy: Problemy kul’tury i sotsiuma, vol. 8, eds. N.A. Tomilov et al. (Omsk, 2004), 63–96. Publications of the ak m Ata kit bï:

ak m Ata kit bï, (Kazan, 1840); D. DeWeese, “Three Tales from the Central Asian ‘Book of Hak m Ata’”, in: Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation, ed. J. Renard (Berkley/Los Angeles/London, 2009), 121–35; K.G. Zaleman, “Legenda pro Khakim-Ata,” Izvestiia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk 9/2 (1898): 105–50. A unique Tur-kic manuscript of this hagiography was discovered in Novosibirsk region in 2005; see A.K. Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” 57–8.

13 Allen J. Frank, The Siberian Chronicles and the Taybughid Biys of Sibir’, (Bloomington, IN, 1994); Id., Muslim Religious Institutions in Imperial Russia: the Islamic World of No-vouzensk District and the Kazakh Inner Horde, 1780–1910, (Leiden/Boston/Köln, 2001), 18, 38; Id., [Review of:] “R. Kh. Rakhimov, Astana v istorii Sibirskikh tatar: mavzolei pervykh islamskikh missionerov kak pamiatniki istoriko-kul’turnogo naslediia,” Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008): 367–9.

14 Thierry Zarcone, “Les confreries soufies en Siberie (XIXe siècle et debut du XXe siecle),” Cahiers du Monde russe 41/ 2–3 (2000), 279–96.

Alfrid Bustanov 74

may of course be correct for the later period of regional history, but it might be called into question when we consider the earlier period. In his encyclo-paedic overview on the Yasav ya brotherhood DeWeese briefly mentioned that “as to the Volga region and Western Siberia, there are some scattered reports on the activity of Yasav yan shaykhs there, but there is no evidence of the strong historical presence of the Yasav ya in these regions.”15 These “scattered reports on the activity of Yasav yan shaykhs” are nonetheless worth to be studied in greater details.

Some data on the presence of Sufis in Siberia can be found in the legends of Islamization. These texts provide diverse information on the history of Islam in the region: on the dynamic development of the cult of saints in the 17th–18th centuries and on the accepted Sufi rituals (voiced and silent re-membrance of God). There are two versions of the legend, which were com-piled in the 17th and the mid-18th centuries respectively. Some parts of the first version of the legend correspond with sources dated from 1669 and the late 17th century. The smaller number of listed sacred graves also suggest that the first version is older, because afterwards their number grew signifi-cantly. The authors of the second, largest version, named in the manuscripts, lived in the mid-18th century.16 The appearance of these two versions re-flects the growing number of venerated places. Perhaps, competition be-tween the keepers of “old” and “new” sacred places lead to writing of legit-imizing documents. Eight texts of the first redaction17 and three texts of the

15 D. DeWeese, “Iasaviia,” Islam na territorii byvshei Rossiiskoi imperii: Èntsiklope-

dicheskii slovar’, vyp. 3 (Moscow, 2003), 37 16 A.K. Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” 46–9. 17 1) T ’r kh, MS St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Studies, inv. no. A1545; 2) Shajarat

al-Awl y ’ min bil d M war ’an-Nahr, Orientalists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manu-scripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 5 (Asar: formuliarnye spiski, nekrologi, teksty namogil’nykh nadpisei, spiski raz-nykh lits s biograficheskimi svedeniiami, 1808–1917), ff. 118–20; 3) Nasab-n ma, Orien-talists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 7 (Materialy po voprosam semeinogo prava i istorii tatar, 1823–1925) 4) One variant which belonged to the poet Mavl k ’ Y m chiqov (worked as a teacher in Embaevo near Tiumen’), was published in Qïssa-yi ubb Khw ja, (Kazan, 1899), 10–13; 5) A similar copy is in the private archive of Mullah Il’fat Abdullin (b. 1973) in Tobol’sk. 6) A copy which belongs to a private collection of Sh.P. Saitchebarova (Tiumen’) was published in: R. Kh. Rakhimov, Astana v istorii sibirskikh tatar: mavzolei islamskikh missionerov kak pamiatniki istoriko-kul’turnogo naslediia (Tiumen’, 2006), 12–14 (transl. by M. I. Ah-


second redaction18 are known presently. All manuscripts discovered so far are dated from the late 18th–20th centuries. Some of them were translated into Russian by Nikolai F. Katanov, Farit Z. Iakhin, and Marsel’ I. Akhmetzi-anov.19 My hypothesis is that one can observe the presence of Yasav yan personalities in the Islamization legends, even if the second version of the legend displays influence from Naqshband ya circles in rituals, images, and persons. In the following I would like to demonstrate that two redactions of the legend suggest a slow evolution towards the spread of the Naqshband ya among Siberian Muslims.

2. THE PROBLEM OF YASAV YAN PRESENCE IN SIBERIA (16TH–17TH CENTURIES)

Archaeological data show that already in the time of the Siberian Khanate the Tatar cities of the region were centers of intensive trade attracting mer-chants from Central Asia and the Volga-Ural region. Ceramics and coins from the 13th–14th centuries also provide evidence in support of a long histo-ry of interregional relations.20 The Russian state-supported trade of Central Asian merchants was the main reason for a considerable migration to West-

metzianov), 63 (a photographic reproduction). 7–8) Two copies of the narrative are pre-served in the private archive of Foat T.-A. Valeev (1918–2010) in Kazan.

18 Archive of the Tobol’sk State Historical-Architectural Museum, inv. no. 61. The manu-scripts from the villages of Qar gh y and Kümüshle are preserved at the private collec-tions of Mulla Rakhmatulla Batinov and Abdulmachit Aliev. See publication of the Qar gh y copy: I.V. Belich, A.G. Seleznev, I.A. Selezneva, Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom is-lame: spetsifika universal’nogo, (Moscow, 2009), I-XV, 193–202. For descriptions of the manuscripts see: A.K. Bustanov, Miras: Knigi kak kul’turnyi kapital: Musul’manskie rukopisi v Zapadnoi Sibiri (Moscow, 2013, forthcoming).

19 Katanov, O religioznykh voinakh, 18–28; Rakhimov, Astana v istorii sibirskikh tatar, 12–14; Belich, Seleznev, Selezneva, Kul’t sviatykh, 203–6.

20 See a comprehensive study of Siberian Khanate’s archaeology in the posthumously pub-lished monograph of V.I. Sobolev, Istoriia sibirskikh khanstv (po arkheologicheskim ma-terialam) (Novosibirsk, 2008). Pictures of one Chaghataid and three Juchid coins, which probably were found near the Tobol’sk city, are to be found in N. Witsen, Severnaia i Vostochnaia Tartariia, vkliuchaiushchaia oblasti, raspolozhennye v severnoi i vostochnoi chastiakh Evropy i Azii, transl. from Dutch by V.G. Trisman, eds. by N.P. Kopaneva, B. Naarden, vol. 2, (Amsterdam, 2010), 939. See also the review of Mongol numismatics from Siberia in my “Denezhnoe obrashchenie v Sibirskom uluse,” Tiurkologicheskii sbornik, 2007–2008: Istoriia i kul’tura tiurkskikh narodov Rossii i sopredel’nykh stran (Moscow, 2009), 56–66.

Alfrid Bustanov 76

ern Siberia. Among those who emigrated in the 16th–17th centuries were a number of religious authorities from sacred families who were known under the Arabic and Persian titles sayyid, khw ja, and shaykh. The first known wave of emigration, which is well-documented, goes back to the 1570s.21

In what follows I would like to consider some of the available data on the Yasav ya in Siberia pertaining to kinship connections through shajaras, sec-ondly to initiatory spiritual connections, and finally to the construction of hagiographical tradition.

2.1. Kinship connection

According to the numerous extant genealogies of the afore-mentioned sacred aristocracy, Siberian Kh n Küchüm (d. 1598) invited several religious au-thorities from the city of Urgench (via the Bukharan Kh n Abdull h II, 1534–1598). Among those persons were Yarïm Sayyid, his relative D n Al Khw ja, Sharbat Shaykh and B b Abd l Shaykh. Yarïm Sayyid, who died shortly after his migration, and D n Al Khw ja both had the status of Shaykh al-Islam in the Siberian Khanate; the latter even married Küchüm’s daughter. Sharbat Shaykh was charged with discovering so far unknown sacred places in Western Siberia. B b Abd l Shaykh became the first keep-er of a sacred grave in the village of Ul gh Bur n, in the present day Omsk region. Genealogies of each of them survived until the present day and have been partially studied.22

Due to their high status in the Siberian Khanate, numerous descendants of D n Al Khw ja had enjoyed prosperity, ownership of considerable stretch-es of land, as well as economic and spiritual power under Russian rule.23 In their sacred texts they were represented as descendants of a famous

21 Alfrid K. Bustanov, “The Sacred Texts of Siberian Khw ja Families. The Descendants of

Sayyid Ata,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 2/1 (2011), 70–99. 22 On the genealogy of D n Al and his descendants see my “The sacred texts”, 70–99. On

the descendants of B b Abd l see Id., “Manuskripty sufiiskikh shaikhov: turkestanskaia traditsiia na beregakh Irtysha,” in: Etnografo-arkheologicheskie kompleksy: problemy kul’tury i sotsiuma, vol. 11, eds. N.A. Tomilov et al. (Omsk, 2009), 195–230; Id., “Sufiis-kie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” in: Tiurkologicheskii sbornik, 2009–2010. Tiurkskie narody Evrazii v drevnosti i srednevekov’e, eds. S.G. Kliashtornyi et al. (Moscow, 2011), 49–60.

23 A.K. Bustanov, S.N. Korusenko, “Rodoslovnye sibirskikh bukhartsev: Im’iaminovy,” Arkheologiia, etnografiia i antropologiia Evrazii 2/42 (2010): 97–105.


Yasav yan saint, Sayyid Ata, one of the main disciples of Khw ja A mad Yasav .24 In Russian imperial context of the 18th– early 20th centuries such an affiliation aimed at proving the aristocratic origin of Siberian Bukharans. In this regard, the name of a particular saint was not of importance for the tsar-ist administration. In the Islamic context, by contrast, affiliations with a cer-tain saint did matter, but we still have no sources to identify the differences in status of various descent groups. It seems, however, that descendants of Sayyid Ata played a central role among the Siberian aristocratic families.25 The manuscript detailing the genealogy of Sharbat Shaykh26, who arrived from Urgench at the Kh n Küchüm’s court together with D n Al Khw ja and B b Abd l, is the earliest ever explored copy of a Muslim genealogy in Western Siberia. It goes back as far as the first half of the 18th century, when it was copied specially for the St. Petersburg Academician Gerard F. Miller (1705–83) during his visit of Tobol’sk and the surrounding region. This manuscript is a variant of ris la, jointly studied and published by Devin DeWeese, Ashirbek Muminov and other colleagues.27 The newly discovered copy deserves to be treated separately,28 but what is of concern here is that Sharbat Shaykh appears as a descendant of Is q B b, the tenth-generation ancestor of A mad Yasav . It is worth mentioning that the grave of Sharbat Shaykh was located near or in Isker, the former capital of the Siberian Khan-ate, near the city of Tobol’sk. This grave became a place of active veneration and existed until 29 May 1881, when it was destroyed by fire.29

24 DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde, 483–90. 25 A. Bustanov, “The Sacred Texts of Siberian Khw ja Families,” 70–99. 26 Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv drevnikh aktov, f. 199, portfel’ 347, d. 10, l. 10. This

manuscript was recently identified by Il’ias Mustakimov, to whom goes my gratitude for providing me with a copy of the source.

27 Devin DeWeese, “Yasavian Legends of the Islamization of Turkestan,” in: Aspects of Altaic Civilization, ed. Denis Sinor, vol. III (Bloomington, IN, 1990), 1–19; Islamizatsiia i sakral’nye rodoslovnye v Tsentral’noi Azii: Nasledie Iskhak Baba v narrativnoi i genea-logicheskoi traditsiiakh, Tom 2: Genealogicheskie gramoty, 51–81.

28 For a detailed study, Russian and English translation and publication of the manuscript see my article “The Narrative of Is q B b and the Lore of Holy Families in Western Si-beria: A Preliminary Discussion,” in: Islamizatsiia i sakral’nye rodoslovnye v Tsen-tral’noi Azii: Nasledie Iskhak Baba v narrativnoi i genealogicheskoi traditsiiakh, Tom 1 (forthcoming).

29 I.V. Belich, “Mavzolei musul’manskikh sviatykh v raione Iskera,” in: Vestnik arkheologii, antropologii i etnografii, vol. 1, (Tiumen’, 1997), 92–8.

Alfrid Bustanov 78

In both versions of the Islamization legend it is stated that Sharbat Shaykh and his brothers Pir Shaykh and Nazar Shaykh were descendants of Zang B b , also a Yasav yan saint.30 In addition, a genealogical treatise of the 17th century titled Shajara ris las states that Sharbat Shaykh was a “discoverer” of sacred places (ast na) in the time of Küchüm Kh n, i.e. in the 1570s.31 Therefore it is not surprising that a number of such places of worship were associated with Yasav yan heritage. Along with the graves of

ak m Ata, Sharbat Shaykh and his brothers, also Sayyid Ata, B b Mach n and bb Khw ja not only appeared as ancestors of saints buried in various Siberian villages32, but also as the saints (avliy ’) buried in the cemetery of Baishevo village in the Tiumen’ region.

As suggested in a genealogy of his descendants, B b Abd l, D n Al Khw ja’s companion, after arriving to Siberia became the first shrine’s keeper in the village of Ul gh Bur n (present-day Omsk region). In the first version of the Islamization legend this place was described as the sacred grave of a certain Bigh ch Ata, a descendant of Jal l ad-D n, who might be well identified with Jal l ad-D n, a personage known from Yasav yan hagi-ography, ak m Ata kit bï, as the first keeper of ak m Ata’s grave. For the first time the grave of Bigh ch At was mentioned as ast na on the late 17th– early 18th century map by Semen U. Remezov (1642–1720), a Tobol’sk his-torian and cartographer.33 The modern custodians of this sacred place, which

30 Orientalists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (St.

Petersburg), f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 5 (Asar: formuliarnye spiski, nekro-logi, teksty namogil’nykh nadpisei, spiski raznykh lits s biograficheskimi svedeniiami, 1808–1917), f. 118a; Archive of the Tobol’sk State Historical-Architectural Museum, inv. no. 30796, f. 1b. On Zang Ata see, Sergei N. Abashin, “Zangi-ata,” Islam na territorii byvshei Rossiiskoi imperii: Èntsiklopedicheskii slovar’, vyp. 1 (Moscow, 2006), 150–3; A.G. Seleznev, I.A. Selezneva, “Zange-Ata i Khyzyr-Il’ias: istoricheskie i etnicheskie aspekty rasprostraneniia islama v Sibiri,” Ètnograficheskoe obozrenie 6 (2003), 41–56.

31 A.K. Bustanov, “Sochinenie ‘Shadzhara risalasi’ i ego spiski,” in: Srednevekovye tiurko-tatarskie gosudarstva, vol. 1, ed. I. Zagidullin (Kazan, 2009), 39–40, 44–5.

32 Orientalists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 5 (Asar: formuliarnye spiski, nekro-logi, teksty namogil’nykh nadpisei, spiski raznykh lits s biograficheskimi svedeniiami, 1808–1917), f. 119 a; Archive of the Tobol’sk State Historical-Architectural Museum, inv. no. 30796, f. 2a.

33 The Atlas of Siberia by Semyon U. Remezov. Facsimile edition with an introduction by Leo Bagrow (S-Gravenhage, 1958), 107. Quite recently the atlas was published again in colour and supplemented by research articles, see: Khorograficheskaia chertezhnaia kniga


still exists and is very popular among believers, transmit the idea that Bigh ch Ata was a brother of ak m Ata, whose burial place is located, ac-cording to Siberian tradition, in the village of Baishevo, or Baqïrgh n, in the Tiumen’ oblast’.34 A legendary saint, Bigh ch Ata, according to this tradi-tion, was a leader of local shaykhs.

Another group of sources is related to a group of shaykhs who arrived from Sayr m in the 17th century. There are at least four (without counting numerous present-day copies) Arabic, Persian, and Turkic manuscripts of a genealogical charter of the Shaykh (Russian: Shikhovy) family in Tara (Omsk oblast’), dated from the 19th–20th centuries. For trading and religious purposes Avv z B qï Shaykh, the founder of the Shaykh clan, moved from the city of Sayr m to the outskirts of Tara in Western Siberia, sometime in the mid-17th century.35 In his genealogy Avv z B qï is claimed to be de-scendant of P dsh h M lik B b , whose burial place is still present in Sayr m.36

Sibiri S.U. Remezova, 2 vols.: vol. 1, Khorograficheskaia chertezhnaia kniga Sibiri. Faksimile; vol. 2, Khorograficheskaia chertezhnaia kniga Sibiri S.U. Remezova. Ras-shifrovka teksta, nadpisei, primechaniia, prilozheniia (Tobol’sk, 2011).

34 I.V. Belich, “Legenda o Khakim-Ata,” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy piatogo Sibirskogo simpoziuma “Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri”, (Tobol’sk, Omsk, 2002), 405–12.

35 I am preparing the publication and study of genealogies of the Shaykh family, which members still live in Siberian villages and towns as well as in a village of Boghrüdelik (vilayet Konya, Turkey), where they moved in the early 20th century. On the Siberian mig-rants in Turkey see, E.J. Kläy, Dörfer tatarischer “Rückwanderer” (Muhacir) aus Russ-land in Inneranatolien. Beiträge zur Kenntnis anatolischer Muhacirsiedlungen unter be-sonderer Berücksichtigung eines Dorfes westsibirischer Tataren uzbekischer Abstam-mung (buhärist). Diss. phil.-hist. (Bern, 1975).

36 Ash-shajara al- usayn ya li-sh-shaykh Sayy d Ba l b. Davlet B qï ash-Shaykh (Oren-burg, 1908), 23–24. P dsh h M lik B b and his son, M r Al B b , are mentioned in Devin DeWeese, “Sacred History for a Central Asian Town. Saints, Shrines, and Legends of Origin in Histories of Sayram, 18th-19th Centuries,” in: Figures mythiques des mondes musulmans, ed. D. Aigle [=Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, 89–99 (2000)], 281.

Alfrid Bustanov 80

2.2. Spiritual connections

The second version of the Islamization legend, compiled in the mid-18th century,37 paid attention to the “Islamizing” efforts of a certain Khw ja Davlatsh h b. Sh h Abd al-Vahh b al-Ispich f from Bukhara. According to the sources, he preached among “the Qalmaqs” (probably the Junghars); then, in Siberia, he discovered eighteen tombs for pilgrimage and collected a special genealogy of saints buried there. Many believers in the region be-came his disciples (mur ds).38 Thanks to the source material we retrieved from the archive of Muft Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n (1858–1936), we know about one of the Khw ja Davlatsh h’s followers in Siberia. At the end of the 19th century Ni matull h Qarïmshaqov (1829–1901), a Siberian mer-chant, sent to the aforementioned muft a document written by Khw ja Davlatsh h: “I gave a permission (rukh at) and a license (ij za) to the broth-er of the Sufi path ( ar qa, emphasis added – A.B.), to the worthy, perfect, noble friend a rat kh nd Mull Khw jam Shükür. This was written by a poor man, Davlatsh h b. Sh h Abd al-Vahh b al- usayn in the fourteenth day of Rabi al-akhir, [in the year] one thousand hundred and six [i.e. 2 No-vember 1694].”39 Unfortunately, the name of the ar qa is not specified in this source.

kh nd Khw jam Shükür b. Avv -B qï was a religious authority who lived near Tobol’sk in the early 18th century. According to Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n, Khw jam Shükür wrote an advice book (na at-n ma) for the people of T b living along the Tobol river. Muft Ri ad-D n saw that work and mentioned that according to the colophon it was finished on Satur-

37 Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” 68–69. 38 Text from the second version of the Islamization legend:

See, Katanov, O religio-znykh voinakh, 8 (text), 22–23 (Russian translation); [A.K. Bustanov,] “Tekst rukopisi iz derevni Karagai Vagaiskogo raiona Tiumenskoi oblasti,” in Belich, Seleznev, Selezneva, Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom islame, 7 (facsimile), 197 (text); Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” 63 (translation).

39 Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n, Athar, vol. 3, f.12 , Scientific Archive of the Scientific Center in Ufa, fond 7, opis’ 1, #3 novyi akt. Cf. Fekhreddin Rizaeddin, Asar, vol. 1 (Ka-zan, 2006), 34–35 (modern Tatar text), 233 (Russian translation).


day 9 Rama an 1114/ 27 January 1703.40 Most likely, Khw jam Shükür had in his possession the historical work of Ab ’l-Gh z , Shäjärä-yi Türk (17th century), which later became known to a European academic audience, in-cluding the Russian historian Miller.41 Manuscript Turc. 22 (orient. 163) from Göttingen University Library was arguably copied from Khw jam Shükür’s exemplar in Tobol’sk in 1129/ 1716,42 because I do not believe that there were several manuscripts of this work in the town at that time.

Khw jam Shükür received a permission to teach the Sufi path, and we would not know any details about this, because the original document got lost or is still to be found, but DeWeese counted a certain Q Davlatsh h (d. 1126/1714) as a Yasav shaykh active in Dasht-i Qïpchaq, “who was among the eminent figures of the exalted and resplendent ar qa of the Yasav ya.”43 There is no doubt about identity of this person, because accord-ing to Devin DeWeese, who refers to the work Ashj r al-khuld (completed in 1139/1726), Q Davlatsh h originated from Sayr m and therefore bore a nisba al-Ispich f , which is mentioned in the afore-quoted legend of Islami-zation. He grew up in Bukhara and studied under the supervision of another prominent Yasav figure, Mavl n Mu ammad Shar f al-Bukh r (d. 1109/1697). Moreover, Ashj r al-khuld suggested that he was a usayn 40 Ibid., 35 (text), 233 (translation). Cf., Farit Z. Iakhin, “Tobol’skii tatarskii poet Amdami i

ego proizvedenie ‘Nasikhatname’ (Kniga nastavlenii),” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy V-go mezhdunarodnogo simpoziuma ‘Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri (To-bol’sk; Omsk, 2002), 601.

41 G.F. Miller, Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1999), 192. 42 Verzeichnis der Handschriften im Preußischen Staate. Die Handschriften in Göttingen, 3,

Universitäts-Bibliothek Nachlässe von Gelehrten orientalische Handschriften, Hand-schriften im Besitz von Instituten und Behörden, Register zu Band 1–3, (Berlin 1984), 481–2. The history of this discovery is described in: A.N. Kononov, Istoriia izucheniia tiurkskikh iazykov v Rossii, Dooktiabr’skii period, 2nd edition, (Leningrad, 1982), 72. Khw jam Shükür b. Avv s-B qï appeared there as “ kh nd Azbakevich.” See, also, A.K. Bustanov, Miras: Knigi kak kul’turnyi kapital: Musul’manskie rukopisi v Zapadnoi Sibiri (Moscow, 2013), forthcoming.

43 See, Devin DeWeese’s contribution to this volume. However, it should be added that another manuscript from the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St. Petersburg (A 1539, ff. 81a-85b), a collection of Sufi texts compiled in ca. 1893 by Abd al-W id b. A mad b. ... Abdall h, contains a small Persian-language treatise on the ritual of sam in the Naqshband ya. This treatise was written by Davlatsh h b. Abd al-Vahh b in Kabul in 1104/ 1692–93. This information can be treated as Davlatsh h’s link to the Naqshband ya. See: O.F. Akimushkin et al. Persidskie i tadzhikskie rukopisi Instituta Narodov Azii AN SSSR (kratkii alfavitnyi katalog), vol. 1 (Moscow, 1964), 508.

Alfrid Bustanov 82

sayyid which is also proven by Davlatsh h’s ij za, where he called himself al- usayn . Perhaps, the Tobol’sk kh nd Khw jam Shükür studied under Q Davlatsh h’s supervision in Bukhara in the late 17th century and there entered the Yasav ya. Nothing is known from Q Davlatsh h’s biography on his visit to Siberia, which is reported by Islamization legend, though Devin DeWeese points out that the former “spent most of his life guiding seekers on the borders of Turkist n.” It is highly possible that Khw jam Shükür also had followers in Tobol’sk area and he was able to continue Yasav silsila there too, though there are no direct sources available yet.

It should be also mentioned in this part that, according to the second ver-sion of the Islamization legend, sh n Iskandar al-Khw rizm al-Maml n visited Siberia and discovered there nine graves of martyrs. He compiled a list with their names and burial places and sent it from Turkestan to the To-bol’sk kh nds through assistance of M r Shar f Khw ja, a custodian of the Yasav shrine.44 This tells us about clear links between the circles around the mausoleum and religious authorities in Siberia.

2.3. Hagiographical evidence

As it is rightfully mentioned by ethnographers, the towering figure of ak m Ata is central for the cult of saints in Siberia.45 His grave on a cemetery in Baishevo is the only place in Siberia that is regarded locally as an equivalent of Mecca for those who are not able to go for a ajj. According to the first version of the Islamization legend, “custodians (m j v rlar) in Mecca say that circling around ( av f) of [the grave of] ak m Ata is [an equivalent to] the circling around [of Ka ba] in Mecca.”46 The name of ak m Ata regular-ly appears both in oral tradition and in written sources. The legend of ak m Ata, recorded from the keepers of his grave in Baishevo by Tobol’sk ethnog-rapher Igor’ Belich and also included into several copies of the first version of the Islamization legend, reveals the story of bringing the body of deceased

ak m Ata by a bull to Baqïrgh n, which echoes the second name of the

44 Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy,” 64. This person is not familiar to me from other sources. 45 Belich, Seleznev, Selezneva, Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom islame, 54–5. 46 Bustanov, “Sufiiskie legendy,” 36 (text), 39 (facsimile), 41–42 (Russian translation).


above-mentioned Baishevo village.47 ak m Ata’s companions and relatives are also said to be buried in the neighborhood.

The published text of the Islamization legend suggests that Sufi shaykhs arrived to Siberia from Turkist n, discovered sacred graves (ast na), annual-ly read there Qur n and gave alms ( adaqa), and prayed for the soul of

a rat Sul n Khw ja A mad Yasav .48 The cult of “eleven A mads” (on ber A mad) and ‘seven sul ns’ (edi sul n) is present in Siberia as well as in the Volga-Ural region and the Kazakh steppe.49

On the basis of these arguments I suggest that the cult of saints in West-ern Siberia could have been established by Yasav yan shaykhs, first of all by Sharbat Shaykh, whose genealogy goes back to Is q B b and probably became an example for Siberian legends of Islamization. It is true that the traces of Yasav yan presence in the region can be detected only during a very short period of time, namely from the late 16th century, when Sufis ar-rived to the kh n’s court, until the late 17th century, when Khw jam Shükür received his ij za. This brevity of Yasav ya activity was the reason why scholars so far stated that there had been “no evidence of the strong histori-cal presence of the Yasav ya”.50

3. THE SIBERIAN NAQSHBAND YA IN THE 18TH–EARLY 20TH CENTURIES

Naqshband ya practices have been established in the region from the second half of the 18th century. In the ethnographical collection of the Omsk State University there is a manuscript (a water mark suggests the date ‘1785’), which offers a description of the khatm-i khw jag n (Pers.; in Tatar: khatïm khoja) rite.51 This ritual involved the repeated reading of short Qur n vers-es, using small stones or bones for counting. In the end, the participants pro-

47 Belich, “Legenda o Khakim-Ata,” in: Tiurkskie narody, 405–12; Belich, “Vsemirnaia

skazka v fol’klore sibirskikh tatar;” Qïssa-yi ubb Khw ja, 11–12. 48 Qïssa-yi ubb Khw ja, 10. 49 A.K. Bustanov, “Rukopis’ v kontekste sibirskogo islama,” in: Belich, Seleznev, Selezne-

va, Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom islame, 167; Muminov, Rodoslovnoe drevo, 128–30; G. Saifullina, Bagyshlau (posviashcheniia) v kontekste kul’tury narodnogo islama volzhskikh tatar (Kazan, 2005), 18.

50 DeWeese, “Iasaviia,” 37. 51 Archive of Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Omsk State University, fond

7, inv. no. 92–3. The manuscript was acquired in 1987 during an expedition to the village of Qar gh y (Tiumen’ region).

Alfrid Bustanov 84

nounced a long dedication (baghïshlau) of the read sacred texts to the Naqshband shaykhs.52 In the 19th–20th centuries the khatm-i khw jag n be-came a widespread practice, and there are tens of manuscripts with its de-scription. Even though the original meaning of the rite as a Sufi discipline was almost lost during Soviet times, it survived up to the present day and is regarded by believers as a part of ordinary religious practice.

There is little evidence about the early stages of the dissemination of Naqshband s in the region, but already in the first version of the conversion narrative, which was presumably compiled in the mid-17th century, the ini-tiative of sacred war against infidels is ascribed to Bah ’ ad-D n Naqshband.53 Only from the mid-18th century do we have more clear reports, which are provided by the second version of the sacred legend. Above all, it suggests that the silent remembrance (dhikr-i haf ) was the appropriate way of Sufi practice54 as opposed to the vocal (in some cases even public) cere-monies practiced by Yasav ya members and by some Naqshband groups. In the mid-19th century there was a discussion among local scholars who ad-hered to silent dhikr and those who began to practice vocal and public dhikr. Probably, the latter group received licenses affiliated with some Mujaddid Naqshband groups or Indian Qadir ya lineages, which preferred the vocal dhikr.55 It is said that Bah ’ ad-D n Naqshband himself performed silent 52 For the discussion of khatm in the Naqshband tradition see: Fritz Meier, Zwei Abhand-

lungen über die Naqshband ya, I. die Herzensbindung an den Meister, 2. Kraftakt und Faustrecht des Heiligen (Istanbul, 1994), 189–213. The study of khatm-i khw jag n in Siberia: A.K. Bustanov, “Rukopis’ v kontekste sibirskogo islama,” 166–80.

53 Orientalists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 5 (Asar: formuliarnye spiski, nekro-logi, teksty namogil’nykh nadpisei, spiski raznykh lits s biograficheskimi svedeniiami, 1808–1917), f. 118 a.

54 Archive of the Tobol’sk State Historical-architectural Museum, inv. no. 30796, f. 1a. 55 Devin DeWeese, “Foreword”, in: Sobranie fetv po obosnovaniiu dhikra dzhahr i sama ,

eds. B.M. Babadzhanov and S.A. Muhammadaminov (Almaty, 2008), 11; Jürgen Paul, Doctrine and Organization. The Khw jag n/ Naqshband ya in the First Generation after Bah ’uddin (Halle/Berlin, 1998), 18–30; Isenbike Togan, “The Khaf , Jahr Controversy in Central Asia Revisited,” in: E. Özdalga (ed.), Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia. Change and Continuity (Istanbul, 1997), 17–45. Isenbike Togan, among other things, mentioned that “it seems that for marginal and newly emerging communities, vo-cal dhikr was the distinguishing mark at the beginning.” This could be the case for some of Siberian Muslims too, because the village of Qar gh y, where loud forms of remem-brance were performed, emerged as a religious centre only in the second half of the 18th century.


remembrance, but generally in various groups of Naqshband ya in different regions both or one of the practices were acceptable. The general picture is very diverse; therefore I would like to examine the details.

In Tobol’sk, in the library of Abd al-Machit Aliev, a local religious au-thority, Belich and I found, amongst other valuable written sources, a num-ber of documents dated from the 1850s–60s.56 The majority of the texts orig-inally belonged to the Sufi Shaykh Suy nch B qï b. Qarïmshaq, who settled in a village near Tobol’sk in the mid-19th century:

1. A grant of permission (ij za) for spreading Naqshband path for khal fa Suy nch B qï; in Persian. The spiritual chain is as follows: Mu ammad Naqshband , Sayyid B rh m , Mavl n Shams ad-D n, Am r usayn, Khw ja Y suf, Mu ammad Kh fiz, Shar f Khw ja Mu ammad P rs , Khw ja Mu ammad H zm z , usayn, Suy nch B qï. The page size is 54 × 31 cm. The style of the script is naskh. The document was written by a cer-tain Kh fiz , appended with the seal of T r Kh n b. A m Kh n. Without date.

2. A spiritual chain from the Prophet down to Mu ammad Naqshband , together with a defense of the public dhikr (dhikr-i alan ya), written by Kh fiz . Two pages, size 22,5 × 34,5 cm. The style of the script is naskh. Obviously, this is an addition to previous document. In Persian, undated.57

3. A grant of permission (ij za) for Naqshband path, sealed by Ibr h m b. Mu ammad Samarkand . This document was written for Suy nch B qï. Text is in Chaghatay and Arabic. The size of page is 41 × 23 cm. Undated.

4. A letter defending the vocal dhikr (dhikr-i jahr) addressed by Shaykh Ily s b. Ra m B qï to sh n Suy nch B qï, who taught at that time in the village of Tayl q. It is evident from the text that Shaykh Ily s lived in the neighboring Qar gh y village, supported Suy nch B qï’s adherence to vocal dhikr, and even claimed that Ibr h m Samarqand ’s letter (see next docu-ment) with its critiques is not a fatv at all. The size of page is 35 × 22 cm. The text is in Tatar and Persian, and was written on 18 Rama an 1281/ 14 February 1865.

56 Preliminary research in the context of debates on the form of dhikr and a detailed descrip-

tion of this interesting collection was published in I.V. Belich, A.K. Bustanov, “Zametki o sufiiskikh traditsiiakh v Zapadnoi Sibiri,” Pax Islamica 2/5 (2010): 39–59.

57 This text was partly translated by S.M. Giliazutdinov in R.Kh. Rakhimov, “Novye doku-mental’nye istochniki po istorii islama v Sibiri,” in: Natsional’naia istoriia tatar: te-oretiko-metodologicheskoe vvedenie (Kazan, 2009), 292–7.

Alfrid Bustanov 86

5. A sealed letter of Ibr h m b. Mu ammad Samarkand to sh n Khal fa Suy nch B qï b. Qarïmshaq, who at that time live in a village of V gh y, Tobol region. The size of page is 23,5x18,5 cm. It says that “there is no mer-it ( av b) for execution of vocal dhikr.” The letter is in Chaghatay, and was written in 1271 / 1854–55.

No doubt, all of these letters and licenses merit publication together with detailed commentary58. From these manuscripts we learn how a Siberian Sufi Shaykh was under the influence of various Central Asian authorities who argued for or against the vocal dhikr. Unfortunately, we do not know where Suy nch B qï b. Qarïmshaq studied, but he probably became one of the keepers of sacred places near Qar gh y village, because he possessed a copy of the manuscript which belonged to the keepers of the shrine in Qar gh y.59 From this aspect we can assume that vocal dhikr was performed by a group of religious authorities around Qar gh y. This group was close to the keepers of sacred graves.

It deserves mentioning that the practices of vocal dhikr and affiliation with Qadir tradition were preserved by a group of emigrants from Western Siberia who moved to the Konya vilayet in the Ottoman Empire in 1907 and afterwards became linked to the Turkish branch of Qadir ya brotherhood. They are a minority in comparison to the local Tatar Naqshband s, but they also kept oral memories that some of them are “descendants” of A mad Yasav . When I visited the settlement of these emigrants, the village of Boghrüdelik, I found the genealogy of a Shaykh clan from Sayr m (de-scendants of P dsh h M lik B b )60.

In the late 19th–early 20th centuries the traditions of the Naqshband ya in Western Siberia were continued by two Sufi masters who lived near To-bol’sk, in the villages Turbï and Aty l. These were Khal lov Khal l sh n (1864–1931)61 and N y z B qï b. Biktemir (1846–1924) respectively. Both of them studied at the madrasa and kh nq h of “the last great Naqshband shaykh of the Volga-Urals region”62 Zaynull h Ras l (Rasulev, 1833–1917) 58 See Bustanov, Miras: Knigi kak kul’turnyi kapital, forthcoming. 59 Belich and Bustanov, “Zametki o sufiiskikh traditsiiakh,” 45–7. 60 See footnote 36. 61 On Khal l sh n, see the view of his contemporary Abd ar-Rash d Ibr h m, Mira at, 17

(1903 [Kazan]): 7. 62 Hamid Algar, “Shaykh Zaynullah Rasulev: The last great Naqshbandi Shaykh of the

Volga-Urals region,” in: Muslims in Central Asia. Expressions of Identity and Change, ed. Jo-Ann Gross (Durham/London, 1992), 112–33.


in Troitsk.63 One of the “innovations” of Zaynull h sh n in the life of local society was the introduction of a loud and public form of dhikr, performed outside of mosques in sacred places where a considerable amount of believ-ers could be gathered.64 According to the memories of some of my inform-ants in Tobol’sk, Khal l sh n and his students also practiced the loud dhikr.

In contrast to Khal l sh n, it appears that N y z B qï b. Biktemir, who also studied in Troitsk and returned to his home village Aty l near Tiumen’, was an adherent of silent remembrance (in Tatar: erök zikri).65 N y z B qï is also known for his activity as discoverer of local sacred places (ast na). He possessed a list of such burials, probably, a copy of conversion narrative, but this document got lost. Both the Siberian Sufi masters taught a huge number of local students66; however Khal l sh n became the last Naqshband leader in the region. In present days his grave became a place of active veneration by Muslims from many regions, including Daghestan.

It is well known that at least since the early 19th century, Siberian Mus-lims studied widely in Central Asian religious centers, especially in Bukhara. N y zqul at-Turkm n (d. 1236/ 1820–21), a Bukharan shaykh of the Naqshband ya Mujaddid ya, had many students from Western Siberia. 67 However, even though there is a considerable amount of information on

63 For this figure see Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n, Shaikh Zaynull h ha ratnin tarjuma-yi

h l , (Orenburg, 1917); M.N. Farkhshatov, „Delo“ shaykha Zainully Rasuleva (1872–1917): Vlast’ i sufizm v poreformennoi Bashkirii. Sbornik dokumentov (Ufa, 2009).

64 Ibid., 54. 65 Interview by A.K. Bustanov and I.G. Gumerov with Niy z B qï’s grandson Munir Bik-

timirov, in the village of Aty l, Ialutorovsk region of Tiumen’ oblast’, 5 July 2011. 66 In February 1901 seventy three students attended Niy z B qï’s lectures in the village of

Aty l. See the list of their names and the fihrist of Niy z B qï’s library in MS 4471 T in the Oriental Sector of the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books of the Scientific Library of Kazan Federal University.

67 Cf. Im m Mu ta im Bil l ughlïndan mur sala [1895], Archive of Orientalists of the Insti-tute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), f. 131 (Rizaetdin Fakhretdinov), op. 1, d. 5 Asar: formuliarnye spiski, nekrologi, teksty namo-gil’nykh nadpisei, spiski raznykh lits s biograficheskimi svedeniiami, 1808–1917), f. 111–112. On N y zqul at-Turkm n see: Anke von Kügelgen, “Die Entfaltung der Naqsh-band ya Mu addid ya im mittleren Transoxanien vom 18. bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts: ein Stück Detektivarbeit,” in: Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries, vol. 2, Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Rela-tions, eds. A. von Kügelgen, M. Kemper, A.J. Frank (Berlin, 1998), 131–6.

Alfrid Bustanov 88

Siberian Muslim scholars of the 19th–early 20th centuries68, there is very little evidence to which particular Sufi brotherhoods they belonged to.

4. CONCLUSION

Though the genealogies of Siberian Bukharans and the Islamization legends were not aimed to elucidate the history of Siberian Sufis, but rather to demonstrate a noble origin of keepers of these narratives and to draw a list of legitimate sacred graves in Siberia, nevertheless one might find in these texts some information on particular shaykhs and their Sufi connections. There is no reason to believe that all members of sacred families claiming to be de-scendants of famous Yasav yan saints actually belonged to this Sufi brother-hood, especially over the last three centuries. Even if well-founded, claims of kinship need not automatically entail spiritual adherence, and a descend-ant of a Yasav shaykh might very well be a Naqshband . However, as I showed through this paper, there is some evidence to suggest that the first generation of emigrants from Urgench and Sayr m could have had a Yasav yan affiliation (be it genealogical or Sufi links): a number of the most important (and earliest) sacred places in Western Siberia were connected with Yasav tradition; Yasav shaykh Davlatsh h, had at least one student in the region; the corresponding legends of origin and sacred histories were also widespread in the same areas. The activity of the Naqshband Sufis is better documented: there are many works in Persian and Chaghatay contain-ing details of respective lineages and spiritual practices. However, these sources elucidate the situation only in the late 18th–early 20th centuries. My general conclusion is that the first steps in the Islamization of the region could have been made by a small number of Yasav yan shaykhs, while more institutionalized and popular trend came only with the Naqshband ya.69 Why and how the Yasav yan groups were replaced by the Naqshband ya in West-ern Siberia remains an open question. 68 In the 1890s Abd ar-Rash d Ibr h m (1857–1944) wrote a biographical dictionary of

famous Siberian Sufis, scholars, and merchants. Approximately at the same time, in 1896, ujjat al- ak m b. Dav d at-T r v finished a biography of Ra matull h Y ngh r z

(1824–1887), who had for a long time served as im m in Tara and then Semipalatinsk. 69 My conclusion was recently supported by Damir M. Iskhakov, who expressed similar

ideas regarding the Islamization process in the Volga-Ural area. See his Institut seiiidov v Uluse Dzhuchi i pozdnezolotoordynskikh tiurko-tatarskikh gosudarstvakh (Kazan, 2011), 32–4, 37–41.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources Abd ar-Rash d Ibr h m, Mira at, 17 ([St. Petersburg], 1903)

Ash-shajara al- usayn ya li-sh-shaykh Sayy d Ba l b. Davlet B qï ash-Shaykh (Orenburg, 1908)

Fihrist of Niy z B qï’s library, Oriental Sector of the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books, Scientific Library of Kazan Federal University, inv. no. MS 4471T

ak m Ata kit bï, (Kazan, 1840) Nasab-n ma, MS St. Petersburg, Orientalists’Archive, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts,

Russian Academy of Sciences (St. Petersburg), f. 131, op. 1, d. 7, l. 45 Qïssa-yi ubb Khw ja (Kazan, 1899) Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n, Athar, vol. 3, Scientific Archive of the Scientific Center in Ufa,

f. 7, op. 1, #3 novyi akt Ri ad-D n b. Fakhr ad-D n, Shaikh Zaynull h ha ratnin tarjuma-yi h l (Orenburg, 1917) Rizaeddin, Fekhreddin, Asar, vol. 1 (Kazan, 2006) Shajarat al-Awliy ’ min bil d M war ’an-Nahr, MS St. Petersburg, OA-IOM, f. 131, op. 1,

d. 5, ll. 118–120 T ’r kh, MS St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Studies, inv. no. A1545 Untitled manuscript, Archive of the Tobol’sk State Historical-Architectural Museum, inv. no.

61 Untitled manuscript, Archive of Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Omsk State

University, fond 7, inv. no. 92–3

Secondary Literature Abashin, Sergei N., “Zangi-ata,“ Islam na territorii byvshei Rossiiskoi imperii: Èntsiklopedi-

cheskii slovar’, vyp. 1 (Moscow, 2006), 150–153 Akimushkin, Oleg F. et al. Persidskie i tadzhikskie rukopisi Instituta Narodov Azii AN SSSR

(kratkii alfavitnyi katalog), vol. 1 (Moscow, 1964) Algar, Hamid, “Shaykh Zaynullah Rasulev: The Last Great Naqshbandi Shaykh of the Volga-

Urals region,” in: Muslims in Central Asia. Expressions of Identity and Change, ed. Jo-Ann Gross (Durham/London, 1992), 112–133

The Atlas of Siberia by Semyon U. Remezov. Facsimile edition with an introduction by Leo Bagrow (S-Gravenhage, 1958)

Belich, Igor’ V., “Mavzolei musul’manskikh sviatykh v raione Iskera,” in: Vestnik ark-heologii, antropologii i etnografii 1 (1997): 92–98

–––––, “O religioznykh voinakh uchenikov shaykha Bagauddina protiv inorodtsev Zapadnoi Sibiri (k 100-letiiu publikatsii N.F. Katanovym rukopisei Tobol’skogo muzeiia,” Vestnik arkheologii, antropologii i etnografii 6 (2006): 153–171

Alfrid Bustanov 90

–––––, “Legenda o Khakim-Ata,” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy piatogo Sibirskogo simpo-ziuma “Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri, eds. A.A. Adamov et al. (To-bol’sk/Omsk, 2002), 405–412

–––––, “Vsemirnaia skazka v fol’klore sibirskikh tatar,” in: Etnografo-arkheologicheskie kompleksy: Problemy kul’tury i sotsiuma, vol. 8, eds. N.A. Tomilov et al. (Omsk, 2004), 63–96

–––––, “Legenda o Khakim-Ata,” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy piatogo Sibirskogo simpo-ziuma “Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri, eds. A.A. Adamov et al. (To-bol’sk/Omsk, 2002), 405–12

––––– and Bustanov, A.K., “Zametki o sufiiskikh traditsiiakh v Zapadnoi Sibiri,” Pax Islami-ca 2/5 (2010): 39–59

––––– and Seleznev, A.G. and Selezneva, I.A., Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom islame: spetsifika universal’nogo (Moscow, 2009)

Bustanov, Alfrid K., “Denezhnoe obrashchenie v Sibirskom uluse,” Tiurkologicheskii sbor-nik, 2007–2008: Istoriia i kul’tura tiurkskikh narodov Rossii i sopredel’nykh stran, eds. S.G. Kliashtornyi et al. (Moscow, 2009), 56–66

–––––, Miras: Knigi kak kul’turnyi kapital: Musul’manskie rukopisi v Zapadnoi Sibiri (Mo-scow, 2013), forthcoming

–––––, “Sochinenie ‘Shadzhara risalasi’ i ego spiski,” in: Srednevekovye tiurko-tatarskie gosudarstva, vol. 1, ed. I. Zagidullin (Kazan, 2009)

–––––, “Rukopis’ v kontekste sibirskogo islama,” in: Belich, I.V. and Seleznev, A.G. and Selezneva, I.A., Kul’t sviatykh v sibirskom islame: spetsifika universal’nogo (Moscow, 2009), 156–192

–––––, “Manuskripty sufiiskikh shaikhov: turkestanskaia traditsiia na beregakh Irtysha,” in: Etnografo-arkheologicheskie kompleksy: problemy kul’tury i sotsiuma, vol. 11, ed. N.A. Tomilov (Omsk, 2009), 195–230

–––––, and Korusenko, Svetlana N., “Rodoslovnye sibirskikh bukhartsev: Im’iaminovy,” Arkheologiia, etnografiia i antropologiia Evrazii 2/42 (2010): 97–105

–––––, “Sufiiskie legendy ob Islamizatsii Sibiri,” in: Tiurkologicheskii sbornik, 2009–2010. Tiurkskie narody Evrazii v drevnosti i srednevekov’e, eds. S.G. Kliashtornyi et al. (Mo-scow, 2011), 49–60

–––––, “The Sacred Texts of Siberian Khw ja Families. The Descendants of Sayyid Ata,” Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 2/1 (2011): 70–99

–––––, “Spisok ‘Shadzhara-ii tiurk’ Abu-l-Gazi iz biblioteki Gettingenskogo universiteta,” in: Tiurko-tatarskie gosudarstva, vol. 3, ed. I. Zagidullin (Kazan, 2012): 53–55

DeWeese, Devin, “Yasavian Legends of the Islamization of Turkestan,” in: Aspects of Altaic Civilization, ed. Denis Sinor, vol. III (Bloomington, IN, 1990): 1–19

–––––, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tükles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition (University Park, PA, 1994)

–––––, “Sacred History for a Central Asian Town. Saints, Shrines, and Legends of Origin in Histories of Sayram, 18th-19th Centuries,” in: Figures mythiques des mondes musulmans, ed. D. Aigle [=Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Mediterranee 89–99 (2000)]: 245–295

–––––,“Iasaviia,” in: Islam na territorii byvshei Rossiiskoi imperii: Èntsiklopedicheskii slo-var’, vol. 3 (Moscow, 2003), 37


–––––, “Foreword”, in: Sobranie fetv po obosnovaniiu dhikra dzhahr i sama , eds. B.M. Babadzhanov and S.A. Muhammadaminov (Almaty, 2008), 9–15

–––––, “Three Tales from the Central Asian ‘Book of Hak m Ata’”, in: Tales of God’s Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation, ed. J. Renard (Berkley, Los Angeles, Lon-don: University of California Press, 2009), 121–135

–––––, “The Narrative of Is q B b and the Lore of Holy Families in Western Siberia: A Preliminary Discussion,” in: Islamizatsiia i sakral’nye rodoslovnye v Tsentral’noi Azii: Nasledie Iskhak Baba v narrativnoi i genealogicheskoi traditsiiakh, Tom 1 (Almaty, 2013), forthcoming

Farkhshatov, Marsil’ N., “Delo” Shaykha Zainully Rasuleva (1872–1917): Vlast’ i sufizm v poreformennoi Bashkirii. Sbornik dokumentov (Ufa, 2009)

Frank, Allen J., “Islamic Shrine Catalogues and Communal Geography in the Volga-Ural Region: 1788–1917,” Journal of Islamic Studies 7/2 (1996): 265–286

–––––, Islamic Historiography and ‘Bulghar’ Identity among the Tatars and Bashkirs of Russia (Leiden, 1998)

–––––, The Siberian Chronicles and the Taybughid Biys of Sibir’ (Bloomington, IN, 1994) –––––, Muslim Religious Institutions in Imperial Russia: the Islamic World of Novouzensk

District and the Kazakh Inner Horde, 1780–1910 (Leiden/Boston/Köln, 2001) –––––, [Review of:] “R. Kh. Rakhimov, Astana v istorii Sibirskikh tatar: mavzolei pervykh

islamskikh missionerov kak pamiatniki istoriko-kul’turnogo naslediia,” Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008): 367–369

Iakhin, Farit Z., “Tobol’skii tatarskii poet Amdami i ego proizvedenie ‘Nasikhatname’ (Kniga nastavlenii),” in: Tiurkskie narody: Materialy V-go mezhdunarodnogo simpoziuma ‘Kul’turnoe nasledie narodov Zapadnoi Sibiri, eds. A.A. Adamov et al. (Tobol’sk/Omsk, 2002): 601–602

Iarkov, A.P. (ed.), Islam v istorii i kul’ture Tiumen’skogo kraia (Tiumen’: Elektopress, 2004) Iskhakov, Damir M., Institut seiiidov v Uluse Dzhuchi i pozdnezolotoordynskikh tiurko-

tatarskikh gosudarstvakh (Kazan, 2011) Katanov, Nikolai F., O religioznykh voinakh uchenikov shaykha Bagauddina protiv ino-

rodtsev Zapadnoi Sibiri (po rukopisiam Tobol’skogo gubernskogo muzeia) (Kazan, 1904) Kemper, Michael, Sufis und Gelehrte in Tatarien und Baschkirien, 1789–1889: Der islami-

sche Diskurs unter russischer Herrschaft (Berlin, 1998) Khorograficheskaia chertezhnaia kniga Sibiri S.U. Remezova, 2 vols.: vol. 1, Khorografi-

cheskaia chertezhnaia kniga Sibiri. Faksimile; vol. 2, Khorograficheskaia chertezhnaia kniga Sibiri S.U. Remezova. Rasshifrovka teksta, nadpisei, primechaniia, prilozheniia (Tobol’sk, 2011)

Kläy, Ernst J., Dörfer tatarischer “Rückwanderer” (Muhacir) aus Russland in Inneranatoli-en. Beiträge zur Kenntnis anatolischer Muhacirsiedlungen unter besonderer Berücksich-tigung eines Dorfes westsibirischer Tataren uzbekischer Abstammung (buhärist), Diss. phil.-hist. (Bern, 1975)

Kononov, Andrei N., Istoriia izucheniia tiurkskikh iazykov v Rossii, Dooktiabr’skii period, 2nd edition, (Leningrad, 1982)

von Kügelgen, Anke, “Die Entfaltung der Naqshband ya Mu addid ya im mittleren Transo-xanien vom 18. bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts: ein Stück Detektivarbeit,” in: Mus-lim Culture in Russia and Central Asia from the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries, vol. 2,

Alfrid Bustanov 92

Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Relations, eds. A. von Kügelgen, M. Kemper, A.J. Frank (Berlin, 1998), 101–151

Meier, Fritz, Zwei Abhandlungen über die Naqshband ya, I. die Herzensbindung an den Meister, 2. Kraftakt und Faustrecht des Heiligen (Istanbul, 1994)

Miller, Gerard F., Istoriia Sibiri, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1999) Mukhametshin, Dzhamil’, “Ber shejereneng sere,” Vatanym Tatarstan 30.05.2007 Paul, Jürgen, Doctrine and Organization. The Khw jag n/ Naqshband ya in the First Genera-

tion after Bah ’uddin (Berlin, 1998) Rakhimov, Rishat Kh., Astana v istorii sibirskikh tatar: mavzolei islamskikh missionerov kak

pamiatniki istoriko-kul’turnogo naslediia (Tiumen’, 2006) –––––, “Novye dokumental’nye istochniki po istorii islama v Sibiri,” in: Natsional’naia

istoriia tatar: teoretiko-metodologicheskoe vvedenie, ed. D.M. Iskhakov (Kazan, 2009), 292–297

Saifullina, Guzel’, Bagyshlau (posviashcheniia) v kontekste kul’tury narodnogo islama volzhskikh tatar (Kazan, 2005)

Seleznev, A.G. and Selezneva, I.A., “Zange-Ata i Khyzyr-Il’ias: istoricheskie i etnicheskie aspekty rasprostraneniia islama v Sibiri,” Ètnograficheskoe obozrenie 6 (2003): 41–56

–––––, Sibirskii islam: regional’nyi variant religioznogo sinkretizma (Novosibirsk, 2004) –––––, “Kontsept astana i kul’t sviatykh v islame,” Tiurkologicheskii sbornik 2007–2008,

Istoriia i kul’tura tiurkskikh narodov Rossii i sopredel’nykh stran (Moscow, 2009), 338–59

Sobolev, V.I., Istoriia sibirskikh khanstv (po arkheologicheskim materialam) (Novosibirsk, 2008)

Togan, Isenbike, “The Khaf , Jahr Controversy in Central Asia Revisited,” in: Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia. Change and Continuity, ed. E. Özdalga (Istanbul, 1997): 17–45

Tomilov, N.A. et al. (eds.), Islam, obshchestvo i kul’tura (Omsk, 1994) Usmanov, M.A. and Shaikhiev, R.A., “Obraztsy tatarskikh narodno-kraevedcheskikh so-

chinenii po istorii Zapadnoi i Iuzhnoi Sibiri,” in: Sibirskaia arkheografiia i istochni-kovedenie (Novosibirsk, 1979), 84–103

Valeev, F.T.-A., “Rodoslovnye zapisi (shezhere) sibirskikh tatar kak istoriko-etnograficheskii istochnik,” in: Problemy antropologii i istoricheskoi etnografii Zapadnoi Sibiri, ed. N.A. Tomilov (Omsk, 1991), 98–104

Valeev, Foat T., Sibirskie tatary: kul’tura i byt (Kazan, 1992) ––––– and Tomilov, Nikolai A., Tatary Zapadnoi Sibiri: istoriia i kul’tura (Novosibirsk,

1996) Verzeichnis der Handschriften im Preußischen Staate. Die Handschriften in Göttingen, 3,

Universitäts-Bibliothek Nachlässe von Gelehrten orientalische Handschriften, Hand-schriften im Besitz von Instituten und Behörden, Register zu Band 1–3, (Berlin, 1984)

Witsen, Nicolas, Severnaia i Vostochnaia Tartariia, vkliuchaiushchaia oblasti, raspolozhen-nye v severnoi i vostochnoi chastiakh Evropy i Azii, transl. from Dutch by V.G. Trisman, eds. N.P. Kopaneva and B. Naarden, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 2010)

Zaleman, Karl G., “Legenda pro Khakim-Ata,” Izvestiia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk 9/2 (1898): 105–150

Zarcone, Thierry, “Les confreries soufies en Siberie (XIXe siècle et debut du XXe siecle),” Cahiers du Monde russe 41/ 2–3 (2000): 279–296


Zhandarbek, Zakariia, “Nasab-nama” nusqalary zhene turki tarikhy (Almaty, 2002)

Notes on the Yasaviya and Naqshbandiya in Western Siberia in the 17th – early 20th Centuries

Documents

Transcript of Notes on the Yasaviya and Naqshbandiya in Western Siberia in the 17th – early 20th Centuries