Not in my Cabinet: Representations of gay people in the Jamaican Print Media

“Not in My Cabinet!”

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“Not in my Cabinet!”

Representations of gay people in the Jamaican Print Media

Athaliah Reynolds-Baker

Submitted for the degree of

MA in Communications, Media and Public Relations

(October 2014)

University of Leicester

Department of Media and Communication


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ABSTRACT

__________________________________________________________

In recent years, the gay community in Jamaica has received increased attention, mainly due to

calls for a repeal of the country’s 1533 Buggery Law. Despite this, minimal research has been

done on the manner in which these discussions have been framed, or how gay people are

represented in the news media. Through a quantitative content analysis and focus group

interviews, incorporating framing and representation theories, this dissertation examines how gay

people are represented in Jamaica’s two main newspapers, The Gleaner and the Jamaica

Observer. The study finds that the gay community receives very prominent treatment, appearing

in mostly negatively connoted contexts; although there is evidence of an attempt to present a

more nuanced representation.

Word Count: 15, 129

Final Grade: 70 (A)


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

__________________________________________________________

For DBB and ECW


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

________________________________________________________

Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..7

CHAPTER I

Overview and Context………………………………………………………………13

1.1 Homophobia: The Jamaican Experience………………………………….13

1.2 Violent Attacks against LGBT Jamaicans………………………………...14

1.3 Jamaica’s Culture of Homophobia………………………………………...15

1.4 The Buggery Law………………………………………………….............17

1.5 LGBT Jamaicans seek Asylum in other parts of the World……………....17

CHAPTER II

Literature Review…………………………………………………………………..22

CHAPTER III

Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………………27

3.1 Framing…………………………………………………………………..27

3.2 Representation……………………………………………………….......31

CHAPTER IV

Methodology…………………………………………………………………………34

4.1 Quantitative Content Analysis…………………………………………….34

4.2 Focus Group Interviews…………………………………………………...36

4.3 Media Selection and Sample (Content Analysis)...……………………….37

4.4 Units of Analysis and Coding Schedule…………………………………..39

4.5 Piloting, Reliability and Coding…………………………………………..40

4.6 Research Sample (Focus Group)………………………………….............40


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4.7 Moderator Selection and Interview Guide………………………………42

4.8 Data Collection and Analysis……………………………………………43

CHAPTER V

Findings and Analysis……………………………………………………………..45

Content Analysis…………………………………………………………....45

5.1 Sources and Actors…………………………………………….....45

5.2 Representations of LGBT Peoples…………………………….....50

5.3 Theme/Issue/Subject……………………………………………..55

5.4 Stance/Value……………………………………………………..66

Focus Group………………………………………………………………..70

5.5 Stance/value of coverage of gay people…………………………70

5.6 Media representations of gay people………………………….....72

5.7 The church, gay rights and the buggery law…………………......74

5.8 The way forward…………………………………………………76

CHAPTER VI

Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………78

6.1 Key findings…………………………………………………………......78

6.2 Limitations……………………………………………………………....80

6.3 Future research…………………………………………………………..80

Appendices………………………………………………………………………....82

7.1 Appendix A: Random Sampling Numbers………………………….......82

7.2 Appendix B: Sampling Calendar………………………………………..83

7.3 Appendix C: Coded Articles…………………………………………….84

7.4 Appendix D: Coding Schedule………………………………………….86


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7.5 Appendix E: Focus Group Questions………………………………...89

7.6 Appendix F: Focus Group Information Form…………………………90

7.7 Appendix G: Focus Group Consent Form…………………………….91

References………………………………………………………………………..92

List of Tables and Charts………………………………………………………101


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INTRODUCTION

__________________________________________________________

During a widely televised interview on the BBC’s HARDtalk, with Stephen Sackur, in 2008,

Former Prime Minister of Jamaica, Bruce Golding, made a bold statement that shocked many.

The now retired leader said he would never select an openly gay person to serve as a member of

his Cabinet (HARDtalk: Bruce Golding, 2008).

The reaction to this now infamous declaration was two-pronged. In some quarters, it was a bold

and honest sentiment, which mirrored the ideals of many Jamaicans - reflected in its creation of

the local slang, “Not in my Cabinet!” But for others, it was a backward, discriminatory

statement, which highlighted what some regard as Jamaica’s deep-seated homophobia and

prejudice towards members of the gay community (Schleifer, 2004).

There was no surprise, therefore, that it catapulted the issue of gay rights into the public domain,

spurring many heated debates in the mainstream media, and increased calls from international

human rights groups for an abolishment of the country’s colonial-era Buggery Law (Should

Jamaica Repeal, 2011; US Lobby Group, 2012).

Since then, the topic of gay rights and other issues pertaining to the LGBT (lesbian, gays,

bisexual and transgender) community have received increased coverage in the Jamaican media.

However, while this is the case, there appears to be an absence of academic research looking into

how the gay community is represented in the local media.

There are many studies looking into the portrayal of LGBT people in other regions, with a

majority of these emanating from the U.K. and the U.S. Studies pertaining to the Jamaican


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media, however, remain uncharted territory, with most existing research on the topic focusing on

dancehall music and poetry (Cann, 2011; Charles, 2011; Green, 2010).

Based on this rationale and by analysing how the gay community is represented in Jamaica’s two

main newspapers, the objective of this dissertation is to add to filling an obvious gap in this area,

and in turn, assist in highlighting the media’s importance in the portrayal of this minority group.

Research Questions

As such, the dissertation seeks to answer the following questions:

RQ1: Do The Gleaner and the Jamaica Observer present negative images or stereotypes

of gays? If so, how are such images constructed and to what extent do

they characterise the coverage?

RQ2: Which features, frames, images and prejudices are ascribed to gay people by the

media coverage?

RQ3: Have the newspapers’ coverage of gays influenced society’s view of this group and

if so, in what ways?

RQ4: Who are the sources or actors most frequently used in the coverage and what do

they say about the newspapers’ representational style?

RQ5: How do gay people see themselves represented in this coverage? How do the

Church community and members of the general public view the coverage of

homosexuality in the two newspapers?


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This dissertation is organised as follows: Chapter I provides an overview and contextualization

of the current issues and themes central to the LGBT community in Jamaica. Cultural ideas as it

pertains to sexuality, the country’s colonial-era Buggery Law as well as Jamaica’s image

internationally in regards to gay rights and homophobia are discussed. This chapter, therefore,

provides a brief understanding of the concerns relevant to the gay community in Jamaica, both

from a local and international standpoint.

Chapter II then provides a literature review, which gives an account of research conducted on

the topic of media representation of gay people.

This dissertation goes on to discuss theoretical and methodological issues in Chapters III and

IV, respectively. The researcher will look at the concepts of framing and media representation

theory and discuss the relevance of both concepts to the subject at hand. Following this, the

methodological approaches, in the form of a content analysis and focus group interviews are

discussed.

In Chapter V, the researcher presents, analyses and discusses the data collected through the

application of both the quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Chapter VI concludes the

study and briefly reviews and summarizes the main findings of the research, highlighting the

most outstanding issues, as well as some of the limitations and topics worthy of future

exploration.


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Dissertation Overview:

Thematic choice

What is meant by media representation and framing will be discussed in Chapter III of this

dissertation. The main aim of the research as it pertains to these concepts is to find out how the

two most read newspapers in Jamaica represent the gay community for its readers.

Media choice

In this study, the author will concentrate on stories published in Jamaica’s two most read

newspapers - The Gleaner and the Jamaica Observer. The medium of print was chosen given its

prominent role in the Jamaican society and its reach throughout the population. Even in rural

areas where there is no electricity or Internet access, many Jamaicans continue to get their news

from the print media.

The Gleaner, which is one of the oldest newspapers in the Western Hemisphere, started out as a

four-page weekly publication in 1834 (Surlin and Soderlund, 1990). Today, it stands as a

quality, multi-sectioned broadsheet newspaper capturing the readership of thousands of

Jamaicans (Scott, 2014). The newspaper, which is published six days each week, has a

readership of 232,000 (JSE, 2012), while its Sunday edition, The Sunday Gleaner, attracts 78%

of the readership (JSE, 2012). Overseas weekly editions are also published in the U.S., Canada,

and the U.K.

The Observer, which became a daily in 1994, has blossomed into a worthy competitor of The

Gleaner, reaching as many as 148, 000 readers (JSE, 2012) across the island. It publishes a

morning edition six days a week and a Sunday edition, which also has a wide readership – 21%


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of the market (JSE, 2010). The Sunday version is also multi-sectioned, with material catering to

a wide cross section of readers, including lifestyle, sports, opinion, and profile stories.

Focus Groups:

There is no denying that the news media have the potential to shape public opinion, public

debate, and, therefore, public policy on many contentious issues in any society (Anderson, 2009;

Newbold, 2005; McQuail, 2010). The study will, therefore, seek to have discussions with

citizens taken from selected sections of Jamaican society, in order to establish their views of the

media’s coverage of gay people and its potential influence on them.

Interviewees:

Members of the gay community: Based on the fact that the study focuses chiefly on the

representation of gay people in the media, the researcher finds it essential to garner the views of

this informed group. Interviewees from this group were, therefore, selected based on its

prominence and importance to the topic at hand. The author believes participants from this group

will be able to provide well-needed and unique insight into the way audiences perceive the

Jamaican print media’s portrayal of gay people.

Church community: Jamaica is identified as a predominantly Christian country, with close to

70% of the population claiming affiliation with the religion, according to the 2011 Census. With

this strong Christian culture, the Church continues to play a vocal role in most aspects of

Jamaican life, and is an extremely active participant in the public discourse surrounding

homosexuality, homophobia, the Buggery Law and sexuality. It is also important to ascertain the

views of members of this group, as they will be able to provide much insight into the topic at

hand.


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CHAPTER I


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OVERVIEW AND CONTEXT

The Gay Community in Jamaica

__________________________________________________________ Before looking at the theoretical and methodological frameworks that guide this study, it is

important to offer a synopsis of the historical and social concerns pertinent to the gay community

in Jamaica.

1.1 Homophobia: the Jamaican Experience

For many years, international advocacy groups have viewed Jamaica as “one of the most

homophobic countries in the Western Hemisphere” (Padgett, 2006, p. 1; McFadden, 2013;

Ustanny, 2013). ‘Hated to Death’ (HRW, 2004), “The Most Homophobic Place on Earth”

(Padgett, 2006), and ‘Jamaica: the Homophobic Capital of the World?’ (Ustanny, 2013) are just

some of the headlines that have been splashed across the pages of international newspapers

within the last decade. This has resulted in Jamaica gaining the unfortunate image in the

international arena as a rabidly homophobic place (Nelson, 2014). While many argue that this

assertion is exaggerated, and nothing more than a widespread generalisation or stereotypical

branding of most well-thinking Jamaicans (Nelson, 2014) – and maybe rightly so – there

continues to be evidence that homophobia is commonplace in the Jamaican society (McFadden,

2013). Such evidence can be seen in the numerous incidents of homophobic attacks, both

verbally and physically, which have been meted out against the country’s LGBT community

(Beckford, 2012).


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1.2 Violent Attacks against LGBT Jamaicans

The country’s foremost gay rights lobby group, Jamaica Forum for Lesbians All-Sexuals and

Gays (J-FLAG), say they usually receive about “30 to 40 reports of abuse, annually” (Beckford,

2012, p.2). The organisation informs that a total of 28 persons were attacked in 2009, because of

their sexuality. J-FLAG further estimates that in 2010, two gay men were killed for their sexual

orientation, while 47 others were victims of homophobic attacks. In 2011, 71 LGBT Jamaicans

were attacked in homophobic-related incidents, while one gay man was murdered. Further data

also show that 66 LGBT persons were victims of violence, including beatings and stabbings in

2012 (McFadden, 2013), while 2013 saw the murder of one transgender Jamaican and the

assault/attack of 63 other LGBT persons. The Jamaican police were unable to corroborate these

figures, “as they do not tally whether the motive for a crime is homophobic” (Beckford, 2012,

p.2; Gilpin, 2013).

Incidents such as these have led international organisations including Human Rights Watch to

label “the environment in Jamaica for” LGBT people as “the worst any of us has ever seen” (as

cited in McFadden, 2013, p.1). The Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR) has

also reported that: “The widespread homophobia in Jamaica has resulted in violent killings of

persons thought to be LGBT, as well as stabbings, mob attacks, arbitrary detention and police

harassment” (as cited in Martínez, 2013, p.1). The IACHR further notes that: “The resulting fear

in turn makes it difficult for people within this group to access certain basic services, for

example, medical services, that might reveal their sexual orientation” (as cited in Martínez, 2013,

p.1). The most recent of these documented attacks is the 2013 murder of Dwayne Jones, a

homeless, transgender teenager from Montego Bay (McFadden, 2013). Jones, 16, who was a

known cross dresser, was beaten, stabbed, shot several times and ran over with a car by a mob of


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angry party goers, after a man with whom Jones was dancing, discovered that he was not a

woman (McFadden, 2013). His murder has increased international disdain for Jamaica, and has

further tarnished the country’s image as an unsafe place for LGBT members (McFadden, 2013).

1.3 Jamaica’s culture of Homophobia

Some blame this widespread intolerance towards the gay lifestyle on deep-seated cultural ideas

associated with human sexuality and manhood (Eunick, 2004). Human sexuality, according to

Aarons (2012), speaks to:

“How people experience the erotic and express themselves as sexual beings; how they express

love and their connections to other human beings. Sexuality is fundamental to being human, and

it includes at least five different elements: sex, gender, affective/emotional relationships,

eroticism, and reproduction (p.1).

Homophobia, for the purpose of this dissertation, is defined as “the dread of being in close

quarters with homosexuals” (Weinberg, 1971, p.8), while homosexuality refers to an “attraction

to members of the same-sex” (What is Sexual, 2002, p.1). As it regards manhood, which is the

state of being a man, it is a widely held view in most Jamaican quarters that men must be virile,

highly sexual, and promiscuous. They must, therefore, prove their manhood by having lots of

girlfriends, and an even larger amount of children (Eunick, 2004). Men who have sex with men,

therefore, are frowned upon and are often considered less than men.

Others believe the homophobia is rooted in the country’s strong Christian beliefs, which asserts

that homosexuality corrupts society and is immoral (Beckford, 2012; Charles, 2011). With a

population of 2.7 million, some 70% Jamaicans identify themselves as Christians (Census,


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2011). The Christian community in Jamaica has remained vocal on the topic of homosexuality

for decades, with many denouncing the lifestyle and lobbying the government to uphold the

country’s Buggery Law (Spaulding, 2014). In a 2012 interview, President of the Jamaica

Umbrella Group of Churches, Rev. Lenworth Anglin, said “Jamaica’s culture of denouncing

homosexuality is bourne out of Jamaica’s Christian tradition” (as cited in Beckford, 2012, p.5).

He notes that, “The Bible denounces homosexuality and lesbianism and that is not supported by

scripture” (p. 5). Anglin (2012) further asserts that, “While the Church feels strongly, we don’t

ask them to leave, we ask them to change” (Beckford, 2012, p.5). These sentiments were put into

action in June 2014, when thousands of Christians, also joined by Muslims and members of the

Rastafarian movement, converged in the island’s capital, in a church-led rally, to denounce talks

of a possible repeal of the “anti-sodomy” legislation (Skyers, 2014; Spaulding, 2014, p. 1).

While no one can say for certain what is the root cause or origin of these deeply held views

pertaining to homosexuality, there is no denying that they are expressed regularly in many

aspects of the nation’s popular culture, especially dancehall music (Cann, 2011; Golding, 2012).

An army of Jamaican dancehall artistes have come under immense criticism, sanctions and even

bans in the international arena for their homophobic lyrics, which often incite violence against

members of the minority group (Cann, 2011; Chan, 2014; Despite Protest From, 2014; Henry,

2012; Walters, 2013). It is not uncommon to hear homophobic lyrics blaring from sound systems

in busy streets and towns. Lyrics such as those contained in a now infamous song by artiste, Buju

Banton (1988), are a clear indication of the contempt that many feel for LGBT members. A

portion of the lyrics are as follows:

“Boom bye bye inna batty bwoy head

(Gunshot in the heads of gay men)


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Rude bwoy nuh promote nuh nasty man, dem haffi dead

(Rude boys don’t promote nasty men (gay men), they must die)

Send fi de matic and the Uzi instead

(Send for the automatic and the Uzi (guns)

Murder batty bwoy, come mek we shot dem dead”

(Murder gay men, come let us shoot them dead)

1.4 The Buggery Law

In addition to the culture, the country’s Buggery Law, which is contained in the Offences

Against the Person Act, is considered anti-gay, discriminatory and in violation of human rights

by many gay and human rights advocates (Human Rights Watch, 2012).The archaic law is a

derivative of “England’s Buggery Act of 1553, which was passed down to Jamaica through its

colonial past” (Beckford, 2012, p. 4). While being gay is not prohibited by the law, “Section 76

of the act makes it an offence for two men to be engaged in sexual activities. The maximum

sentence is 10 years imprisonment” (Gayle, 2013, p.1). The Act also states “that acts of gross

indecency and buggery [anal sex] are illegal” (Gayle, 2013, p.1). The act of buggery is defined as

“anal sex between a man and another man, a woman or an animal” (Lewis, 2014, p.1). Lewis

(2014) contends that, “While the law is rarely enforced in Jamaica, some gay people claim it is

used to harass them, as they are threatened with being brought before the Courts” (p.2).

1.5 LGBT Jamaicans seek asylum in other parts of the world

Faced with these challenges, a number of LGBT Jamaicans have sought refuge in what are

perceived as more ‘gay friendly regions’. As such, Martinez (2013) points out that “Jamaica

remains high on the list of foreign countries whose nationals are seeking and gaining asylum in

the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom” (p.2). As it regards the US, Jamaica


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accounts for “one-third of the asylum cases litigated by Immigration Equality, the leading

organisation concerned with LGBT immigrants” in that country, (Martinez, 2013, p.2). Martinez

(2013) further informs that “Jamaica is the only country where a U.S. court has held that a

pattern and practice of persecution against gay people exists” (p.2).

The Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) in the U.S., say an individual “may apply for

protection if they have suffered persecution or fear they will suffer persecution due to: race,

religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group or political opinion” (as cited in

Beckford, 2012, p.4). Data from the Department of Homeland Security Yearbook of Immigration

Statistics show that within the last decade, “there has been a steady increase in the number of

Jamaicans who were granted asylum in the U.S.” (as cited in Beckford, 2012, p.4). In 2006,

seven Jamaicans were granted asylum, the number rose to 12 in 2007, 19 in 2008, 42 in 2009 and

49 in 2010. In 2011, 49 Jamaicans were granted U.S. asylum, based on their sexual orientation

(Beckford, 2012).

However, while this is the case, there are those who argue that Jamaica and many Jamaicans

have come a far way, over the years, in terms of becoming more tolerant to members of the gay

community (McFadden, 2012). This was embodied in comments made by then President of the

People’s National Party, Portia Simpson Miller (now Prime Minister), during a nationally

televised debate in the lead up to the 2011 General Elections. In response to a question pertaining

to former Prime Minister Golding’s aforementioned remarks, Mrs. Simpson Miller said a

person’s sexual orientation should not be used to determine what public position they can or

cannot hold. Mrs. Simpson Miller added that she would support a conscience vote in Parliament

on whether the Buggery Law should be repealed (Our Leaders On, 2011; Portia Says Nothing,

2011). This was viewed by many as a milestone for gay rights and a turning point for the nation,


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as for the first time a Jamaican political leader publicly conceded that thought should be given to

the abolition of a law that some regard as “archaic, colonial and discriminatory” (US Lobby

Group; 2012, p.1).

All these issues add to the depth of concerns surrounding the LGBT community in Jamaica and

are important to note as they not only highlight the attitudes that exist towards gay people in the

country, but also the manner in which the issue is seen and covered by the country’s two main

newspapers.

The following chapter will examine previous studies that have been carried out on the

representation of gay people.


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Chapter II


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LITERATURE REVIEW

________________________________________________________

The study of media representations has a long history, with numerous works examining the mass

media’s treatment of a myriad of subject matters (Lindsey, 2002; Birrell, 1994; Tuchman, 1978;

Bonds-Raacke, 2007; Cushion, 2011; Poole 2002; Cottle, 2005; Fraser, 2013; Huston, 1992;

Schell, 1999; and Simpson, 1936). One of the earliest noted studies looking at representation is

Simpson’s (1936), The negro in the Philadelphia press (as cited in Dijk’s 1995). The study

looked at the depiction of African-Americans in white Philadelphia newspapers, using a

quantitative content analysis methodology (Simonson, 2005, p.8).

Despite this rich tradition, research examining the representation of LGBT people in the mass

media has only now been gaining momentum. Such studies have not only resulted in a better

understanding of the media’s role in the portrayal of sexual minorities, but have also generally

discovered that the representation of gay people in the mass media has gone through a number of

stages (Moritz, 2000, p. 150; Bonds-Raacke, 2003; Raley, 2006; Kuhar, 2003; Panos, 2010). The

studies have shown that these phases comprise “a period of invisibility or limited representation;

stereotyping or ridiculing; and most recently normalization” (Raley, 2006, p. 20; Bonds-Raacke,

2003; Cilliers, 2008; Kuhar, 2003).

In looking at how the US media represents sexual minorities, Moritz (2000) declares that “a lack

of coverage or highly biased coverage have been the long-standing hallmarks of American

journalism’s response to homosexuals” (p.154). She further contends that possibly no other

minority group has been left out of the media more systemically than LGBTs (p.154).


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Similar studies on the topic have found that coverage of gay people in the print news media was

limited to stories involving scandals; gay marriages; HIV and other sexually transmitted

diseases; or the arrest of an LGBT person (Kuhar, 2003, p. 22; Panos, 2010). Cilliers (2008)

further opines that “for decades gays and lesbians have either been ignored or ridiculed in almost

all mainstream media accounts” (p. 333).

In his study of the print media’s coverage of gay people in North South Wales, De Ville (2009)

finds that while images of LGBT people have significantly increased within the last few decades,

“what exists is often stereotypical, negative, demeaning or sensational” (p.4). This finding has

been further corroborated by a number of researchers (Gross, 1991; Cilliers, 2008; Kuhar;

Moritz, 2000; Panos, 2010; Raley, 2006). On this note, Gross (1991) contends that gay people

“are deliberately portrayed as controversial within the mass media” (p. 10), while Gevisser

(1995) submits in his examination of the South African media that the “public image of

homosexuals often swing between two stereotypes: the child molester and the drag queen” (p.

18).

Research looking at the medium of television has generally yielded similar results. In looking at

the representation of LGBT characters on US prime time television, Raley (2006) discovered that

only very recently have gay and lesbian characters appeared in this slot (p.4). However, while it

was found that LGBT characters have progressed from a stage of invisibility to visibility on

prime time television, the images presented remain negative and contentious. Raley (2006) found

that gay and lesbian characters were chiefly “presented in ridiculous, stereotypical images, with

only very few presented in respectful roles” (p.5). Similarly, Grossberg (2006) found “that on

television, gays are the subject of humour, pity and fear” (p. 237).


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More recent studies, however, have shown that a more positive representation has emerged.

Bonds-Raacke, 2003; Grossberg, 2006; and Raley, 2006 in their examinations of LGBT

television characters, have discovered “that the portrayals have become more positive or

normalized” (p.6). They highlight television sitcoms such as Ellen, Will and Grace, Greek, Glee,

“Grey’s Anatomy, Ugly Betty and Modern Family”, noting that these shows have presented

“more accepting views of sexual minorities on television” (Bonds-Raacke, 2007; Shapiro, 2004;

Raley, 2006, p. 154; Rowe, 2010, p. 2).

As it regards past methodologies and theories, a majority of the studies reviewed have “utilised

content analysis to examine and record the content of media such as magazines, newspapers,

radio, and TV to monitor the representations of gays” (Fisher et al, 2007; Kuhar, 2003; Raley et

al, 2006, p. 20). A few other studies have also used survey research, discourse analysis and face-

to-face interviews (Bonds-Raacke et al, 2007; Calzo et al, 2009; De Ville, 2009; Greene, 2010).

The spread of theoretical frameworks are wide and varied with some researchers applying

priming, framing, post-structural theory, cultivation theory, and social representation theory.

However, as it pertains specifically to the subject of this dissertation, academic research looking

at the representation of gays in the Jamaican mass media has been quite minimal. While research

looking at the portrayal of LGBT people in other regions is numerous, with the majority

originating from the United States and the United Kingdom, the literature for Jamaica is limited

(Cann, 2011, p.8). Additionally, within those that exist, the news media is hardly a chief focus,

but instead dancehall music and poetry have been the dominant sources of enquiry (Cann, 2011;

Charles, 2011; Greene, 2010).


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For example, while Cann (2011) explores how gay men and lesbian women are portrayed in The

Gleaner, a substantive portion of the study is focused on depictions in dancehall music and the

writings of Jamaican poet, Claude McKay. Similarly, Charles (2011) uses Social Representation

Theory to evaluate portrayals of homosexuality in Jamaican culture. The study examines aspects

of the country’s music, the media, the Church, politics, the government and legislation and is

aimed at deconstructing the “violence and abuse against homosexuals and the debate between the

Jamaican government and the international homosexual lobby” (p.3). Another study by Greene

(2010) also explores the subject “of Jamaican homophobia through a content analysis of

newspaper and magazine articles and popular dancehall music, as well as conducting face-to-

face interviews with” (p.5) members of the LGBT community. The main aim of the research is to

examine the attitudes of Jamaicans towards homosexuality and to illuminate some of the

challenges faced by LGBT people in the island.

Based on the reviewed literature, there appears to be no piece of academic research, which

focuses exclusively on the representation of the gay community in news stories in the Jamaican

print media. The author, therefore, argues that there is a scholarship gap, which offers context for

this latest piece of research.


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Chapter III


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THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

__________________________________________________________

This chapter takes a look at the theoretical paradigms that are relevant to the research topic -

framing and representation theory.

3.1 Framing

Framing has been increasingly utilised in media studies to guide “both investigations of media

content and studies of the relationship between media and public opinion” (de Vreese, 2012,

p.365). The theory is often linked to the work of Erving Goffman (1974), but has evolved

considerably beyond his initial contribution. A number of academics have offered a variety of

definitions for the concept in highlighting its usefulness to communication research (de Vreese,

2012, p. 365). For Hartley (2011), the term describes how ‘definitions of a situation’ are created

through a “combination of how the events or encounters themselves are organised and how they

are subjectively observed by participants” (p. 115). Chong et al (2007) assert that “framing refers

to the process by which people develop a particular conceptualization of an issue or reorient their

thinking about an issue” (p. 104). Similarly, Hartley (2011), contends that framing, as a

theoretical paradigm, has to do with the “tacit assumptions about what is happening and how we

see it, that allow an event or encounter to be perceived, represented and communicated” (p.115).

This definition is in line with Goffman (1974), who “maintains that, a frame allows its users to

locate, perceive, identify, and label a seemingly infinite number of concrete occurrences defined

in its terms” (p. 21).

Scheufele (1999) further points to two distinct approaches that can be identified within framing -

“media frames and individual frames” (p.4). He notes that this theoretical distinction is based on


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Kinder’s et al (1990) rationalization “that frames serve both as devices embedded in political

discourse”, a feature of media frames, and “the internal structures of the mind”, alluding to

individual frames (p. 4).

In defining individual frames, Entman (1993) asserts that these “are mentally stored clusters of

ideas that guide individuals’ processing of information” (p.53). He further classifies the notion as

“information-processing schemata” (p.53) or tools that provide individuals with the means to

make sense of their everyday experiences.

Conversely, Gitlin (1980) offers that “media frames, largely unspoken and unacknowledged,

organise the world both for journalists who report it, and in some important degree for us who

rely on their reports” (Gitlin, 1980, p. 7). He further posits “that frames are principles of

selection, emphasis and presentation composed of little tacit theories about what exists, what

happens, and what matters” (p.7). For Gamson et al (1987), the concept refers to “a central

organising idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events…the frame

suggests what the controversy is about, the essence of the issue” (p. 143).

McQuail (2010) also notes that frames as it pertains to news have frequently been used as a

substitute for phrases “such as, frame of reference, context, theme, or even news angle” (p.380).

He points out that in journalism “stories are given meaning by reference to some particular ‘news

value’ that connects one event with other similar ones”, and as such, “the content frame has to be

compared with the frame of reference in the mind of the audience” (p.380). In further exploring

this point, Entman (1993) suggests that the essence of media frames is to “select some aspects of

a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating context” (p.52). He further

sums up the core features of the theory by asserting that “frames define problems, diagnose


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causes, make moral judgments and suggest remedies” (p.52). McQuail (2010) advises that “a

number of textual devices” are often utilised in the media to construct frames into “news content

such as the use of specific words or phrases; making certain contextual references, choosing

certain pictures or film, giving examples as typical, and referring to certain sources” (p.380).

On a further note, Hartley (2011) argues that the term media frames have often been used in

journalism to determine whether journalists “deliberately frame events in order to communicate a

particular biased definition of a situation that seems to emerge naturally from the event rather

than from the journalist’s rendition of it into a story” (Hartley, 115). McQuail (2010) further

suggests that it is almost unavoidable for journalists not to render their interpretation of certain

facts “and, in so doing, to depart from pure objectivity and to introduce some unintended bias”

(p.380). He asserts that, “When information is supplied to news media by sources, then it arrives

with a built-in frame that suits the purpose of the source and is unlikely to be purely objective”

(p.380). Gitlin (1980) also adds that “media frames serve as working routines for journalists and

allow them to quickly identify and classify information and to package it for efficient relay to

their audiences” (p.7).

From the aforementioned definitions, it is clear that an understanding of both approaches to

framing is essential for a deeper appreciation of the workings of the news media. However, while

this is the case, the discussion throughout this dissertation will place exclusive emphasis on

media frames and is aimed at unearthing how the Jamaican print media presents stories

pertaining to members of the LGBT community and how these stories are in turn interpreted by

audiences.


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Despite the usefulness of this theoretical paradigm, and the significant value it possesses as a

means by which the news media can be analysed and better understood (Entman, 1993); it is not

without its critics. Scheufele (1997) argues that studies on framing are often characterised by

“theoretical and empirical vagueness” (p.103). This, he argues, is somewhat based on the

absence “of a commonly shared theoretical model underlying framing research” (p.103). As

such, “conceptual problems translate into operational problems, limiting the comparability of

instruments and results” (p.103). Similarly, de Vreese (2012) asserts that “the lack of conceptual

clarity and operational definitions of framing and frames” (p. 366) is a major limitation

associated with this kind of research. Even Entman (1993), although often considered a

champion of the theory, asserts that framing sometimes offer “a scattered conceptualisation”

(p.51), which is often a result of the “methodological obscurity” (Koenig, 2006, p.62).

While these deficiencies are duly noted, the researcher believes the theory will provide great

value to this dissertation. Using the framing paradigm as a benchmark, the study will seek to

ascertain what ideas, inferences or judgements are implied through the words, phrases, headlines,

or sources of information that are present, or absent, in news stories about gay people, appearing

in the two selected newspapers. The theory of framing is quite relevant to this study, as the

concept “consistently offers a way to describe the power of a communicating text” (Entman,

1993, p.51). Entman (1993) further asserts the usefulness of the theory by noting that “analysis

of frames illuminates the precise way in which influence over a human consciousness is exerted

by the transfer (or communication) of information from one location – such as speech, utterance,

news report, or novel – to that consciousness” (p.51-52).


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3.2 Representation

This dissertation can also be situated within the arena of media representation theory and

research. Comparable principles are applicable to this study, which have been used to look at the

representation of other minority groups such as women (Birrell, 1994; Schell, 1999), black

people (Cushion et al, 2011; Simpson, 1936) or even poor people (Kendall, 2011). Hall (1997a)

defines “representation as using language to say something meaningful about or to represent the

world meaningfully, to other people” (p.15). He further notes that “representation is an essential

part of the process by which meaning is produced and exchanged between members of a culture

and involves the use of language, signs, and images, which stand for or represent things” (p. 15).

He further contends that representation involves the creation “of meaning through language”

(p.17) and further speaks to:

“…The production of the meaning of the concepts in our minds through language and is the link

between concepts and language that allows us to refer to either the real world of objects, people,

or events or indeed to imaginary worlds of fictional objects, people and events” (p.17).

Hall (1997b) also notes that:

“We give things meaning by how we represent them – the words we use about them, the stories

we tell about them, the images of them we produce, the emotions we associate with them, the

ways we classify and conceptualise them, the values we place on them” (p.3).

He further hypothesizes that representation “reflect cultural values”, pointing out “that cultures

serve ways of making sense of the world” (p.3). For instance, they endow us with “maps of

meaning” or specific frame of references through which we order our lives and “the world


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according to some hierarchical value system - what is most versus least valued; who has power

and who does not; what practices are or are not condoned or sanctioned” (p.3).

Against the aforementioned theoretical background, the author will explore how the two most

read Jamaican newspapers, represent or frame the gay community in their news stories, and how

these depictions are viewed or read by audiences. This will be done through a quantitative

analysis of the ‘text’ of the newspapers and a qualitative look at how audience members navigate

these representations.

By no means does the author assume that texts are all powerful, but acknowledge the polysemic

nature of the media texts or the written word as well as the ability of the audience to decipher

such meanings, based on their own social and cultural ideals. It is, therefore, acknowledged that

each text or message can be read differently by each audience member, depending on his or her

social background, age, or belief system, also known as intervening variables (Newbold, 2005).

As such, the research will seek to corroborate the frames or representations found through the

content analysis by accessing the views of three groups of audiences through focus group

discussions. This will better establish how audience members interpret or understand the frames

and portrayals of gay people depicted in the two newspapers.


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Chapter IV


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METHODOLOGY ___________________________________________________________________________

In this chapter the researcher discusses the two research methodologies utilised in the study, as

well as the research design.

4.1 Quantitative Content Analysis

A plethora of studies have utilised quantitative content analysis to explore “the media images of

certain minority or otherwise notable groups” (Wimmer and Dominick, 2013, p.161). This may

be attributed to the fact that the methodology can be used effectively to process large amounts of

data; and is capable of providing “a descriptive account of what a media text contains”, making it

suitable for “describing patterns or trends in media portrayals”, and also for “assessing the

representations of particular groups in society” (Gunter, 2008, p. 70).

Numerous definitions of classic content analysis have been put forward by several academics

(Berelson, 1952; Krippendorf, 2004; Walizer and Wiener, 1978). For example, Walizer et al

(1978) “define it as any systematic procedure devised to examine the content of recorded

information” (p.56). Krippendorf (2004) defines the method “as a research technique for making

replicable and valid references from data to their context” (p.3). And perhaps the most quoted

and famous definition of all is that of Berelson (1952), which describes content analysis as “a

research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative description of the manifest

content of communication” (p.18).

Despite its widespread use, the technique has come under much criticism and scrutiny in

academic literature. Perhaps the most criticised and controversial characteristic is its supposed

objectivity (Hansen et al, 1998; Wimmer and Dominick, 2013). Critics argue that “objectivity in


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content analysis is an impossible ideal” (Hansen et al, 1998, p. 95), pointing out that a value free

perspective is rarely given considering the fact that throughout the process researchers are

expected to make randomly subjective decisions, based on what they consider to be significant

(Deacon, 2007, p.132; Hansen et al, 1998, p.95). Hansen et al (1998) suggest the possibility that

“a strictly positivist value-free notion of objectivity was never what was intended in the first

place in definitions of the requirements of content analysis” (p.95), pointing out that more recent

definitions have replaced references of objectivity with the requirement of being systematic or

replicable.

Critics have also pointed out that another major pitfall of the methodology is that researchers can

get carried away with counting simply on the basis counting (Hansen et al, 1998). On another

note, Wimmer and Dominick (2013) contend “that content analysis alone cannot serve as the

basis for making statements about the effects of content on an audience” (p.163). To make

assertions about the effect of the media on audiences, an additional study of the viewers,

preferably a qualitative study is necessary. The researcher has taken this into consideration and

has, therefore, sought to conduct additional focus group interviews to ascertain the effects of the

print news media on its audiences.

Also, while the limitations of content analysis have been noted, the researcher believes the

methodology is ideal for the study at hand, as it will help to garner the answers being pursued.

As a tool for quantitative research, content analysis “provides methodological rigour,

prescriptions for use, and systematicity rarely found in many of the more qualitative approaches”

(Hansen et al, 1998, p.91). Furthermore, by combining the technique with a qualitative focus

group, the researcher is able to triangulate the research findings. Bryman (2011) asserts that

triangulation offers the prospect of enhanced confidence, as it often safeguards against the


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pitfalls or limitations associated with some research methods or from the specific application of

that method.

4.2 Focus group

Due to the nature of the study, it was also determined that focus group interviews would be

useful. This is due to the notion that discovering how audiences make sense of the media is not

easily done through methodologies such as content analyses (Hansen et al, 1998), but instead

requires a means through which the researcher is able to observe and interact with the audience.

Based on the fact that part of the aim of this dissertation is to ascertain how audiences perceive

the media treatment of gay people, it was necessary to capture their thoughts and views through

more qualitative means.

Group interviewing or focus groups are a research tool utilized to measure “people’s attitudes

towards a particular topic” (Wimmer and Dominick, 2013, p. 136). For Berg (2008) the

methodology is utilised by researchers aiming “to learn through discussion about the conscious,

semiconscious, and unconscious psychological and socio-cultural characteristics which influence

people’s decisions” (p. 144). The methodology is considered useful to this study as unlike the in-

depth interview; the focus group allows the researcher to gather information from a wider range

of people within the same time limits (Hansen et al, 1998). It also allows for the “observation of

how audiences make sense of media through conversation and interaction with each other”

(Hansen et al, 1998, p.260). As such, the group dynamics and social interaction among audience

members, which this methodology offers, particularly in the generation of meanings and

interpretations of media content, was a major pull factor for this researcher.


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Despite its advantages, the technique is not free of complications (Wimmer and Dominick

2013). Among the criticisms is that the discussions can often be dominated by stronger

personalities, who often impose their views on others. The researcher sought to counter this

shortcoming by utilising the expertise of three (one for each group) skilled and experienced

moderators, who were able to keep conversation on track and allowed each participant equal

opportunity to answer questions and present their views. Another critique is that “group

discussions tend to work towards consensus as group pressure often moves discussion toward a

common frame” (Hansen et al, 1998, pg. 263). On this point, and due to the sensitive nature of

the discussion, the researcher aimed to conduct three separate focus groups with ‘like minded

people’ to provide a more comfortable setting where individuals were able to speak and express

their opinions freely, without feeling pressure from other participants.

4.3. Media Selection and Sample (Content Analysis)

For the purposes of this dissertation, content from Jamaica’s two main newspapers, The Gleaner

and the Jamaica Observer, was chosen for analysis. The researcher chose to analyse content

from these two newspapers for several reasons. Chief among them is the fact that both

publications are regarded as influential throughout the island, garnering readership from a wide

cross section of Jamaicans, both rural and urban. The newspapers also enjoy widespread

circulation (232,000 for The Gleaner and 148,000 for the Observer) “compared to their

competition” (JSE, 2012). Additionally, as it relates to the research process, each newspaper has

a substantial online archive via their websites; and further, both publications are widely regarded

as autonomous “and free from Government control” (Dunn, 2011) - a critical feature in the study

of media sources.


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The researcher will examine articles appearing in the two publications over a two-year period,

from September 1, 2012 to August 31, 2014. Articles were collected via each newspaper’s online

archive found at: http://jamaica-gleaner.com/ and http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/. Given the

diverse nature of the stories that have been done on the topic at hand, and the various ways in

which LGBT members have been described in the media, a range of search terms were applied,

using all text as well as the headline or lead paragraph. The words ‘gay’, ‘homosexual’,

‘homosexuality’, and ‘buggery law’ were used to search both archives with an initial result of

55,010 articles - 31,600 from the Observer and 23,410 from The Gleaner.

The articles were then filtered manually to remove stories outside of the required time period;

multimedia features; duplicates; opinion/commentary/editorial pieces; sports stories; as well as

stories from the lifestyle, business, entertainment, international and letters sections of the

newspapers. Articles considered as part of the study came solely from the news sections of both

publications. The filtering process led to an end amount of 125 stories in total: 49 from The

Gleaner and 76 from the Observer.

To further reduce the sample to a more convenient number, a technique called disproportionate

stratified random sampling was utilised. The technique was deemed suitable, because it provided

“each unit in the population…an equal chance of being selected” (Wimmer and Dominick, 2013,

p. 195), while also guaranteeing that the researcher’s biases or personal preferences do not

impact on the selection process (Hansen, 1998).

The researcher initially attempted to utilise a composite week sampling, however, was forced to

abandon the technique when it became clear that for some dates there were no published articles.

http://jamaica-gleaner.com/

http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/


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The researcher then decided on an overall sample size of 60 articles - 30 from each newspaper.

To select the samples, each publication was regarded as separate strata, which was then allocated

a set of 30 random numbers via the electronic random number generator

(http://www.randomizer.org/form.htm). The numbers are listed in Appendix A. The articles were

manually arranged from newest to oldest across the two publications, ensuring that the selection

was carried out in a systematic manner (See sample calendar in Appendix B).

4.4 Units of Analysis and Coding Schedule

Hansen et al (1998) points out that while almost any feature of an article/text can be “quantified,

perhaps the chief pitfall of a content analysis is to get carried away with counting simply for the

sake of counting” (p.265). He, therefore, advises researchers “to focus the analytical categories,

and the resultant coding schedule, on ‘useful’ information” (p.265) relevant to the study – a

factor that is determined by the objectives of the study and the research questions being posed as

well as the theoretical approach employed (Hansen et al, 1998).

In addition to coding the usual identifiers, namely (the publication, date, and author/reporter), the

researcher also coded analytical categories including actors/sources/primary definers,

value/stance, as well as subjects/themes/issues (Hansen et al, 1998). These categories were

selected by employing both priori and emergent codes. By utilising priori coding, the researcher

considered existing studies as well as previous knowledge about the topic from her work as a

reporter.

Further, as it pertains to emergent codes, 10 articles (five from The Gleaner and five from the

Observer) were randomly selected from the samples, which were then used to identify suitable

categories in relation to the research questions.

http://www.randomizer.org/form.htm


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A coding schedule was then organised, as seen in Appendix D.

4.5 Piloting, reliability and coding

Before the final coding schedule was developed, a pilot study was carried out using a total of 10

articles from the sampled population - five from each newspaper. Through the piloting process

the researcher is able to test for any weaknesses or uncertainties, which may interfere with the

research process. Based on the results of the piloting process a few sub-sections were added,

while two others were omitted due to overlapping.

No inter coder reliability tests were conducted, based on the fact that the researcher was the sole

coder.

4.6 Research Sample (Focus Group)

A total of 20 persons were interviewed in three separate sets of focus group discussions. This

included interviews with individuals from the church (nine participants) and LGBT (six

participants) communities, as well as members of the ‘general public’ (five participants). The

researcher believes that while it was important to ascertain the views of ‘ordinary citizens’, it

was also just as important to gain the opinions of persons from both the gay community and the

church, both seen as pre-existing interest groups (Corner et al, 1990; Hansen et al, 1998;

Kitzinger, 1993), and informed samples, who have played a key role in the media discourse

surrounding matters pertaining to the gay community.

Based on the focus of this dissertation, it was quite important to understand how this group

(LGBT) saw themselves in media reports and what they thought of the overall tone of the

coverage. As it pertains to the church community – this group has been one of the most vocal


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regarding the gay lifestyle and has played a very active role in the debate on the buggery law and

other issues affecting gay people. The researcher, therefore, believed it was also critical to

ascertain what they thought of the media’s portrayal of gay people and the surrounding issues.

In addition to being members of any of the three groups mentioned, participants were also

recruited based on whether they read either of the two newspapers, and had to be between 18 and

36. Participants were selected from a wide cross section of occupations. Of the 20 participants

interviewed, eight were women and 12 men. Participants from the church community group

consisted of individuals from several Christian denominations including the Seventh-day

Adventist (four); New Testament Church of God (3); Baptist (one); and Methodist (one).

Participants were recruited via Facebook and Twitter, as well as through contact with local

organisations. For example, the researcher made contact with the J-FLAG - a human rights

organisation in Jamaica serving the needs of LGBT peoples, and was subsequently sent a list of

persons willing to participate in the discussion. A similar approach was taken for members of the

church community, who were recruited through contact with a church youth leader. Prospective

participants were then sent an email, along with the focus group interview consent and

information forms, which further outlined the basis of the study, as well as the date, time and

location.

It must be admitted that a limitation of this study was the sensitive nature of the topic, based on

cultural sensibilities. As such, it proved somewhat difficult to get the participants of the LGBT

group together. While most participants expressed a willingness to share their views, a few were

somewhat timid to attend the discussion, as they are not yet ‘out of the proverbial closet’ and so

did not want to be “exposed” by the study. Based on this situation, the researcher had to make


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arrangements to host the focus group interview in a location familiar to the participants - “on

their own turf” and where they could feel safe to be themselves and speak freely. The discussion

for the church community members was held in the audio visual room of a local church, while

members of the general population group met at the home of one participant.

4.7 Moderator selection and interview guide

Three separate moderators were used for the three group discussions. This was essential to

ensure that all group participants felt comfortable and that the moderator is able to establish

rapport with the group. The researcher acted as the moderator for the general population group,

but opted to use individuals who could identify more readily with members of the other two

groups - LGBT and church. As such, a representative of the J-FLAG was used as moderator of

the LGBT group, while a Christian youth leader acted as moderator for the church group. Hansen

et al (1998) note that depending on the nature of the issues to be discussed and on the type of

participants, it may be desirable to match the socio-demographic and other characteristics of the

moderator to the group (p. 273).

The selected moderators, who were quite skilled and experienced, were informed of the

objectives of the study beforehand, the topics to be discussed, and the extent of active probing

and steering required (Hansen et al, 1998). The researcher was also present in the room for both

discussions and was able to communicate with the moderators via text message at specific

intervals to indicate where more probing or steering was necessary. The moderators were also

provided with a list of suggested questions (see Appendix E), outlining basic requirements for

the discussions.


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4.8 Data Collection and Analysis

The discussions were recorded on a digital recorder and then transcribed using Microsoft word

for analysis. Transcribing the material was a very lengthy and time consuming exercise, which is

a limitation that must be considered when conducting focus group interviews. The exercise of

transcribing, however, allows the researcher to “revisit and relive the interview” (Kvale, 2007, p.

21).

At the beginning of each focus group session, all participants were informed that the interview

would be recorded. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic, all participants were assured of the

confidential and anonymous use of the material.


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Chapter V


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FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS ______________________________________________________________________________

In this chapter the findings of the content analysis and focus group interviews are discussed and

analyzed. The discussion is divided into several subsections, which focus on the themes that

surfaced during the analysis of the data.

Content Analysis

5.1 Sources and Actors

An analysis of the sources that appear throughout the coverage of gay people is important in

order to identify and understand how the group is represented in the print media.

Table/chart 2 shows that there were a number of persons and organisations, which could be

deemed as both official and unofficial sources, found throughout the 60 coded news stories.

Official sources can be defined as those actors or organisations whose background and

experience in a given field leads them to be regarded as experts (van Ginneken, 1998). van

Ginneken (1998) further notes that the criteria for such sources are that they must be

“authoritative; credible; and available” (p.89), attributes not usually assigned to unofficial

sources, such as the ‘man in the street’.


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The data show that the main source from which information is gathered on the topic at hand is

government officials, with representatives from this group being featured in 26 or 43.3% of the

60 articles coded for this dissertation (12 in The Gleaner and 14 in the Observer). This is

followed by religious leaders, with actors from this group being quoted in some 19 stories,

representing 31.7% of the articles (11 in The Gleaner and 8 in the Observer). This finding

highlights the argument that rather than presenting alternative viewpoints on particular issues,

the news media tend to rely heavily on the same “limited number of ‘experts’, whose viewpoints

appear and reappear time and again” (van Ginneken, 1998, p. 100). These sources are usually

major players, with influence and power and are accessible to journalists. It also raises “concerns

about who is delegated to speak or pronounce on certain social and cultural affairs”, thereby

influencing the news agenda, its representation and how society thinks about the issue (Cottle,

2001, p.6; O’Sullivan et al, 1988; Schlesinger, 2010).

On this note, O’Sullivan et al (1988) contend that:

“The routine activity of news production is heavily dependent upon and directed towards these

official and accredited sources and their representatives. As a consequence, a good deal of news


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coverage tends to reproduce and translate the interpretative frameworks and definitions generated

by primary definers” (p.181).

The group with the third largest number of actors is gay rights lobbyist/activists, accounting for

18 (30%) articles (11, The Gleaner and seven, Observer). This illustrates what could be deemed

as an attempt by the two newspapers to present a more balanced coverage of the discourse

surrounding the LGBT community, as the activists are seen as providing that community with a

voice. However, further analysis suggests that this group can also be situated among those

considered official voices, as the gay activists usually consist of organised, accessible lobby

groups formed to communicate with the media. While this group may not have the same level of

influence as religious leaders, government representatives, the judiciary or law enforcement, they

are far more organised and accessible when compared to sources from the general public or

‘ordinary’ LGBT persons.

Other official sources featured throughout the sampled articles include international groups, 11

(18.3%); academics/researchers, nine (15%); human rights groups, seven (11.7%); and other,

four (6.7%), which consists of actors that didn’t fit into any of the other categories, such as

medical experts.


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The data, as seen in chart 3, also show that at least one official source is used in every article

appearing in both newspapers. This suggests that the primary definers (Hall, 1978) associated

with the discourse surrounding the gay community in the Jamaican print media are

predominantly the Government, the Church and gay rights activists. It can, therefore, be

construed that both newspapers represent issues pertaining to gay people as a matter of religious

debate in one instance and a matter of legislation, law enforcement and professional political


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debate in another.

With sources from gay lobby groups also being a high contender in the stories, it indicates that

both The Gleaner and the Observer also see issues pertaining to the gay community as a matter

of human rights, or in some instances, for debate.

It must also be noted that a further look at the coded articles, show an attempt by both

newspapers to highlight the views of unofficial sources, more so in the case of the Observer than

The Gleaner. In comparison, unofficial sources are seen in as many as 56.7% of the stories in the

Observer, but only 20% of those in The Gleaner. The breakdown shows that ordinary citizens

account for sources featured in 11 articles in the Observer, as opposed to just two for The


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Gleaner. Also, quotes attributed to actors from the LGBT community were featured in six

articles in the Observer and three in The Gleaner. Similarly, actors from the church community

are quoted in four Observer stories and one article in The Gleaner.

This finding is quite interesting, because although it shows an attempt by the Observer to provide

a more balanced coverage, consisting of alternative viewpoints, the prominence given to many of

these unofficial sources in the article can be questioned, as almost all quotes attributed to

unofficial sources are at the very bottom of the stories.

Conversely, the views of official sources are almost always highlighted in the headlines or lead

paragraph. The prominence attributed to and the heavy reliance on official sources, therefore,

remains striking.

5.2 Representations of LGBT peoples

The question of how members of the gay community are portrayed, how they are characterised,

and who are the main categories of gay people frequently featured in the press, are issues that

will also be looked at in trying to determine the representational practice of the Jamaican print

media.

Types/categories of gay people presented

Table 3 shows the occurrence of the different categories of gay people presented in the coded

articles. At the top of the list are LGBT persons, who can be described as activists or lobbyists,

appearing in 17 or (28.3%) of the 60 stories. While the frequent inclusion of this category might

be seen as a positive for the gay community, it is noted that activists usually appear in stories that

often present gay people in a controversial and combative role – either contesting the

constitutionality of the buggery law; the morality of homosexuality; speaking out against the


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anti-gay lyrics of dancehall music; or serving as a stand-in between government representatives

and homeless or offending LGBTs. Another type of gay person that is commonly featured in the

coded stories is the criminal/offender, who is seen in 15 or 25% of the articles. This is followed

closely by the homeless, featured in 14 stories (23.3%); victims of crime, eight articles (13%);

prostitutes/sex workers, seven (11.7%); juvenile delinquents, six (10%); HIV

victims/transmitters, three (5%); and child molesters, three (5%).

The common featuring of such types of LGBT persons speak volumes about the way in which

members of the minority group is represented, as it appears that both newspapers amplify and

perpetuate negative images and stereotypes often associated with the gay community.

This type of representation can also be seen when comparing the coverage of the two

publications. For example, the top category for the Jamaica Observer is the criminal/offender,


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appearing in nine or 30% of the 30 coded articles, the criminal/offender is seen in six (20%) of

The Gleaner’s articles. The activist/lobbyist, which carries both negative and positive

connotations, is the second most featured type of gay person in the Observer, seen in eight

articles (26.7%), while this type appears in nine (30%) of The Gleaner’s stories. Gay people

portrayed as homeless and victims of crime are also a common occurrence in both publications,

with seven articles (23.3%) in the Observer, and five (16.7%) in The Gleaner; and three (10%)

in the Observer and five (16.7%) in The Gleaner, respectively. The prostitute/sex worker,

juvenile delinquent, child molester and HIV victim/transmitter are also featured in both

publications. Gay men as prostitutes appear in four (13.3%) Observer and three (10%) Gleaner

articles, while juvenile delinquents account for three (10%) articles in both newspapers, and the

child molester appears in one (3.3%) Gleaner and two (6.7%) Observer stories.


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Characterization

As seen from chart 5/table 4, another area that was looked at when investigating the

representation of gay people in the media was the different characterizations given to members

of the minority group. This was arrived at by also coding the keywords frequently used to

describe LGBT peoples in the 60 articles, the way they were talked about by other actors as well

as the themes and issues often discussed throughout the articles. Leaving aside the cases where

no specific characterization is given (indeterminable, which accounts for only five articles), the

two main characterisations are immoral/sinful, which appears in 21 or 35% of articles and

violent/unruly, seen in 12 or 20% stories.

As it pertains to immoral or sinful, this characterisation or depiction of gay people is often seen

in stories with a strong religious theme, most of which appear in The Gleaner (43.3% of 30,

compared to 26.7% in the Observer), and is usually given by religious leaders and other church

members, as the main reason for denouncing the lifestyle. For example, a pastor is quoted in a


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story in The Gleaner as saying, “…the act of persons from the same sex engaging in a sexual

relationship, cannot be approved of God from scriptures, neither can it be approved by us as a

church”, while a church member in an Observer article declares, “People who do those things are

of the devil, and homosexuals, lesbians and all the others, is the demons give them all those

feelings to do that and they are going to burn in hell”.

Violent/unruly is also a characteristic used quite frequently in stories discussing gay street

people, prostitutes/sex workers or those appearing in court or crime articles. The data show that

the Jamaica Observer has the greater portion of these characterisations (10%, while The Gleaner

has 6.7%). This depiction is often highlighted in the headlines and lead paragraphs of the stories.

For instance, in an article by The Gleaner, the lead paragraph starts, “Uncontrollable gay men

wreaking havoc on residents…” in another by the same newspaper, a headline reads, “PAJ

condemns attack on journalists by Rowdy homosexuals”, while an Observer article is headlined,

“Unruly gays back with a vengeance”. Also, words such as ‘uncontrollable’, ‘violent’,

‘misbehaving’, ‘raucous’, ‘disorderly’, and ‘attack’ appear throughout the articles. By

specifically emphasizing the sexual orientation of the group, along with words that depict


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violence, raucousness, and disruptive behaviour, it can be construed that the newspapers are

perpetuating the idea that these are attributes of gay people.

5.3 Theme/Issue/Subject

A crucially important component of how the print media constructs the representation of gay

people is the topics or subject matters in whose context they appear (Poole, 2002, p.24). A total

of five major subject matters or frames were identified during the coding, with slightly similar

levels of prominence (as seen in chart 6). Chart 7 and table 5 also provide a breakdown of these

topics across the two newspapers.

The data show that within the sample of 60 articles, while crime and violence (25%) is the

dominant frame or subject matter, the other issues follow rather closely behind. Stories about


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legislation or the buggery law, and human rights also receive prominence within the Jamaican

print media, both accounting for 21.7% of the coded stories. The other dominant subject areas

are religion (18.3%) and HIV (8.3%). ‘Other’ (5%) includes a range of stories which were not

classified into any of the categories above, including for example, two stories about a book

containing same-sex material being used in schools.


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Crime and Violence

The most prominent issue identified when looking at the coverage of gay people in the print

media was that of crime and violence. While this frame appears in15 of the 60 articles (25%),

there is quite a large difference between its prominence in the Observer versus that of The

Gleaner, with the former appearing to employ this frame in its reporting of gay persons far more

frequently. Chart 8 illustrates that the Observer employs a crime frame twice as much as The

Gleaner - 10 and five articles, respectively.


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Within the crime coverage, LGBT persons are featured within a variety of stories, including

news items about murder, prostitution, drug smuggling, robbery, buggery, and vandalism. In

these stories gay persons appeared as victims as well as perpetrators of crime. There were,

however, proportionately more stories about gay people as perpetrators of crime (80%), than

victims (20%).

From a theoretical perspective, the task of identifying the presence of particular frames utilised

in the news media is strongly dependent on the examination of a number of key factors, chief


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among these are the keywords and phrases used, as well as the sources that are quoted or

referenced (Entman, 1993; McQuail, 2010; Tankard, 2001).

In assessing the text, some of the dominant keywords identified in the crime and violence frame

include ‘assault’, ‘murder’, ‘robbery’, ‘attack’, ‘jail’, ‘suspects’, ‘prostitution’, and ‘detain’. The

articles also contain numerous sentences, headlines and paragraphs that stress this frame, often

perpetuating a connection between crime/violence and the LGBT community. For example, a

headline “Gay robbery suspects arrested in New Kgn raid”, appearing in the Observer, not only

reinforce a criminality frame, but also links crime to LGBT persons. Actors associated with the

crime theme, are prominently presented throughout most of these articles with the police taking

up the lead spot.

The prominence of the crime and violence theme also says much about the representation of gay

people in the print media. If compounded with the various categories of LGBT peoples often

portrayed, including the criminal/offender (25%); victims of crime (13%); prostitutes/sex

workers (11.7%); juvenile delinquents (10%), and child molesters, three (5%), a clear law

breaker context can be detected.

Legislation (Buggery Law)

Another major theme which is featured significantly throughout the coverage of gay people is the

issue of legislation/buggery law. Overall, this frame appears in 13 of the 60 articles (21.7%) that

were sampled, while from the perspective of the newspapers, it is used eight times in The

Gleaner (13.3%) and five times in the Observer (8.3%). The Gleaner, therefore, seems to give

this frame slightly more prominence than the Observer, as seen in chart 9. Articles pertaining to

this matter are usually concerned with the abolishment of the buggery law and frequently contain


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quotes from international bodies, human and gay rights activists, parliamentarians as well as

religious leaders. Most of the coverage within this frame tends to feature stories from discussions

in Parliament, court cases filed by LGBT activists challenging the constitutionality of the law, as

well as church leaders debating the biblical grounds for its preservation.

When looking at how these stories are framed, it often appears that the style in which the

coverage is structured positions the actors involved in the buggery law debate against each other.

It is noted that these articles tend to utilise keywords and phrases, which could convey a

combative and antagonistic situation, particularly seen in the headlines used and the quotes from

the various actors. With headlines such as, “Don’t bow to gay pressure – Crusaders urge


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Jamaicans to stand by buggery law”, and “No Gay Rule!” the stories often come across as

though there is a war between the gay community and the rest of society, particularly the church

and Parliament. Similarly, quotes attributed to religious leaders, such as this one, which appeared

in The Gleaner: “What Jamaica needs to understand is that the homosexual activists have an

incremental agenda; because this is where it starts, by them asking for rights, and then our

society’s morals become redefined,” further depict ideas of a struggle between LGBT peoples

and society. It is interesting to note that again this frame seems to feed into the representation of

the LGBT community as antagonistic, disagreeable and debase of morals.

Human Rights

The theme of human rights was also identified as a prominent frame in the coverage of gay

people in the print media. There was a tie between this frame and that of legislation, both

accounting for 13 articles. However, unlike legislation, which was given significantly more

prominence in The Gleaner than the Observer, human rights had a fairly equal treatment across

publications, with seven stories (23.3%) from The Gleaner and six (20%) from the Observer

(shown in chart 10).


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Of all the themes identified, this is probably the only topic, which depicts gay people in a more

humane or favourable manner. It, therefore, deviates from themes such as crime and violence,

which present members of the community as law breakers or vulnerable victims of crime, and

instead, focuses more on the needs of the community. Articles employing this theme were

generally concerned with the effects of discrimination on gay people, providing assistance to

vulnerable members of the community and condemning anti-gay lyrics in popular music. The

main actors seen throughout the coverage include international bodies, human rights groups, gay

rights lobbyists, parliamentarians and aid agencies (NGOs).

An interesting point to note about the coverage of this topic is that it not only involves stories

about the violation of the rights of gay people, but also contains articles, which were framed


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from an angle that suggests that the rights of others have also been infringed upon by the gay

community. For example, articles pertaining to the removal of dancehall/reggae artistes from

concerts overseas due to the inclusion of anti-gay lyrics in their music, gave the impression that

an injustice was done to these individuals. This was also determined by analysing the key words

and phrases used in the headlines and lead paragraphs as well as those attributed to sources. For

example, The Gleaner headline, “Gays block Queen Ifrica – Artiste yanked from New York

show after protest”, is a perfect example of this, as the words “yanked” and “block” connotes

force, which suggests that an act of vengeance was carried out against the musician.

Religion

The fourth major frame or theme identified (by number) in the coverage of gay people is

religion. Overall, the theme is featured in 11 (18.3%) of the 60 coded articles, with six of these in

The Gleaner and five in the Observer. This shows an almost equal level of prominence for both

publications, as seen in chart 11. News stories about gay people, which employ a religion frame,

discuss the morality of homosexuality from a biblical perspective; the buggery law; same sex

marriage; and the church’s disdain for the lifestyle. As expected, the most prominent actors in

this frame are religious leaders and church members, who are frequently quoted in the

newspapers denouncing homosexuality and lobbying the government to retain the buggery law.

Headlines such as “Local churches vow to prevent homosexuality from dominating society” and

“Local gays getting comfortable…but church stands resolute against homosexuality” are

common throughout the coverage.


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Additionally, it was revealed during the coding process that religion was a sub-theme in several

stories discussing the abolishment of the buggery law. This, therefore, gives the impression that

both newspapers see the issue of the legislation as a religious, rather than, a constitutional matter.

Given that Jamaica is a highly religious society, it can be construed that this depiction may not

only influence how the public sees gay people, but also how they view the abolishment of the

legislation.

HIV

The fifth and final major subject matter, which was identified in the coverage of gay people in

the Jamaican print media, is HIV. Though significantly less prominent than the other topics

already discussed, the theme was still evident in stories appearing in both publications. As


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illustrated in chart 12, a HIV frame accounted for five or 8.3% of the sample, three of these from

The Gleaner and two from the Observer.

Stories employing a HIV frame essentially covered two main issues - halting the spread of the

disease among gay Jamaican men, and the contention surrounding the sacking of the Head of the

Caribbean HIV/AIDS Regional Training (CHART) Initiative, following his testimony in a

Belizean court that gay men ran a significantly higher risk of contracting HIV. It was suggested

that his dismissal was a result of pressure from gay rights advocates, who saw his testimony as

spreading misinformation regarding HIV and gay men.


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5.4 Stance/value

The final component which is looked at in this content analysis is the value judgment or the

stance taken in the stories pertaining to the gay community. This essentially looked at the tone of

the articles pertaining to gay people, in terms of whether they were predominantly ‘positive’,

‘negative’, ‘neutral’ or ‘mixed’. Table 6/chart 13 shows that more than half or 58.3% (35) of the

articles coded carried a negative stance, while only 8.3% or five were classified as positive.

Additionally, 22% or 13 stories were deemed mixed, based on their treatment of the topic, and

12% (seven) were coded as neutral.


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In comparing the stance of the two papers, the Observer seemed to carry a far greater portion of

‘negative’ stories about gay people, accounting for 21 or 70% of the stories, while The Gleaner

accounted for 14 (46.7%). ‘Positive’ articles were equally low across the publications, with The

Gleaner carrying three (10%) and the Observer two (6.7%). A further breakdown shows that The

Gleaner had more ‘mixed’ stories than the Observer, at nine (30%) and four (13.3%),

respectively; while The Gleaner accounted for four (13.3%) of the ‘neutral’ stories, and the

Observer three (10%).


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In determining the stance or value judgment of the articles, the researcher looked at the overall

impression of the stories. This impression basically resulted from what was conveyed in the


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headline, the lead paragraph or the body of the story, as well as the objectivity

(balance/imbalanced) of the article. The sources used were also important, as it was taken into

account whether the story was written from several perspectives. Stories coded as mixed in tone

were those in which carried both negative and positive values, but neither as dominant in the

lead, or consequences described. Neutral referred to stories which didn’t appear to carry any

notable value and were considered the most objective of the coverage.


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Focus Group

Another aspect of this dissertation is to ascertain how the audience or reader sees the

representation of gay people in the print media and how this portrayal in turn affects how they

view persons from this group.

5.5 Stance/value of coverage of gay people

As a preliminary, participants were asked to recall any articles they had read appearing in The

Gleaner or Observer, which highlighted an issue affecting the gay community and to tell what

their overall impressions of those articles were and whether they found them to be explicitly

positive or negative.

The prevailing theme that emerged from this question in all three focus groups was that the

coverage of gay people in both publications was sensational, overwhelmingly negative and

imbalance. It was suggested that there were “a few good articles”, particularly those about

human rights, and those in the editorial, commentary and letters sections, but the overwhelming

majority of news stories were negative and disseminated misinformation. A few participants

highlighted that the stories were largely framed in a narrative that perpetuated stereotypes and

half-truths about the LGBT community.

Most participants also complained about what they saw as a common practice by both

publications to identify the sexual orientation of gay persons, especially those alleged to be

involved in criminal activity. They believed that this was a form of discrimination, which further

demonizes the gay population by playing on the widely held stereotype that all gay people are

violent and murderous. Participants argued that this practice was unnecessary and of no news


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value. A female respondent from the ‘church community group’ recalled reading a story about a

group of juvenile delinquents who had robbed a supermarket and were identified in that story as

the ‘gay robbers’. She noted that the headline focused more on the perpetrators being gay than on

the act of theft:

“The problem was the robbery, not the issue of them being gays. I think the newspapers tend to

focus too much on sexual orientation and the gay issue, rather than the real problem that needs

fixing. Stealing is stealing, it doesn’t matter who does it.”

However, a male respondent from the same group raised the question as to whether this pattern

of highlighting the criminal behaviour of the gay community was really biased or simply an

accurate depiction of a news event.

“I don’t think there’s anything wrong with highlighting the sexual orientation of an alleged

criminal in the headline. Because if a group of people are robbing a supermarket you would want

to know the one thing that links them. What is the one thing that identifies them? They were all

gays and this is newsworthy, because it identifies the demographic.”

Another issue that was raised and where there was also consensus from most participants was

that the coverage of gay people in the Observer was far more negative and biased, than that of

The Gleaner. A large majority of participants said they believed the Observer paid very little

attention to objectivity and fairness when it came to reporting on the gay community.

One respondent from the ‘gay community group’ said he believed the paper had an agenda,

which involved silencing LGBT Jamaicans:

“The Observer seems to be resistant to reporting anything positive and uplifting about the gay

community and appears to have an agenda to ‘hush up’ gay Jamaicans, to try and force them back

under ground and away from seeking their rights.”


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Another male participant from the same group described the Observer’s coverage as “fear

mongering” and “a tactic to present an image of gay people as rampaging zealots who want to

conquer a ‘puritan’ society”.

Additionally, most respondents thought The Gleaner’s coverage, though also negative, was far

more nuanced. Participants also said the publication seemed more sensitive to the gay

community and was willing to challenge popular narratives.

A participant from the ‘gay community group’ said The Gleaner’s coverage was different based

on:

“How the stories are written - the language, the narrative and the people who are quoted and the

space given to those who are for and against LGBT rights.”

However, a respondent from the ‘general public group’ said he saw no difference between the

papers and believed that both can be equally negative when they cover members of the gay

community. “I see no difference, both engage in scare mongering tactics.”

5.6 Media representations of gay people

As part of the study, respondents were also asked their perception of how gay people are

represented in the print media.

Again, a consensus emerged that although the images of gay people were far more visible than

before, they remained stereotypical and unrealistic. Many agreed that the reporting, especially

the crime coverage, perpetuated an image of the “homosexual bogeyman”, which is to be feared

and hated. A respondent from the ‘general public’ said stories with headlines such as “Homo

Thugs” and “Male jogger gang-raped”, which appeared in the Observer, gave the impression that


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gay people were “on a rampage to transform heterosexual males into homosexuals through rape

or other means”.

The majority of participants stated that the coverage of gay people is often generalised and laden

with clichés, and that the LGBT community is depicted in a highly distorted manner. According

to a participant from the ‘gay community group’, gay people are often portrayed as being overly

violent, promiscuous and as HIV carriers.

“Those are the themes you see emerging everyday in the articles. Apart from the issue of rights

and repeal of the buggery law, most of the stories portray criminals, homelessness and HIV.”

Several participants criticised the fact that the media made it seem as though the 40 or so

homeless, gay men living in the Shoemaker Gully in New Kingston or the “gully queens” as they

are now called, was representative of all gay Jamaicans. To this, a male respondent from the ‘gay

community group’ said:

“It does impress upon me the damaging effect of the ‘gully queens’ on the community. Now

everyone thinks we are miscreants.”

Respondents were further asked whether this representation impacted on how they perceived

members of the community. The responses were a mixed bag, with most participants from the

‘gay community group’ and ‘general public’ saying no, while most respondents from the ‘church

group’, admitting to being impacted to an extent.

A female respondent from the ‘general public’ said:

“I know enough gay people to know what is presented in the coverage of both papers does not

even begin to represent who they are and what they are about.”


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However, a female participant from the ‘church community group’ admitted that the news media

and other cultural factors previously helped to shape her view of gay people as “volatile,

aggressive and barbaric”. She confessed that it was after attending university and interacting with

“real life gay people” that she understood that they were just like everybody else.

Another thing that emerged from this discussion was that it was very noticeable and quite

interesting how careful participants from the ‘church group’ were in pointing out that they were

not in agreement with the gay lifestyle, even those who questioned the media’s portrayal as

stereotypical and biased wanted to make it clear that they thought the lifestyle was sinful and

against biblical principles.

5.7 The church, gay rights and the buggery law

Participants were also asked how they viewed the coverage of the debate surrounding the repeal

of the buggery law, and if they thought the discussions were dealt with objectively by the news

media. Again there was consensus that the coverage was negative, biased and sensational.

A female participant from the ‘general public’ said she believed the “coverage has been juvenile

and negative”, and that the church groups have been given more credence.

Several participants agreed that the newspapers employed a lot of sensationalism in how the

stories are framed and tended to give the church more space than other groups. Again, there was

a consensus that The Gleaner tried to be more objective in its reporting than the Observer. A

male respondent from the ‘gay community group’ stated:

“The coverage tends to be very negative, but I prefer to read The Gleaner’s coverage, as it is a bit

more nuanced than its competitors. I think they can try to do better - like giving activists and


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church groups with more nuanced perspectives more space. At the moment it’s very combative

and doesn’t help much.”

A male participant from the ‘general public’, however, argued that while the discussion has not

been balanced, he doesn’t believe it is the media’s fault. He argued that the gay community has

not made a strong enough effort to outline their points for repealing the law and, as such, the

discussion has been dominated by groups that are against its abolishment.

A majority of the participants from the church group also thought the coverage lacked

objectivity. They thought it painted religious leaders as combative and forceful, which gave the

impression that the church hated gay people. A male participant said:

“The stories, especially the headlines put forward a kind of aggression between the church and

the gay community. It is almost like the media are making it seem as though the church and gay

people are at war or like we are their enemies. Our message, as the church, should be a message

of love and we should express that we love the man or the person, but hate the act of

homosexuality.”

His sentiments were echoed by another female respondent from the group, who said the media

have helped to perpetuate an adversarial relationship between the gay community and the church

community. She said:

“The problem I have with the media is that they are putting the church in the position of the

aggressor, and when they do that, they are portraying the church’s approach to solving social

issues in the wrong way. That’s not how we solve problems in the church. We must approach it

from a standpoint of love and tolerance. And now the gays won’t come to church for help,

because we are not showing that we are opening our arms to them.

There were those who had no problem with the stance of the church that has been presented in

the media. A male participant said:


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When I see headlines, like, “Church won’t bow to gays!” a part of me feels happy, because it

highlights the fervor of our church leaders and the fact that they are standing up for what is right.

That is a story I would read over and over again.”

5.8 The way forward

In wrapping up the discussions, participants were asked what they thought was the way forward

and what kinds of things they would like to see happen with regards to the coverage of gay

people. Most respondents said they would like to see more objective and balanced reporting,

where gay people were not stigmatized and were presented in a more normalized fashion.

One male respondent from the ‘general public’ said:

“Simply for the sake of objectivity and balance, I believe there should be stories highlighting any

positive contributions being made by members of the gay community. I think the majority of the

stories are negative, but I doubt the majority of homosexuals are involved in anti-social

behaviours.”

For a member of the ‘gay community’ it was important for gay people to tell their own stories

and have equal and fair access to the media. He also wanted to see a number of changes, which

included:

“The number of negative stories that are published; the people who are called on to give quotes

all the time; and the way the stories are framed. I want to see more human interest stories about

the LGBT community - how we live, socialise, our struggles, and achievements, etc.”


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Chapter VI


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CONCLUSION

__________________________________________________________

By utilising a blend of quantitative and qualitative research methods, this study sought to

determine how gay people are represented in the Jamaican print media.

6.1 Key Findings

Through a classic content analysis, the researcher was able to make a number of fundamental

discoveries about the portrayal of the gay community including: what sources or actors dominate

the coverage; the dominant frames or themes used throughout the reporting; and the general

news stance or value ascribed to the coverage.

From a sample of 60 articles taken from Jamaica’s two leading newspapers – The Gleaner and

the Jamaica Observer - it was possible to establish that while official and unofficial sources

appear in both publications, there was a significant reliance on official sources, particularly

government officials, religious leaders and gay rights advocates. It is also evident that there is an

attempt by the Observer, more so than The Gleaner, to feature the views of unofficial sources,

specifically, ordinary citizens, but the heavy dependence on official sources is still quite striking.

This heavy reliance on a few dominant sources is seen throughout the various frames and

without a doubt impacts significantly on how gay people are ultimately portrayed.

The portrayal of gay people in specific roles is also a significant feature of the reporting in both

newspapers. As shown, there is a prevailing focus on gay characters as activists, a portrayal

which carries both negative and positive connotations. The LGBT person is also predominantly

presented as a criminal/offender; homeless; victim of crime; or as prostitutes/sex workers. It can

be construed that this negative profiling cannot help, but impact public opinion, and how gay

people are ultimately perceived by audiences.


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A further determinant feature in the representation of gay people in the print media is that the

coverage is predominantly framed in a crime and violence context. This focus on representing

gay people in primarily negative contexts largely mirrors the findings found in existing research

on LGBT people in the media as seen in chapter II (De Ville, 2009; Cilliers, 2008; Gross, 1991;

Raley, 2006; Kuhar, 2006; Moritz, 2000; Panos, 2010).

Another dominant frame is legislation/buggery law. Within this context, gay people are

represented to a significant extent as a subject of religious and legislative debate.

In the content analysis of the print media, it was also established that gay people are regularly

associated with negative news values. While there is an attempt by The Gleaner, more so than

the Observer, to provide a more neutral reporting, there is an unmistaken negativity attached to

the coverage of gay people.

The qualitative methodology in the form of focus group discussions, allowed the researcher to

establish how audiences from different sectors of the society viewed the coverage and

representation of gay people in the news media. Much of the findings from the content analysis

were corroborated. It was discovered that most people from the church and gay communities as

well as the general public thought the coverage of gay people in both publications was

sensational, overwhelmingly negative and imbalance. Another idea which emerged was that

although the images of gay people were far more visible than before, they remained stereotypical

and unrealistic and presented the gay person mostly as a criminal. They also thought there was

need for more divergent views in the debate surrounding the buggery law - at present most

respondents think the church has dominated the discussions. Church people also thought the

discussions made them look combative and hostile towards gay people.


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From this method, it was also evident that while the identified frames and representational

practice of the newspapers were indeed transmitted across to the audience, they didn’t, in large

measure, influence how persons in the sample groups perceived gay people. This further

highlights the notion of ‘polysemic messages’ and the idea that there are intervening variables

which determine how news texts are read by audiences.

6.2 Limitations

While the content analysis was able to provide information on the trends and patterns related to

the representation of gay people in the news media, it was not possible to use this method to

reveal the underlying motives for these observed patterns, how they are produced and how they

impact on audiences. Further research had to be undertaken in the form of focus groups.

The qualitative method was limited to the opinions and views of the 20 participants in the focus

group discussions. It is, therefore, not possible to say whether these views can be generalised

across the entire church and gay communities, or the general public.

6.3 Further research

In terms of the Jamaican context, further research of gay people in the news media is suggested

with particular emphasis on television.

This study can also be expanded to include research into the role of journalists, utilising

methodologies such as in depth interviews and questionnaires. This would provide further insight

into the issue of how gay people are portrayed in the media from the point of view of the

producers. It may also serve to highlight whether journalists intentionally construct the issues

around the identified frames.


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A semiotic analysis of the photographs and cartoons appearing in both print publications would

also provide for further insight.


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APPENDICES ______________________________________________________________________________

7.1 Appendix A: Random Sampling Numbers

Newspaper Randomly generated sample numbers

The Gleaner

1 4 8 9 12 14 17 18 19 21 22 23 24 25 29

30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 42 44 45 46 48 49

Jamaica Observer

4 5 9 13 14 19 22 25 29 30 31 32 33 34 37

43 48 49 51 52 53 56 58 59 62 63 64 69 71 74


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7.2 Appendix B: Sampling Calendar

NOTE: Total dates do not add up to 60 as some days contain more than one articles


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7.3 Appendix C: Coded Articles

The Gleaner

Code Date Title

1 30/09/2012 Rowdy Gays Strike - J-FLAG Abandons Raucous Homosexuals Misbehaving In New Kingston

2 16/12/2012 J-FLAG Stands Behind Dancehall - Gay-Rights Group Bats For Reformed Dancehall Artistes

3 10/01/2013 Church Group Warns Society Against 'Cultural Imperialism

4 25/01/2013 Gays Wreak Havoc - Cops Say Homosexuals Too Much To Handle In South East St Andrew

5 26/05/2013 Another Challenge To Buggery Laws

6 30/05/2013 PAJ Condemns Attack On Journalists By ‘Rowdy’ Homosexuals

7 08/06/2013 Senior Rastafarian Says No To Repealing Buggery Law

8 09/06/2013 Buggery Law Debate For Parliament This Year

9 24/06/2013 Shame On Church - Clergyman Charges Christians To Focus On Serious Crimes, Not Anti-Gay Protest

10 09/08/2013 Culture Minister Regrets Queen Ifrica's Gala Gay Comments

11 23/08/2013 Queen Ifrica Removed From Canadian Stage Show After Gay Pressure

12 02/09/2013 NO GAY RAGE - Homosexuals Are Not Targeted For Violent Crime, Say Experts

13 08/09/2013 Local Gays Getting Comfortable ... But Church Stands Resolute Against Homosexuality

14 19/09/2013 'The Abominable Crime' Gay Documentary Featuring Jamaica Debuts In US

15 05/12/2013 Group Urges More State Support For Homosexual Teens Living On Streets

16 08/12/2013 The Enemy Within - Aggressive New Kingston Homosexuals Causing Fresh Backlash Against Community

17 09/12/2013 'Don't Bow To Gay Pressure' - Crusaders Urge Jamaicans To Stand By Buggery Law

18 24/04/2014 Gov't Meets With Gay Community

19 09/05/2014 New Efforts To Halt Spread Of HIV Among Gay Jamaica Men

20 20/05/2014 UWI Fires Professor Amid Gay Lobby Outrage

21 27/05/2014 'Bebe' Murdered Gangland-Style, J-FLAG Wants Speedy Investigation

22 29/05/2014 PJ Urges Tolerance - Former Prime Minister Calls For Understanding In Gay Debate

23 04/06/2014 No Gay Weddings! - Methodist Church Forbids Pastors From Performing Services

24 06/06/2014 Why Jamaican Men Find Gay Lifestyle So Unbearable? UK Study Questions

25 20/06/2014 Presbyterian Heads Vote For Gay Marriages, Local United Church Stands Firm

26 29/06/2014 NO GAY RULE

27 30/06/2014 UWI Didn't Bow To Gays – Harris


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28 01/07/2014 Pastors Push Enumeration As Hedge Against Buggery Repeal

29 04/07/2014 Jamaican Gay Unions? Hanna Says Ja Not Ready For Same-Sex Families Despite Int'l Redefinition

30 29/08/2014 Jamaican Gay Man Drops Court Challenge Against Anti-Buggery Law

The Observer

Code Date Title

31 01/10/2012 Thwaites says no to gay lifestyle in school

32 28/10/2012 They had a gay agenda says Thwaites

33 07/11/2012 UTECH to punish students involved in chase of gay colleagues

34 03/02/2013 Gay and anti-gay lobbyists target Parliament

35 03/02/2013 Labourer suffer near two years in prison on false accusation of buggery

36 26/05/2013 Residents say gays take over Barbican house

37 30/05/2013 Men in house said occupied by gays attack Observer news team

38 03/06/2013 Unruly gays back with a vengeance

39 22/06/2013 Church getting very good support for anti-gay protest in MoBay

40 24/06/2013 Christians protest Court challenge to buggery law

41 25/06/2013 Court to hear motion challenging buggery law today

42 26/06/2013 Church council still has no official position on homosexuality

43 26/06/2013 Buggery law challenge hits snag

44 03/07/2013 Police evict 16 gay men from Millsborough Ave house

45 05/07/2013 Millsborough House torn down

46 18/08/2013 Gay man objects to being handcuffed

47 03/11/2013 Homelessness, rape and HIV

48 12/11/2013 Gay Jamaican takes Trinidad, Belize to CCJ

49 02/12/2013 Gay robbery suspects arrested in New Kgn raid

50 16/04/2014 Discrimination against gays said to be causing brain drain

51 08/05/2014 CCJ grants Jamaican homosexual leave to challenge legislation in T&T and Belize

52 22/05/2014 Protesters picket UWI in support of sacked professor

53 24/05/2014 Gays block Queen Ifrica

54 25/05/2014 Pressure mounts on UWI as Bar Association criticises firing of Professor

55 29/05/2014 Don't give up on the church, pastor tells gays

56 03/06/2014 Western Jamaica churches stand up for Professor Bain

57 06/06/2014 Buggery could dominate review of sex laws

58 15/06/2014 Bain takes UWI to court over his dismissal

59 01/07/2014 Local churches vow to prevent homosexuality from dominating society

60 27/07/2014 Cruel dad strips and whips 7-year-old son


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7.4 Appendix D: Coding Schedule

CODING SCHEDULE

CODING NUMBER

NEWSPAPER 01. The Gleaner 02. Jamaica Observer

DATE-MONTH-YEAR

HEADLINE (Copy verbatim): ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… REPORTER/AUTHOR (Copy name and designation (e.g. staff reporter), if given, verbatim): ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. SOURCES/ACTORS/PRIMARY DEFINERS (directly or indirectly quoted or referenced as an information source) Code all that applies

1. Government representative 2. International Body 3. Human Rights Group 4. Religious Leader/Christian member 5. Law enforcement

6. Gay Rights Activist

7. Academic/Researcher/Educational Institution

8. LGBT person

9. Aid Agency (NGO)

10. Entertainer

11. Judiciary

12. Ordinary Person 13. Other


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ACTORS: How are LGBT persons portrayed in the article? Code all that applies

1. Prostitute/Sex worker 2. Victim 3. Homeless 4. Criminal/offender 5. Activist/Lobbyist 6. HIV Transmitter

7. Juvenile Delinquent 8. Child molester 9. Immoral 10. Violent/unruly 11. Indeterminable/not

portrayed in any specific way

THEME/ISSUES/SUBJECTS: Where several options apply, code the highest theme

1. Crime and Violence 2. Legislation (Buggery Law) 3. Human Rights 4. HIV 5. Religion 6. Other

VALUE/STANCE:

1. Negative 2. Positive 3. Neutral 4. Mixed

NOTES FOR CODER:

1. Government representative includes for e.g. Minister of Government, Members of Parliament,

politicians, police, and all other criminal focussed authorities such as the judiciary.

2. International body includes for e.g. the United Nations, AIDS-Free World

3. Human rights organisations e.g. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Jamaicans for

Justice, and, Caribbean Vulnerable Communities Coalition (CVC)

4. Pastors, Rastafarian leaders etc.

5. A person identified as a Christian

6. Police


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7. E.g. Jamaica Forum for Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays

8. Aid agency e.g. Jamaica AIDS Society and Caribbean HIV/AIDS Regional Training (CHART)

Network


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7.5 Appendix E: Focus Groups Questions

1. Can you recall any articles in The Gleaner or the Observer that highlighted an issue

affecting the gay community? What were your impressions of these articles?

2. Are there any articles that you can remember that were explicitly positive/negative about

the gay community? What were your impressions of these articles?

3. How do you think The Gleaner’s coverage of gay people differs from that of the

Observer? If different, in what ways is the reporting different?

4. How is the treatment of gay people the same when you compare the reporting style of

both media houses?

5. Would you say you are satisfied with the amount of coverage given to members of the

gay community in recent time? Why or why not? (If so) What are you satisfied about?

6. Are there things you are dissatisfied with, that you would like to see changed? (If so)

What are they? How should they change? What kinds of things would you like to see

happen?

7. Do you think gay people are presented in a more positive/negative light in media reports

in recent times than in the past?

8. How would you describe the media’s coverage of the debate surrounding the repeal of the

Buggery Law? Have they been balanced in their coverage, giving a fair voice to all

parties involved in the debate (church, gay rights groups)?

9. In what ways has the portrayal of gay people in the media helped to shape your view of

members of this community?

10. Are there other things you would like to say before we wind up?


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7.6 Appendix F: Focus Group Information Form

Participant Information Form

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Title: “Not in my Cabinet!” Representations of gay people in the Jamaican Print Media

Researcher: Athaliah Reynolds-Baker

Purpose of data collection: MA Dissertation.

Details of Participation: A request to have a conversation with the researcher in which opinions about the

representations of members of the gay community in Jamaica’s two main print newspapers will be discussed

INFORMATION

1. The main purpose of this study is to determine how members of the gay community are portrayed

in Jamaican print media.

2. This study seeks to answer the following questions: Does the news media present negative images

or stereotypes of gay people? If so, how are such images constructed and to what extent do they

characterise the coverage? How has the media’s portrayal of the gay community influenced

society’s view of this group?

3. The researcher also aims to find out whether: People’s views of gays are a reflection of what they

read and see about them in the media? Is the media’s portrayal of members of the gay community

a reflection of the views held in the wider society? How does the public view the media’s

coverage of homosexuality?

4. There is no wrong answer. This is an exercise to understand how members of the Jamaican

society view the way in which members of the gay community are presented in news articles.

Every opinion is valuable.

5. The conversations and opinions expressed will be recorded for analysis. The opinions of

participants are what is being sought. To protect the anonymity of the participants, all identifying

personal characteristics such as name and profession will be removed. Physical characteristics

such as gender, race, geographic location and age are significant contributors to the context of the

study and will be reported faithfully.

6. You will be able to obtain general information about this research from the researcher at their e-

mail address [email protected].

mailto:[email protected]


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7.7 Appendix G: Focus Group Consent Form

Participant Consent Form

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Title: “Not in my Cabinet!” Representations of the gay community in the Jamaican Print Media

Researcher: Athaliah Reynolds-Baker

Purpose of data collection: MA Dissertation.

Details of Participation: A request to have a conversation with the researcher in which opinions about the representations of

members of the gay community in Jamaica’s two main print newspapers will be discussed

CONSENT STATEMENT

1. I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I can withdraw unconditionally at any time from taking part in this

study.

2. I have been informed that an information sheet explaining the reasons for this study is available to assist me in making a

decision about my participation.

3 My data are to be held confidentially and only the researcher, his associates, and supervisor will have access to them.

4. My data will be kept in a locked cabinet on password protected media for a period of at least five years after the

appearance of any associated publications. Any aggregate data (e.g. spreadsheets) will be kept in electronic form for up to five

years after which time they will be deleted.

5. In accordance with the requirements of some scientific journals and organisations, my coded data may be shared with

other competent researchers. My coded data may also be used in other related studies. My name and other personal, specific

identifying details will not be shared with anyone.

6. The overall findings may be submitted for publication in a scientific journal, or presented at scientific conferences.

7. This study will take approximately 4 months to complete.

8. I will be able to obtain general information about the results of this research from the researcher at their e-mail address

[email protected]

I am giving my consent for data to be used for the outlined purposes of the present study

All questions that I have about the research have been satisfactorily answered.

Signature:

Date:

mailto:[email protected]


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LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS ______________________________________________________________________________

TABLES

Table 1: LGBT Jamaicans who have sought asylum in the U.S. claiming persecution from

(2006-2011)

Table 2: Official and unofficial sources identified by newspaper

Table 3: Categories/types of LGBT people portrayed by newspaper

Table 4: Characterisation of gay people in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer

Table 5: Subject matter of coverage of LGBT peoples by newspaper

Table 6: Identified value/stance by newspaper and total presence

Table 7: Identified value/stance by newspaper

CHARTS

Chart 1: LGBT Jamaicans who were victims of violent attacks from (2009-2013)

Chart 2: Sources/actors in descending order

Chart 3: Official and unofficial sources featured in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer

Chart 4: Categories/types of gay people appearing the print media

Chart 5: Characterisation of gay people in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer

Chart 6: Subject matter of coverage of LGBT persons in the print media

Chart 7: Subject matter of coverage of LGBT peoples by newspaper

Chart 8: Breakdown of crime and violence frame in The Gleaner and the Jamaica Observer

Chart 9: Breakdown of legislation (Buggery Law) frame across newspapers

Chart 10: Breakdown of human rights frame in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer

Chart 11: Breakdown of Breakdown of religion frame in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer

Chart 12: Breakdown of HIV frame in The Gleaner and Jamaica Observer


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Chart 13: Identified value/stance by newspaper and total presence

Chart 14: Identified value/stance by newspaper and total presence

Not in my Cabinet: Representations of gay people in the Jamaican Print Media

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Transcript of Not in my Cabinet: Representations of gay people in the Jamaican Print Media