Nationalism and Socialism in Romania: The Case of Nicolae Ceausescu's Cult of Personality

Empires and Nations from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century:

Volume 2

Edited by

Antonello Biagini and Giovanna Motta

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Part IV: Colonial Politics and the Age of Empires

Chapter Ten Models of European Colonial Empires The Impact of British Policy on the Institutional System of the Khanate of Kalat (North-West India, 1870–1914) ..................................................... 3 Gianluca Pastori The First Tunisian Crisis (1864) ................................................................ 12 Antonello Battaglia The British Empire in South Africa, 1875–1881: A Case Study in the Changes of Imperial Thought .......................................................... 18 Micha Le niewski Imperialism of Kaiser Wilhelm II: Perspectives and Historiography of German Südpolitik ................................................................................ 30 Francesco Cerasani “The Moro Problem”: Race, Religion and American Colonial Empire in the Southern Philippines, 1899–1939 .................................................... 36 Oliver Charbonneau Defensive Modernization and Self-Induced Colonialism .......................... 45 Radu Murea Colonialism through Emigration: Italian Politics in Latin America between Nationalism and Commercial Expansion from Crispi to the Rise of Fascism ................................................................................ 55 Stefano Pelaggi The Russian Attempt to Colonize East Africa ........................................... 62 Roberto Reali

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Chapter Eleven Models of Decolonization South Sudan: An Outlier in Postcolonial African Nation-Building? ......... 73 Ole Frahm The Challenges of a Postcolonial Nation: The Azerbaijani Democratic Republic (1918–1920) ............................................................................... 83 Daniel Pommier Vincelli The First Failures of the UNO in Palestine: The Partition Plan, the Creation of the State of Israel and Nakba ............................................ 90 Jorge Ramos Tolosa Iraq and the Oil Cold War: A Superpower Struggle and the End of the Iraq Petroleum Company (1958–1972) ........................................... 98 Philippe Tristani The Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan as a Continuation of the Imperial Policy of Tsarist Russia ............................................................................110 Joanna Modrzejewska-Le niewska The Intellectual Property Protection System in the African French and British Colonies during 1945–1989 .................................................. 120 Mihaela Daciana Bolos

Chapter Twelve Economic Development and Economy of Inequality German Capital in Georgia at the End of the Nineteenth and the Beginning of the Twentieth Century and its Importance ........................................... 127 Revaz Gvelesiani and Nana Maisuradze Development Strategies between Italy and Romania after the War and the Birth of the Romanian-Italian Commercial Bank: A Historical Overview ............................................................................. 135 Francesca R. Lenzi Social Integration in the Context of Regional Economic Integration (on the Example of the South Caucasian States) ..................................... 142 Eka Lekashvili and Giorgi Gaprindashvili

Empires and Nations from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century vii

Reconfiguring Romanian Architecture by the Second Half of the 1950s: Soviet Models and Local Economic Practices ......................................... 152 Mara Marginean War and Empire: Portuguese Africa and the War Economy (1914–1919) ............................................................................................ 162 Maria Fernanda Rollo and Ana Paula Pires Companies and Firms in the “Italian Somalia” (1960–1970) .................. 173 Donatella Strangio

Part V: Empires and Nations in South and Eastern Europe

Chapter Thirteen Southeastern Europe Early British Discursive Constructions of Montenegro (1840–1880) ..... 185 Ana Živkovi The Fundamental Rights of the Albanian Population of Chameria in Front of Greek Municipal Law and International Law 1913–1926 ..... 192 Blerina Sadiku The Greek Orthodox Community of Mytilene: From the Multiethnic Symbiosis in the Ottoman Empire to the Greek State, 1908–1912 ......... 200 Maria Mandamadiotou

Chapter Fourteen The Habsburg Empire and Nationalities: The Case of Romanians Reflections on the Political Culture of the Romanians from Transylvania and Hungary (1848–1914) ........................................................................211 Vlad Popovici The Ecclesiastical Elite in the Romanian National Movement from Transylvania during the Semi-Liberal Period (1860–1865) ............ 221 Mirela Popa-Andrei

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How the Liberals Monopolized Cultural Nationalism Infusing Politics with National Ideology in Romania at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century .................................................................................................... 231 Petru Szedlacsek The National Question in Transylvania in the Period Around the Ausgleich ........................................................................................... 243 Giordano Altarozzi and Cornel Sigmirean From Protest Petitions to Parliamentary Action: The Attitude of the Leadership of the Nationalities in Hungary in Regards to the Minister Ágoston Trefort’s Magyarization Policy ......................... 248 Ovidiu Emil Iudean and Oana Valentina Sorescu Politics and Parliamentarism: The Romanian Political Elite from Transylvania between Vienna and Pest (1860–1871) ..................... 258 Alexandru Onojescu Coming Late to the Party: Romania’s Accelerated Modernization between 1859 and 1916 ........................................................................... 266 Gabriel Lataianu

Chapter Fifteen The Great War: Roots and Consequences Germany’s Next War: Assumptions and Military Strategies of the German Army in 1905 ................................................................... 277 Roberto Sciarrone Montenegro in Italian Foreign Policy during the Balkan Wars (1912–1913) ............................................................................................ 284 Slavko Burzanovi The Italian Intelligentsia and Armed Intervention in the Great War: The Debate on Cultural Magazines La Voce, Edizione politica and L’unità, Problemi della vita italiana ................................................. 290 Lorenzo Marmiroli Religious and Ethnic Identities in the First World War Macedonia: Perspectives from the Holy See’s Diplomacy .......................................... 299 Francesca Di Giulio

Empires and Nations from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century ix

Drafting the Hungarian-Yugoslav Border: A Short Overview ................. 309 Alessandro Vagnini Ethnic Conflicts in Cilicia and the Turkish War of Independence 1918–1922 ............................................................................................... 319 Nazar Bagci Reconstruction Projects of Romanian and Hungarian States after 1918.. ............................................................................................... 328 Lucian S c lean

Chapter Sixteen Europe between the Two World Wars From the Second to the Third Reich: Foreign Policy and International Relations .................................................................................................. 337 David Sarkisyan Aspects of Political Cooperation between Italian and German Communists during the Period of the Weimar Republic ......................... 345 Martina Bitunjac Diplomacy and Propaganda in Romania (1918–1946) ............................ 351 Radu Mârza The Perspectives of the Monarchy in Interwar Romania: From the Constitutional Monarchy to Right-Wing Totalitarianism ......... 362 Paul-Ersilian Ro ca Regional Security Pacts in Southeast Europe between the Two World Wars .............................................................................................. 371 Ivanka Dodovska

Chapter Seventeen Rethinking the Adriatic Question in the Twentieth Century Between War and Revolution: The Adriatic Question and D’Annunzio in Fiume, Building a New Italy (1918–1920) .......................................... 377 Andrea Carteny

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Yugoslav-Italian Relations and the Adriatic Issue in the Late 1918 and the Early 1919 ................................................................................... 384 Alberto Becherelli The Eastern Adriatic in the Croatian National Revival ........................... 393 Vilim Pavlovi The Trieste Question and the 1948 Elections in Italy: An Assessment of the National and Foreign Propaganda ................................................. 402 Gabriele Vargiu The Last Risorgimento: Riots in Trieste in 1953 ......................................411 Michele Pigliucci

Part VI: Communism, the Cold War and their Consequences

Chapter Eighteen Communism in Europe: Selected Case Studies The Failure to Cope with Socialist Realism in the Soviet Union of the 1930s (Andrei Platonov) ............................................................... 421 Anna Troján Nationalism and Socialism in Romania: The Case of Nicolae Ceau escu’s Cult of Personality ................................................................................... 427 Manuela Marin Gh. Gheorghiu-Dej and the Roots of the Romanian Dissidence Inside the Communist Camp .............................................................................. 437 Mihai Croitor National Interests and International Communism: The Romanian Communists Advocating “Allargamento” (1967–1973) .......................... 446 Cezar Stanciu Environment, Real Socialism and Sustainability in Russia ..................... 457 Gianluca Senatore Environment, Pollution and Eco-Nationalism in the USSR .................... 467 Elena Dundovich

Empires and Nations from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century xi

Chapter Nineteen Clashing Empires in the Cold War Era Outer Space: A New Dimension for the Application of the Principle of Balance of Power during the Cold War ............................................... 477 Valentina Mariani The Fear and the Solution: Yugoslavia between the Soviet Threat and the Western Military Aid (1948–1958) ............................................. 487 Ivan Lakovi Socialism and National Sovereignty: Some Reflections about the “Brezhnev Doctrine” ......................................................................... 496 Andrea Giannotti Imperial Legacy and Cold War Rationale: The Anglo-American Diplomacy and the Falklands War in 1982 .............................................. 507 Davide Borsani The End of the Cold War and New Challenges to Democracy ................ 519 Amit Mishra

Chapter Twenty The Post-Cold War Era The Debate on the German Nation after the Fall of the Berlin Wall: Critical Opinions about the Reunification ............................................... 529 Costanza Calabretta The Czech Republic and the Modern Czech Nation ................................ 537 Klára Plecitá-Vlachová The Alibi of Memories: Political Idealism, Culture and Ideology in Post-Communist Countries .................................................................. 546 Ege Celeste Reinuma Poisoned Support? A Hypothesis on US Policy Towards Yugoslavia, 1981–1991 ............................................................................................... 554 Carlos González Villa

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The Defeat of Democratic Yugoslavism in Bosnia-Herzegovina: The Alliance of Reformist Forces of Yugoslavia ..................................... 563 Alfredo Sasso Between Nations and Empires: Contemporary Reflections on Central Europe ..................................................................................................... 575 Piotr Chmiel Soft Power and its Influence on the Developing Countries ..................... 582 Alexandra Calin The Romanian Struggle for Détente inside the Warsaw Treaty (1955–1965) ............................................................................................ 590 Andreea Emilia Du

NATIONALISM AND SOCIALISM IN ROMANIA: THE CASE OF NICOLAE CEAU ESCU’S CULT

OF PERSONALITY1

MANUELA MARIN

Introduction

My paper will analyze the relation between nationalism and Nicolae Ceau escu’s cult of personality. In this respect, I will try to identify the context in which nationalism came to be associated with Ceau escu’s cult. As unity and independence became the main landmarks of rewriting Romanian history in a nationalist guise, I intend to show how the party propaganda strove to identify Nicolae Ceau escu as the warden of national independence and unity and how this influenced the official narration about his entire political activity. Also, in the last part of my paper I will examine how the photographic materials published in the Romanian press conveyed graphically Ceau escu’s contribution to defending the country’s independence and unity.

My analysis is mainly based on the Romanian press printed between 1968 and 1989 such as Scânteia, the official newspaper of the Romanian Communist Party (hereafter abbreviated as RCP), several cultural periodicals (like Flac ra, Saptamâna, Luceaf rul), homage volumes dedicated to Nicolae Ceau escu and also on the secondary literature regarding the evolution of the Romanian Communist regime.

August 1968: The Beginning of Nicolae Ceau escu’s Cult of Personality

Nicolae Ceau escu’s speech held on August 22, 1968 marked the beginning of his cult of personality and also of his laudatory identification as the warden of national independence and unity. In this speech, he

1 Research for this paper was supported by CNCS–UEFISCSU, PN–II–RU–TE–2012–3–0077.

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denounced the Soviet led invasion of Czechoslovakia as a flagrant violation of the principle of national independence and sovereignty and also that of non-interference in the internal affairs of another party and state. Moreover, Ceau escu reasserted openly the right of each Communist or Socialist party to decide its own approach to internal or external affairs. This decisional independence was supposed to protect the interests of the country and also of the people these parties led. Related to this, Ceau escu’s position towards the Czechoslovakian crisis implied a rejection of the Soviet Union’s claim to be the supreme decision-maker of the Eastern Bloc and, consequently, to impose its decisions as mandatory for its European allies (Scânteia 1968, 1).

Nicolae Ceau escu’s position towards the Soviet Union was not a novelty. In fact, it was the peak of an on-going disagreement between the Romanian and the Soviet leadership. It started at the beginning of the 1960s with the Soviet-sponsored plans for an economic specialization within the bloc and continued with the so-called Declaration of Independence of the Romanian Workers’ Party from April 1964 (Scânteia 1964, 1–2). The Romanian leadership opposed the Soviet plans for economic integration within the bloc because they would have hindered the country’s development according to the Stalinist model. Thus, it justified its position by invoking the right of each party to decide freely upon its policies and development strategy (King 1980; Floyd 1965; Ionescu 1965).

Although the plans for economic integration were abandoned, after his ascension to power in March 1965 Nicolae Ceau escu continued to defend his party’s right of autonomous decision-making in internal and external matters. Therefore, the Romanian leader’s support for the Czechoslovak leadership and its reformist program, which culminated with his speech on August 22, 1968, was just another opportunity for reasserting his point of view regarding the nature of the relations between the Soviet Union and its political allies.

As I mentioned before, Ceau escu’s speech held on August 22, 1968 marked the beginning of his cult of personality. It brought him a real popular support that was essential in the organization of his public homage. This support was mainly triggered by the traditional anti-Russian feelings of the population that identified Russia or the Soviet Union as a permanent threat to the independence and unity of the Romanian state. Romanians began considering Ceau escu as the warden of national independence and unity against the Soviet threat. In that context the safeguarding of the country’s independence and unity depended exclusively on defending the right of the RCP to follow an independent

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path of building socialism and Nicolae Ceau escu came to personify these ideals (Marin 2008, 83–84).

Nicolae Ceau escu: Warden of the national independence and unity

The Romanian propaganda used two main instruments for presenting Nicolae Ceau escu as the warden of national independence and unity. The first one considers his political activity both as a member of the RCP and also as its leader after March 1965. The second one is related to the artistic means used by the Romanian propaganda in order to identify Ceau escu as a faithful descendent of the Romanian greatest historical personalities whose political activity had been mistakenly limited to their contribution to defending the country’s independence and unity.

Before I show how the party propaganda used nationalism in order to praise Nicolae Ceau escu, I will look at the political changes that took place during the 1960s from a different perspective. The Romanian-Soviet disagreements forced the Romanian Workers Party to replace the Soviet Union and proletarian internationalism as the source of its internal legitimacy. Therefore, the Romanian party began to downplay its relation with the Soviet Union and highlight those episodes of its history that could cancel out its image as a foreign political organization whose rise to power was due to its complete subordination to the Soviet Union and its interests.

Following Ceau escu’s interventions on the subject of the RCP’s history (Ceau escu 1966, 1975), articles published in the Romanian newspapers offered a new version of national history. According to it, since its creation, the RCP embraced the cause of the people’s fight for national independence and unity. Thus, it became the only defender of “the independence, sovereignty and dignity of the motherland” against the Fascist forces and their plans for the political and economic subordination of the country during the interwar period and after the beginning of World War II (Scânteia 1978, 1; Achim 1987, 3).

As Ceau escu’s cult of personality flourished, the Romanian press identified him as the only activist who fully devoted himself to the RCP’s fight against the old regime and its Fascist allies. Therefore, Ceau escu became a major character in the main anti-Fascist actions organized by the RCP during the interwar period (Marin 2008, 22–53).

The celebration of May Day in 1939 is an example of how any historical event was reinterpreted in order to describe the interwar RCP and Nicolae Ceau escu as veritable fighters against the Romanian “bourgeois” regime. According to the official version, the royal apparatus


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organized a huge mass rally on May Day that was meant to gain popularity for the monarchy. As the representative of the RCP, Ceau escu supposedly organized the transformation of the workers’ manifestation into an anti-Fascist one. As a result, when the king appeared at the balcony of the Royal Palace in Bucharest to receive ovations, the people started shouting the anti-Fascist slogans of the RCP: “Down with Fascism!, Down with War! We Want a Free and Independent Romania!” (Matichescu and Neagoe 1982; Matichescu 1974; 1981; 1989; Berceanu 1979; Mu at 1989).

In reality, the May Day 1939 rally ended without the shouting of any anti-Fascist slogans. As one witness mentioned, Ceau escu did not organize anything and he was neither among the few Communist militants participating in this popular rally (Câmpeanu 2002, 35). But in order to prove his exceptional revolutionary credentials, the Romanian propaganda used a low quality photo manipulation. Therefore, Nicolae Ceau escu’s and his wife’s faces were unskillfully pasted on a photo taken back in 1939. As the result, the heads of the presidential couple were bigger in comparison to those of the other participants. Moreover, two Romanian newspapers failed to publish the same version of this photo on the occasion of May Day 1985. Thus, in May 1985, Romania Literar , a literary magazine, printed the abovementioned altered photo. In its turn, Scânteia published the same picture with the difference that a hat replaced Ceau escu’s face in the picture published by Romania Literar (Radio Free Europe Domestic Bloc May 13, 1986).

Concluding, the falsification of this event was part of the general strategy of the “nationalization” of the RCP’s image after the beginning of the Romanian-Soviet disagreement in the early 1960s. Banking on its image as the defender of national independence and unity in conflict with its main ideological enemy, fascism, the RCP sought to make his way into Romanian history by turning the May Day rally of 1939 into an episode of its ceaseless struggle against the old regime and its supposedly Fascist allies.

The inclusion of this May Day rally into Ceau escu’s revolutionary biography is related to my abovementioned considerations. His participation in an anti-Fascist meeting was supposed to foresee his future actions as a party and state leader in defending Romania’s independence and territorial integrity.

Ceau escu’s contribution to safeguarding his country’s independence was also related to his leadership activity. The Romanian press frequently underlined that Ceau escu’s constant involvement in drafting and implementing the national plans determined a previously unseen

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development of the country. On different occasions, the regime’s propaganda described “Ceau escu Era” as the most advanced and enlightened period in the Romanian history and identified the markers of the Romanian socialist civilization: industrialization, urbanization, an unprecedented development of the country’s agriculture and an unmatched rise in the people’s life standards (Marin 2008, 287–304).

Also, the official narration constantly underlined that all these achievements that marked Romania’s journey to its communist future were due to Ceau escu’s unshakable faith in adapting the general scheme of building socialism according to the national conditions that existed in his country. This stance hinted to the RCP’s arguments regarding the interdependent relation between the internal development of a state and its political independence. From this point of view, the advancement of the national economy would have strengthened the state’s capabilities to act as an independent political actor on the international scene. In its turn, the economic development was the result of the political independence enjoyed by the national decision-makers. This would have allowed them to adapt the general prescriptions for the building of socialism according to the specific conditions that existed in Romania. Obviously, these ideas echoed those put forward by the Romanian leadership in the early 1960s when it defended its (Stalinist) vision for the country’s development against the Soviet plans for economic integration.

The national unity was another mark of the reinterpretation of history in a nationalist guise. Consequently, the entire history was rewritten in order to highlight the everlasting yearning of the people from all the Romanian provinces to unite in one independent state. This selective perspective of looking at the past was supposed to find traces of the unity ideal in the entire Romanian history and also to identify certain historical characters whose political activity could somehow fit into the scheme of rewriting history.

Thus, at the expense of the historical truth, in 1980 the regime organized the commemoration of 2,050 years since the creation of the “first centralized and unitary Dacian state” by the King Burebista. Moreover, the reign of Mihai Viteazul, a medieval voievod and also that of Alexander Ioan Cuza, another political figure of Romanian history, were extolled for their contribution to fulfilling the ideal of national unity. The official narration about this subject continued with the unification of all the Romanian territories on December 1, 1918. This represented the achievement of the political unity of all the Romanians in one independent state. After its creation in May 1921, the RCP supposedly continued the struggle for defending the territorial integrity of the newly created


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Romanian state against the threat posed by the Fascist allies of the Old Regime. The establishment of the Communist regime in 1948 ended the struggle for national unity as the people fully supported the RCP’s efforts for consolidating the state and its economy. Related to this, the press articles mentioned that the sociopolitical unity around the RCP was the consequence of the great socialist achievements that radically and positively changed the face of the country and the people’s lives.

The use of national unity in connection with Ceau escu’s cult of personality is three-folded. Firstly, the Romanian propaganda underlined that his leadership was characterized by a previously unseen development of the country that increased the people’s life standards. This would have provided the needed arguments for consolidating the popular unity around the Romanian leader and its party. While the achievements in the socialist transformation of the country justified the people’s support for the Communist regime and its leader, the unity of action between these two was also highlighted as an essential requirement for consolidating the country’s advancement towards its communist future (Scânteia 1984, 3; Gregorian 1981, 1, 5).

Secondly, the official narration emphasized the relation between national unity and independence on one side, and the Romanian leader’s activity on the other side. Therefore, the press articles mentioned that Nicolae Ceau escu’s determination for building his own version of socialism was responsible for the country’s successful development. This economic advancement would have ensured Romania’s political independence and also justified the people’s support for the regime and its supreme leader (Marin 2008, 295–97).

Thirdly, the Romanian propaganda used several facts of Ceau escu’s early biography in order to underline his predestination as the warden of national unity. The first one is related to his date of birth. Ceausescu was born on January 26, 1918 in Scornice ti, Olt County. The press emphasized the fact that 1918 was the year of the unification of all the historical Romanian territories in one independent state. Also January 26 was close to January 24 when, back in 1859, Alexandru Ioan Cuza united two of the Romanian historical provinces (Hamelet 1971, 9; România Literar , 1982, 1; Velea 1983, 7).

Ceau escu’s association with the symbol of national unity was also related to his birth place. Scornice ti was the place that supposedly gave Mihai Viteazul’s army four captains and other “courageous soldiers.” Therefore, as one article concluded, it was likely that one of Ceau escu’s ancestors “would have fought with a gun in his hand for the ideals of Union, of independence” (Purcaru 1978, 5).

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The following part of my paper will analyze how the official propaganda used paintings and other photographic materials in order to convey Ceausescu’s identification as the warden of national independence and unity. Therefore, the Romanian publications reproduced images that could easily transmit the message about this subject contained in the laudatory articles.

These images visually associated Nicolae Ceau escu with some of the abovementioned historical characters whose leaderships were forcedly connected with defending the country’s national independence and unity.

In Constantin Piliu ’s well-known painting The First President, Ceau escu is depicted standing in front of the tribune wearing the scepter, the sash and also the decoration “The Star of the Republic.” This was a familiar image of Ceau escu that was constantly shown in the pages of newspapers or magazines after his election as president of Romania in March 1974. Behind Ceau escu, several historical leaders were shown (Burebista, Mircea cel Batrân, tefan cel Mare, Mihai Viteazul, Alexandru Ioan Cuza and Nicolae B lcescu), each of them occupying their own niche. This selection is not random as it identifies historical personalities whose rewritten biographies presented them as political leaders fully devoted to defending the country’s national independence and unity. Moreover, as the party’s endorsed version of history indicated, some of them distinguished themselves through remarkable achievements in their foreign and domestic policy. The general organization of the painting suggests that Ceau escu’s place was among the most important Romanian political leaders and that his commitment to defending the country’s independence and unity had already secured him a place in the Romanian national pantheon. In order to better underline Ceau escu’s identification as the warden of national unity, the painter deliberately ignored the historical truth. Therefore, in the gallery of the political leaders, he put Mihai Vitezul before tefan cel Mare so the former is placed exactly behind Ceausescu. This was done in order to suggest that there was a connection between these two leaders in their common ambition to maintain the country’s unity and territorial integrity (Dr gu anu 2002, 148; Moc nescu, 426–27).

The same message of the connection between Ceau escu and his supposed ancestor, Mihai Viteazul, was fully conveyed by a mixed collection of paintings and pictures. Flac ra’s issue on December 1, 1983 contained two well-known pictures of Mihai Viteazul: one of him holding the scepter, the other one depicting his entrance in Alba-Iulia, shortly before unifying the three Romanian Principalities in 1600. On the opposite page, in perfect symmetry, there was a picture of Ceausescu wearing his


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scepter and the sash during the ceremony of his inauguration as the president of Romania in March 1974. Below, another image captured an instance of Ceau escu’s recent working visit to Alba Iulia, at exactly the same place that the previously mentioned painting of Mihai Viteazul during his festive entrance in this city (Flac ra 1983, 4–5).

Conclusion

My paper sought to highlight that nationalism was at the base of Nicolae Ceausescu’s cult of personality. As I have already shown, the party propaganda strove to identify in Ceausescu’s entire political activity the signs of his attachment to Romania’s independence and unity. Moreover, the rewritten version of history in nationalist guise placed him in the long lineage of several historical characters whose political activity could fit in this simplified perspective of the past.

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Nationalism and Socialism in Romania: The Case of Nicolae Ceausescu's Cult of Personality

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