Mimbres Traditions and Practices beyond theMimbres Valley: Obsidian Sourcing and Ceramic

Iconography from Six Field Seasons of the SouthernMimbres Archaeological Project

Sean G. Dolan and Alison K. Livesay

Abstract – The purpose of the Southern Mimbres Archaeological Project is to record sites onBLM property in New Mexico on BLM property that augment the archaeological record in neglectedparts of southwestern New Mexico. This large survey project allows for an evaluation of site andartifact relationships and thus people’s relationships at a large geographic scale within the largerMogollon region. This is critical because wWhat are the cultural traditions and historical processesthat people practiced in areas other than the more intensively studied Mimbres River heartland? Toanswer this critically important question, we useUsing obsidian and Mimbres painted potterycollected during six field seasons., Wwe examine whetherif Mimbres farmers participated in similarand/or different traditions and practices relating to obsidian procurement, and ceramic style andmanufacture. We then assess the degree of social interaction and possible cultural affiliation andidentity among Mimbres groups west, south, and east of the Mimbres Valley during the Late Pithouseand Classic periods. In sum,Wwe are able to recognize independent local traditions through thedifferences in obsidian and ceramics that may reflect communities of practice within groupsparticipating in multiple Mimbres “ways of doing.”

INTRODUCTION

Although there has been asubstantial number ofarchaeological excavation andsurvey projects in southwesternNew Mexico focusing on the majorwaterways and secondary drainagesin the Mimbres River Valley (e.g.,Anyon and LeBlanc 1984; Blake etal. 1986; Creel 2006; Shafer 2003;Stokes 1995), and to the east nearthe Rio Grande (Nelson 1999), theresults of these important studiescannot should not be consideredrepresentative of how all Mimbrespeople lived. The settlementpatterns, chronology, and other

cultural systematics of whatMimbres archaeologists call theMimbres Valley core or heartland(Figure 3), is well developed(Anyon et al. 1981; Hegmon 2002;Hegmon et al. 1999; LeBlanc1983)., Tthe extent to which theseinferences are applicable to otherenvironmental and culturalsettings in southwestern NewMexico are, unfortunately,understudied and underrepresentedin the archaeological literature.A decade ago at the 2004 MogollonConference, Stephen Leksonorganized the session “MimbresArchaeology Outside the MimbresValley” (Lekson 2006:xii). Mimbres

archaeology needed a surveyproject to better understand ifthere is cultural variabilitybetween the heartland and externalor frontier areas throughoutsouthwestern New Mexico. DidMimbres farmers practice similarand/or different traditions andcultural practices in other partsof New Mexico, compared to theheartland, during the LatePithouse and Classic periods?

That same year, with theassistance of Thomas Holcomb ofthe Las Cruces Bureau of LandManagement (BLM) field office, andin collaboration with PatriciaGilman of the University ofOklahoma, the DemingArchaeological Project (DAP)conducted Class III inventory ofBLM lands to meet management,archaeological, educational, andpublic service goals (Gilman etal. 2007). The DAP was laterrenamed the Southern MimbresArchaeological Project (SMAP) in2007 to broaden and extend thesurvey coverage to other parts ofsouthwestern New Mexico. Over sixfield seasons, obsidian chippedstone debitage, projectile points,and all styles of Mimbres paintedpottery were collected to examinethe relative heterogeneity andhomogeneity in Mimbres materialpractices.

Are there spatially definedlocal practices and traditions ofobsidian source procurement andceramic style and production areasamong Mimbres farmers that areobservable in the archaeological

record? Could these perceiveddifferences be because they wereactively participating indifferent historical traditions?Using non-destructive energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence(XRF) on obsidian, ceramic,ceramic style, and instrumentalneutron activation analysis(INAA), we examine this question.We focus on the relativehomogeneity and/or heterogeneityin obsidian artifacts and StyleIII Classic Black-on-white potteryfrom people in the Mimbres Riverheartland, and those to the south,west, and east during the Classic.The goal is to assess the degreeof social interaction and possiblecultural affiliation orcommunities of practice of Mimbresgroups in understudied areas aspossible frontier or hinterlandzones outside the core valley. Bydoing this, we are able torecognize independent, localtraditions through the differencesor absences of raw materialsources, or symbols in materialculture that may reflectcommunities of practice withinpeople participating in multipleMimbres “ways of doing.”

To begin, we briefly discussthe SMAP survey and how manysites, artifacts, and time periodsthat were recorded from six fieldseasons. We then expand upon theobsidian data by comparing the XRFanalysis with other sourcingprojects in southwestern NewMexico. We then expound upon therelative differences seen on

Mimbres Classic Black-on-whitesherds and discuss the variabilityin designs. This is thensupplemented using INAA data.Finally, we offer aninterpretation of these results,putting it into the larger contextof Mimbres Mogollon archaeology.We conclude that people insouthern Hidalgo County, Deming,Uvas Valley, and the Cedar andPyramid Mountains had a complex,and at times, divergentaffiliation and relationship withMimbres farmers in the heartland.We argue these regions and thepeople who lived there are part ofa larger Mimbres “culture area”,and practice similar, butdifferent traditions oflikeobsidian procurement, ceramicdesign, and ceramic manufacture.Therefore, we might considerMimbres farmers in these areas aspracticing a hybrid orreinterpretation of heartlandcultural traditions, while havingslightly different affiliations,relationships, and localidentities and communities ofpractice.

SMAP SURVEY

In the six field seasons, SMAP hasamassed roughly 9,000 acres ofsurvey data in Doña Ana, Grant,Hidalgo, and Luna Counties insouthwestern New Mexico (Figure 1)(Beale et al. 2011; Dolan et al.2015; Gilman et al. 2007; Gruberet al. 2009; Livesay et al. 2015;Wyckoff et al. 2009, 2010). We

have focused on areas that BLMarchaeologists deemed significantbecause of the lack of survey andsite data in those specificregions. Sites and artifacts fromall time periods were documented.In total, close to 120 sites wererecorded and/or updated. Of which,we encountered Paleoindian andArchaic lithic scatters withdiagnostic artifacts, as well asmore recent campsites and miningactivity from the mid twentiethcentury, and all cultural activityin-between (Figure 2). Althoughsites and artifacts were recordedfrom all time periods, Mimbressites with pithouse and puebloarchitectural features includingthose found in southern Hidalgoand Luna Counties (Figure 3) wereby far the most important todocument because Mimbres paintedpottery is often looted fromsites. One of the goals of thesurvey project was to prevent suchthings from happening.

Many of the sites andartifacts investigated during thesix field seasons have been usedin publications, theses, anddissertations (Schriever 2002,2008; Speakman 2013; Taliaferro etal. 2010; Toney 2012). In total,600 artifacts including paintedand unpainted ceramics, projectilepoints, and chipped stone debitageof all types of raw material,marine shell, turquoise, and claysamples for compositional analyseshave been collected. The artifactsare curated at the Laboratory ofAnthropology, Museum of Indian

Arts and Culture/ArchaeologicalResearch Collection at the Centerfor New Mexico Archaeology inSanta Fe.

Figure 1. Number of sites recorded inNew Mexico counties by SMAP.

Figure 2. Number of sites recorded by time period by SMAP.

Figure 3. Map of southwestern New Mexico showing where SMAP recorded sites in four counties during the six field seasons.

OBSIDIAN

Archaeologists can askanthropological questions aboutexchange, social interaction, andeconomy in the prehispanic NorthAmerican Southwest using thesource provenance of obsidiandebitage and projectile points.For example, Taliaferro andcolleagues’ (2010) study ofobsidian source provenanceanalysis during the Archaicthrough the twelfth century is byfar the most thorough insouthwestern New Mexico. Some ofthe artifacts that were includedin their analysis were firstdocumented and sourced by SMAPbecause of the involvement ofBernard Schriever who was

influential in organizing the DAPsurvey.

M. Steven Shackley performedthe XRF analysis on all obsidianartifacts collected from the SMAPsites. We used obsidian XRF datacollected from six regionsthroughout southwestern NewMexico. The regions include theMimbres River Valley (heartland),Uvas Valley, Deming/Florida,Pyramid/Peloncillo Mountains,Cedar Mountains, and the site ofCabin Wells (LA 89227) insoutheastern Hidalgo County (Table1 and Figure 4). Not all of thesites and obsidian artifactsexamined here were recorded bySMAP. These include sites likeGalaz, Swarts, and Old Town in theMimbres Valley (Taliaferro et al.2010), LA 47821 and LA 127051 inthe Gila (Dolan 2014), ColumbusPueblo (LA 85774) near the NewMexico and Chihuahua border inLuna County (Kenmotsu et al.2010), and Kipp Ruin (LA 153465)near the Florida Mountains (Dolanand Ferguson 2012). However,obsidian collected and analyzed bySMAP include two sites in the UvasValley (LA 173885, LA 176740)(Dolan et al. 2015), as well asCabin Wells, and sites in theCedar, Pyramid, and PeloncilloMountains (Beale et al. 2011;

Livesay et al. 2015; Taliaferro etal. 2010).

Similar to the Taliaferro andcolleagues’ (2010) study, weconclude there is a northern andsouthern obsidian source zone thatis spatially distinct, asillustrated in Figure 4 by theyellow line. Mimbres farmersliving in the heartland andPyramid Mountains primarily useMule Creek obsidian, mostly fromthe Antelope Creek sub-source.However, it seems those who livednear the Pyramids had morediversity than sites from the morehomogenous heartland.InterestinglyHowever, peopleliving farther south at sites likeCabin Wells, Florida Mountain (LA18839), Kipp Ruin, and ColumbusPueblo in Luna County, tend to usesouthern obsidian sources likeAntelope Wells and Sierra Fresnal.However, Mule Creek glass stillshows up in Late Pithouse andClassic period contexts in theDeming/Florida region, but insmaller proportions. Shackley(2005) has discussed that SierraFresnal obsidian can be collectedcloser to the New Mexico/Chihuahuaborder because this glass erodesinto streams to the north. Thismeans that Sierra Fresnal obsidianfound in southern New Mexico canbe gathered more locally.

Table 1. Counts of obsidian artifacts analyzed and their source provenance in thesix geographic regions.

Source MimbresValley

Uvas Deming/Florida

Pyramid/Peloncillo

CabinWells

Cedars Total

Mule Creek 350 1 22 10 1 384Gwynn Canyon 19 19Cow Canyon 1 1Sierra Fresnal

3 57 2 2 4 68

Los Jagüeyes(Chihuahua)

8 8

Nutt Mountain

22 2 24

Horace Mesa(Mt. Taylor)

3 1 4

Grants Ridge(Mt. Taylor)

3 1 4

Cerro Toledo(Jemez)

6 11 12 1 30

El Rechuelos(Jemez)

2 2

Cerro del Medio (Jemez)

2 1 1 4

Unknown 1 2 3Antelope Wells

8 2 3 2 15

Government Mtn (Arizona)

1 1

Total 382 41 114 18 5 7 567

Figure 4. The six regions and associated sites examined in relation to the nearest known obsidian source. CC (Cow Canyon), MC/AC (Mule Creek/Antelope Creek), AW (Antelope Wells), SF (Sierra Fresnal), NM (Nutt Mountain). However, more work in northernChihuahua at the Sierra Fresnalsource needs to be conducted tofully understand the secondarygeological processes. Also, peopleat LA 173885 and LA 176740, twosites dating to the Classic basedon the high presence of Style IIIBlack-on-white sherds in the Uvas

Valley, used obsidian thatchemically matches the NuttMountain source located somewherein southern Sierra County (Dolanet al. 2015). People from the Uvassites also used Jemez and MountTaylor obsidian that eroded intothe Rio Grande and was likelycollected along the margins, asdiscussed in Church (2000).

There are telling differencesin obsidian source use among thesix regions examined here. Forinstance, Mimbres farmers in theheartland, including the Gila,overwhelmingly use Mule Creekobsidian. There are other sourcespresent, but they represent onlynine percent of the total knownassemblage. This shows there is along standing practice andtradition of only collecting orusing Mule Creek obsidian on thelandscape. Similarly, people inthe Pyramid and PeloncilloMountains to the southwest ofthe heartland also used MuleCreek, but other sources arepresent. People farther to theeast, closer to the Rio Grande inthe Uvas Valley, primarily useNutt Mountain obsidian, but alsoJemez and Mount Taylor that can becollected along the Rio Grande.Three obsidian projectile points,as shown in Figure 5, wereanalyzed from LA 173885. All arePueblo Side-Notched, and only FS586 derives from Mule Creek(Antelope Creek). The other twoare from Nutt Mountain (FS 551)and Horace Mesa (FS 587). This is

interesting because most of theobsidian projectile points fromsouthern and southwestern NewMexico come from Mule Creek (Dolanand Putsavage 2013; Taliaferro2004). Mimbres farmers who livedin the Uvas Valley chose not toparticipate in using Mule Creekobsidian, but rather had atradition of using closer sources.Similarly, those in theDeming/Florida region in LunaCounty used a variety of differenttypes of obsidian. Unlike theMimbres heartland which is not toofar away, the obsidian assemblagesfrom this region are more diverseand heterogeneous, as opposed tothe heartland which is fairlyhomogenous. People primarily usedSierra Fresnal, but Mule Creek,Rio Grande gravels, AntelopeWells, and Los Jagüeyes is alsopresent, although in smallernumbers. Cabin Wells is a LatePithouse and Classic periodMimbres site in the boot heel ofNew Mexico, close to Chihuahua(Figure 4). Only five pieces ofobsidian were sourced from thissite and results show the use ofAntelope Wells and Sierra Fresnal,which are the closest sources.Although sites in the CedarMountains have a small sample sizeof obsidian, XRF analysis revealssimilar results to the Cabin Wellssite.

With the obsidian evidencediscussed here, there seems to belocal traditions and communitiesof practice occurring within andbetween the six regions throughout

southwestern New Mexico. In short,Mule Creek with the MimbresValley, and Pyramid/PeloncilloMountains, Nutt Mountain with theUvas Valley, Sierra Fresnal withDeming/Florida, and more southernsources like Antelope Wells andSierra Fresnal with Cabin Wellsand Cedar Mountains. However, dodifferences in the localtraditions of obsidian sourceprocurement occur because Mimbresfarmers typically used the closestsource available? Or are thereother social mechanisms affectingthe technological choice ofobsidian procurement, includingdirect, or down-the-line exchange?These are important questions toexamine in more detail, but due totime constraints will not beinvestigated in this paper.

The results indicate that ifMimbres archaeologists onlystudied the source provenance

Figure 5. Obsidian projectile points from LA 173885 (Dolan et al. 2015).

of obsidian solely at large siteslike Galaz, Swarts, Old Town, and

others along the middle and upperMimbres River, and not broaden thestudy area, then our understandingof Mimbres obsidian procurementpractices and traditions would berelatively static and homogenousacross time and space. Whereas inactuality, it is more dynamic anddiverse in other parts ofsouthwestern New Mexico.

CERAMICS

Stephen Lekson (2006:42)mentioneds that Harry Shafer andPatricia Gilman have noticed thatMimbres black-on-white potteryform sites farther away from thecore valley are in some waysstylistically different, buttechnologically the same. Sherdsor whole vessels with naturalisticdesigns of humans and animals arefound in much smaller quantities(Gilman 2013; Gilman et al. 2014;Wilson 2013). For example,researchers have only recovered 18sherds with Mimbres naturalisticimages painted on them from PowersRanch, a site in eastern Arizona(Wilson 2013). However, there is asampling bias because studies ofregion wide Mimbres paintedpottery has not been conducted(Hegmon 2002). That said, it wouldbe remarkable if the designs onMimbres painted pottery acrosssouthwestern New Mexico washomogenous. We argue that ifarchaeologists study thedifferences and similaritieswithin and between Mimbres paintedpottery, a better understanding of

the historical processes,traditions, iconography, and thecreation and spread of communitiesof practice will appear amongspatially or temporally definedgroups. This is similar to LeBlanc(2006), who proposed methods forpossibly recognizing individualMimbres artists.

Previous studies show thereare stylistic and regionaldifferences in design layouts inthe Mimbres and Gila Valleysstarting with Mogollon Red-on-brown (Powell 1996), MimbresBlack-on-white Style I (Gruber2007), and Style III (Wilson2013). Gilman (2013) argues thatpeople in the Gila Valley did notmimic or appear to want to emulatepainted pottery from the MimbresValley. Instead, she suggests thatMimbres farmers in the Gila,although participating in Mimbrespottery traditions chose to makepueblo architecture differently,and possibly did not want topartake in all of the ritualpractices performed by peopleliving along the Mimbres River.There is evidence for Mimbresfarmers practicing paintingtraditions that diverge from thosein the Mimbres Valley, along withlarger pueblo architecture,scarlet macaws, and an increase incopper, marine shell, turquoise,and naturalistic pottery designsincluding those of the Hero Twins(Gilman et al. 2014; Vokes andGregory 2007). With this in mind,what is the pattern south and westof the Mimbres Valley heartland?

The ceramic data collected bySMAP shows that people living inthe Pyramid Mountains, some 60miles to the northeast of theMimbres Valley core do fit thegeneral typological andtechnological patterns. However,there are slight differences.Geometric designs are by far themost commonly made in southwesternNew Mexico, but according toWilson’s (2013) study, particulardesign elements like those inFigure 6 with minute differencesincluding stepped hachure, cross-hatching, herringbone, and tick-marks are not commonly painted inthe Mimbres Valley. Groups wholived near the Pyramids were partof the larger Mimbres black-on-white technological tradition, butmade their own variations onMimbres geometric designs. Whilecertain parts of Mimbres materialculture were maintained acrossgreat distances, tThe relativelack of naturalistic images, alongwith the general absence of exoticobjects in non-core valley sitesmay suggest that culturalaffiliation or local traditionswas different across multipleregions, or even waned throughtime.

CERAMIC INAA STUDY

Mimbres painted and unpaintedpottery are ubiquitous and widelydistributed across New Mexico, andinto eastern Arizona, and northernChihuahua (Gilman 1994; Speakman2013). Archaeologists have assumed

vessels were locally manufacturedwithin the Mimbres heartland and

Figure 5. Mimbres Classic Style III designs not typically seen in the Mimbres River Valley. Sherds collectedduring 2010 SMAP (Beale et al. 2011).

then exported elsewhere. However,Gilman et al.’s (1994) study ofclay compositional groups in theMimbres Valley at sites likeMattocks, Galaz, NAN Ranch, OldTown, and Cameron Creek, andfurther work indicate there arenumerous localities and variantsof ceramic production (Chandler2000; James et al. 1995; Powell-Martí and James 2006; Speakman2013). During SMAP, we collectedpainted and unpainted ceramics andclay for compositional analysis.The results indicate peopleimported ceramics from manydifferent localities in NewMexico, as well as locallyproduced their own, as evidencedby the identification of fivedistinct compositional groups at

the Powers Ranch site in easternArizona. Prior INAA evidencediscussed in Gilman et al.(2007:106-109) from the CedarMountains close to the Chihuahuanborder indicates some ceramicswere imported from the corevalley, but the majority were not.

The discussion presented hereindicates that there are regionaldifferences, possibly alongnatural boundaries such asmountain ranges, in Mimbrespainted pottery design andmanufacture during the LatePithouse and Classic periods. Thenext step is to integrate INAA,XRF, or portable XRF (PXRF)analysis on whole vessels or largesherds that depict naturalisticimages to see if only certainimages, for example, scarletmacaws, or Hero Twins iconographyare coming from one particularclay compositional group.Hopefully the work of Creel,Speakman, and others, will expoundupon these questions in the future(Creel and Speakman 2012; Speakman2013:197-198).

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

We acknowledge more survey andexcavation work needs to beconducted in understudied areas ofsouthwestern New Mexico. However,with the assistance of the BLM andsurvey projects like SMAP, Mimbresarchaeologists are now more thanever equipped with the method andtheory to better understand thevariability within and between

Mimbres communities alongtemporally and spatially definedregions. In summary, we havepresented a preliminaryunderstanding of how peopleparticipated in many ways ofpracticing Mimbres traditions. Theobsidian and ceramic evidence hintthat Mimbres farmers throughoutsouthwestern New Mexico during theLate Pithouse and Classic periodcreated their own socialhistories, and identities thatwere related to, but diverged fromthose along the Mimbres River inthe core, or what archaeologistsdeem “the heartland”. It seemsthat being Mimbres in thePeloncillo or Uvas Valley, forexample, means something differentthan being Mimbres in the morepopulated and highly religiouslycharged Mimbres Valley. Peoplewere able to renegotiate theiractions and participate indifferent cultural and materialcultural traditions andcommunities of practices. In otherwordsessence, Mimbres farmersthroughout southwestern NewMexico, and not only in theheartland, had their own history,worthy of archaeologicalexamination.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The Deming ArchaeologicalProject and Southern MimbresArchaeological Project wouldnot have occurred without thehelp, encouragement, and

funding of Thomas Holcomb andthe Las Cruces BLM office. Wewould also like to thank PatGilman who led all six fieldseasons and obtained fundingfor the graduate andundergraduate students whoparticipated. We would alsolike to thank the assistantprojector directors, BernardSchriever (2004), Thomas Gruber(2007), Kristina Wyckoff(2008), Nicolas Beale (2010),Alison Livesay (2012), and SeanDolan (2013). The sites andartifacts would not have beenfound or recorded without thehelp of all student andvolunteer crews who aided inthis project. Finally, we thankSteve Shackley for performingthe XRF analysis.

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