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Medieval Iberia

First published in 2003, Medieval Iberia: An Encyclopedia, is the first comprehensive reference to the vital world ofmedieval Spain. This unique volume focuses on the Iberian kingdoms from the fall of the Roman Empire to theaftermath of the Reconquista and encompasses topics of key relevance to medieval Iberia, including people, events,works, and institutions, as well as interdisciplinary coverage of literature, language, history, arts, folklore, religion, andscience. It also provides in-depth discussions of the rich contributions of Muslim and Jewish cultures, and offers usefulinsights into their interactions with Catholic Spain.With nearly 1,000 signed A-Z entries and written by renowned specialists in the field, this comprehensive work is

an invaluable tool for students, scholars, and general readers alike.

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Medieval IberiaAn Encyclopedia

Edited byE. Michael Gerli

First published in 2003by Routledge

This edition first published in 2016 by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RNand by Routledge711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2003 Taylor & Francis Books, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission inwriting from the publishers.

Publisher’s NoteThe publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may beapparent.

DisclaimerThe publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.

A Library of Congress record exists under LC control number: 2002012828

ISBN 13: 978-1-138-06245-0 (hbk)ISBN 13: 978-1-315-16159-4 (ebk)

E. Michael Gerli, Editor

MEDIEVALIBERIA

AN ENCYCLOPEDIA

Associate Editors

Samuel G. Armistead,Robert I. Burns, S. J.,Pedro M. Catedra,Alan Deyermond,

Ana Domınguez Rodrıguez,Harold V. Livermore,Joseph F. O’Callaghan,

Norman Roth,Robert Stevenson,

RoutledgeNew York London

Editorial StaffProject Editor: Mark O’MalleyProduction Editor: Jeanne ShuProduction Manager: Anthony Mancini, Jr.Production Director: Dennis TestonDevelopmental Manager: Kate AkerPublishing Director: Sylvia Miller

Published in 2003 byRoutledge29 West 35th StreetNew York, NY 10001www.routledge-ny.com

Published in Great Britain byRoutledge11 New Fetter LaneLondon EC4P 4EEwww.routledge.co.uk

Copyright � 2003 by Taylor & Francis Books, Inc.

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group.Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilizedin any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known orhereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any informationstorage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Medieval Iberia : an encyclopedia / edited, with introductions, by E. Michael Gerli.p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 0–415–93918–6 (hardcover : alk. paper)1. Spain—History—711–1516—Encyclopedias. I. Gerli, E. Michael.

DP99 .M33 2002946′.02′03—dc21

2002012828

Contents

Introduction vii

Acknowledgments xi

Arabic Transliteration xv

Contributors xvii

Alphabetical List of Entries xxiii

Entries A to Z 1

Index 863

v

Introduction

Medieval Iberia: An Encyclopedia is conceived as asingle-volume, English-language reference work forscholars, students, and the general public seeking relia-ble information on subjects concerning the IberianPeninsula, the geographic area comprised by present-day Spain and Portugal, from the period from approxi-mately 470 to 1500. It consists of over eight hundredalphabetically arranged entries that deal with persons,events, works, institutions, and topics that have a par-ticular relevance to all of medieval Iberia—Muslim,Jewish, and Christian alike. Ranging in length from250 to 3,000 words, the articles that comprise the bookare written by expert contributors, and seek to providea basic orientation on the various subjects for readyreference. In addition, each entry supplies a selectedbibliography of between two and ten items, wheneverpossible mostly in English. The scope of the work isbroad but not comprehensive, with an emphasis onhistory, literature, language, religion, science, folklore,and the arts, including selected Jewish and Muslimtopics. To complement its content and facilitate its use,the book offers a comprehensive index.

Given its broad, multidisciplinary sweep, Medie-val Iberia is directed at a diverse readership and pro-vides a wide variety of information on a great numberof subjects. Literary scholars, for example, will be ableto readily consult dates and events of historical impor-tance, while historians will be able to clarify questionsdealing with literature. Similarly, someone seeking in-formation on folklore—for example, the Sephardicballad tradition—may consult an authoritative entryon the latter providing a basic orientation and a se-lected list of readings that will serve as an introductionto the topic. The undergraduate wishing to write a re-search paper on scientific, philosophical, and literarytranslations completed in medieval Iberia, as well asthe grade school teacher in need of basic facts aboutPrince Henry the Navigator and the Portuguese voy-ages of discovery, will also find this encyclopedia use-ful. In short, though the majority of its users will doubt-less consist of individuals with some prior knowledgeof medieval Iberia, and though its principal purpose isto facilitate scholarly access to information not readilyavailable in standard reference sources on the MiddleAges, this volume will also be consulted by membersof the general public who simply wish to obtain a suc-cinct summary of a subject along with basic facts aboutit. On the one hand, then, Medieval Iberia serves as a

vii

reference tool for scholars seeking to undertake ad-vanced research in areas of the humanities with whichthey are unfamiliar; on the other, it functions as a me-dium for the dissemination of knowledge about medie-val Iberian culture and civilization throughout the En-glish-speaking world.

Several criteria govern the scope and the determi-nation of the entries:

1. Entries are generally restricted to the years470–1500. Hence, Bartolome de Torres Naharro,whose major literary work was published in 1517,is not included, while Juan del Encina, who com-pleted his first opus in 1493, has an entry. Excep-tions to the chronology are made for overlappingsubjects that continue to bear significance as wellas exercise their influence. Hence, Gil Vicente, thebilingual Portuguese author whose work first ap-pears in 1502 merits coverage based on the closerelationship of his theater to that of his predecessor,Encina.

2. Because of the availability of good referencesources on certain well-known entries, coverage hasbeen designed to emphasize the lesser-known as-pects of the subject. Thus, for example, the entryon Castilian explorations devotes greater attentionto the Canary Islands and the western Atlantic thanto Christopher Columbus and America, for whichthere are useful essays in standard encyclopediaslike the Britannica and the Americana. Similarly,subjects that recent research has reevaluated andwhose entries in other sources are now outdatedmerit attention.

3. Topics are of broad significance. Those that had awide influence in their own time; those that initiatedchange; and those that are relevant today outsidenarrow areas of specialization are all included here.Thus, in the area of literature, key authors, works,concepts, and movements are covered, while morespecialized topics in prosody, bibliography, and thelike, are not.

4. In general, the shorter entries (250–500 words) aremore factually oriented and seek to lead the userto authoritative sources. The longer entries(500–3,000 words), without prejudicing essentialfacts, tend to be more interpretive and strive to syn-thesize and place the topic within medieval Iberiaas a whole.

INTRODUCTION

Medieval Iberia thus places less emphasis on subjectsfully treated in standard reference works and strivesto address those areas not adequately covered in thelatter. The material is distributed approximately in thefollowing proportions:

twenty-five percent history (includes biographies,events, politics, law, economics, and the like).

twenty-five percent literature, language, and culture(includes Arabic, Hebrew, and peninsular Romancelanguages; oral culture, and folklore).

twenty-five percent life and society (includes religion,education, agriculture, popular causes, and so on).

fifteen percent philosophy and science (includes Chris-tian, Moslem, and Jewish topics).

ten percent arts (architecture, music, painting).

Since Medieval Iberia provides information about sub-jects not easily located in reference works addressingall of the Middle Ages or medieval history exclusively,sources like the Dictionary of the Middle Ages, andThe Middle Ages: A Concise Encyclopedia, thoughthey cover only some Iberian themes, may be viewedas complements to this volume.

The entries are arranged according to several crite-ria. In listing literary works, preference is given to thenames of authors, whenever known, rather than to ti-tles; thus, Milagros de Nuestra Senora will be foundunder Gonzalo de Berceo and Proverbios morales willappear under Shem Tov of Carrion. Anonymous worksgenerally appear under the commonly used form of thetitle; thus the Libro de Alexandre will appear underLibro but at the same time has a cross-reference fromAlexander of Macedonia. In cases where titles are sig-nificantly ambivalent, as in Cantar vs. Poema de MioCid, the placement for the entry was left to the authorof the entry to decide, vouchsafed by a cross-referencefrom the form of the entry not chosen. The form usedto alphabetize individual names has often proved prob-lematical. Strictly speaking, Gil Alvarez Carrillo deAlbornoz should appear under Alvarez Carrillo de Alb-ornoz, yet he is generally known as Gil de Albornoz.He will thus be located under Albornoz, which we havechosen in order to respect general usage and avoidconfusion. The Spanish forms of the names of kingsand nobles most currently in use in historical and liter-ary research has also been given preference over En-glish. Hence, rather than Henry IV and Isabella I ofCastile, and Alfonso V of Portugal, we use EnriqueIV and Isabel I of Castile, and Afonso V of Portugal.The same is true of certain place- and saints’ names.Thus, Zaragoza and Mallorca are preferred to the En-glish Saragossa and Majorca, although Seville and Lis-bon are used in place of Sevilla and Lisboa; and St.

viii

Dominic, the founder of the Order of Preachers, canbe found under Domingo de Guzman as opposed toDominic of Guzman, or St. Dominic. Loconymns haveproved especially difficult and we have tried to resolveconfusion in the following fashion: In the case of indi-vidual nobles and royals, listing can be found undertheir first name. Thus, Constanza de Mallorca may befound under Constanza and not Mallorca or de Mal-lorca. Others, whose loconymns are currently used inresearch as if they were last names, appear under theirloconymns. Hence the fifteenth-century converso(Christian convert) poet Anton de Montoro is locatedunder Montoro and not Anton, and Alonso Fernandezde Madrigal may be found under Madrigal, and notFernandez de Madrigal. Finally, to facilitate the book’suse by a broad range of individuals, all dates are givenaccording to the familiar Gregorian calendar. Thenorms for the transliteration of Arabic into the Latinalphabet are placed at the end of this introduction.

This volume includes illustrations, maps, genealo-gies, and lines of succession that seek visually to com-plement or clarify the subjects they accompany. Theindex at the end is intended to guide users to topicsthat are frequently cited in the volume but lack theirown entries. The bibliographies accompanying the en-tries are organized alphabetically first by author and,in the case of edited works or numerous works by asingle author, then by title. They are composed of se-lected items and are intended only to provide referencematerials to enable the student or scholar to move con-fidently into the subject.

Given the substantial academic interest in medievalstudies, the recognition of Iberia’s increasing impor-tance within medieval culture, and an increased generalinterest in Iberia and in Hispanic culture in the UnitedStates and Britain, this encyclopedia seems not onlydesirable but timely and necessary. It should be wel-comed by Hispanists of all disciplines, academics in-terested in learning more about Spain’s and Portugal’scrucial contributions to one of the formative periodsof Western civilization, and the lay reader wishing tofind information concerning Iberia’s fundamental rolein the creation of world culture. There is no equivalentreference source to Medieval Iberia in either Englishor Spanish.

Under the direction of general editor E. MichaelGerli and the board of associate editors, Medieval Ib-eria has been completed with the advice and directionprovided by of a group of internationally distinguishedscholars: the historians Robert I. Burns, S.J., JosephF. O’Callaghan, and Norman Roth; the musicologistRobert Stevenson; the literary and intellectual histori-ans Alan D. Deyermond, Pedro M. Catedra, and Harold

INTRODUCTION

V. Livermore; the folklorist, medievalist, and balladexpert Samuel G. Armistead; and the art historian AnaDomınguez Rodrıguez. In consultation with the associ-ate editors, the general editor has been responsible forproposing and establishing the list of entries as well

ix

as identifying potential contributors with the necessaryexpertise to produce authoritative articles on each ofthe topics selected for inclusion. He and an expert teamof reference editors at Routledge have overseen thefinal editing and production of the manuscript.

Acknowledgments

A volume like this could not have been produced with-out the cooperation of literally hundreds of individuals,who gave of their time, enthusiasm, energy, and goodwill over a number of years to see it to completion.The editors are especially grateful to the indefatigableGary Kuris, who originally proposed the work morethan a decade ago, when he was editor at Garland; tonumerous graduate students at both Georgetown Uni-versity and the University of Virginia—Mary Zam-pini, Christopher McDonald, Laura Labauve, PedroPerez Leal, Matthew Bentley, and others—who helpedwith correspondence, filing, translation, and in the day-to-day organization of the myriad tasks involved ingathering, compiling, and sorting the entries; and tothe editorial team at Routledge Reference in NewYork, who saved the project from oblivion and sup-plied their astonishing professional acumen to see it

xi

to its final publication. Among the latter group, specialcredit is reserved for Marie-Claire Antoine, who pro-vided the basic impetus for the work’s resurrectionafter five years of uncertainty; for Mark O’Malley,who with good humor, a deep sense of duty, and ayouthful, sturdy constitution literally ran up and downthe spiral staircase in the last weeks of its production;and for Kate Aker, who with austere reminders andstern words kept an unbending schedule and unravel-ing sensibilities always intact. Finally, the greatestcredit is due to the associate editors and the scholarson two continents who gave of their time, good will,deep knowledge, and profound love of Hispanism tocompose, read, edit, and check the entries and the ac-companying bibliographies that comprise this work.Jubilate! Fortuna favet fortibus.

Arabic Transliteration

xv

Contributors

Omaima Abou-Bakr

David S. Abulafia

A. C.

Samuel G. Armistead

Gorka Aulestia

Martı Aurell i Cardona

Reinaldo Ayerbe-Chaux

Eduardo Aznar Vallejo

Clifford Backman

Lola Badıa

Ana M. Balaguer

Spurgeon Baldwin

Fernando Banos Vallejo

Theodore S. Beardsley, Jr.

Rafael Beltran

Vicenc Beltran

Stephen P. Bensch

Matthew T. Bentley

xvii

Jose Bernaldez Montalvo

Carmen Bernıs-Madrazo

C. Julian Bishko

Thomas N. Bisson

Jonathan Bloom

Roger Boase

Seeger A. Bonebakker

Anthony Bonner

Ross Brann

Vivana Brodey

James Brodman

Thomas Burman

Charles Burnett

Paul C. Burns

Robert I. Burns, S. J.

Lluis Cabre

Pierre Cachia

CONTRIBUTORS

Vicente Cantarino

Anthony Cardenas

Dwayne E. Carpenter

Robert Chazan

Antonio Collantes de Teran Sanchez

Roger Collins

Jane E. Connolly

Olivia Remie Constable

Carol Copenhagen

Antonio Corfıjo

Ivy Corfis

Dustin Cowell

Jerry Craddock

Miquel Crusafont i Sabater

Michele Cruz-Saenz

Amanda Curry

John Dagenais

Alan Deyermond

Jose Manuel Dıaz de Bustamante

xviii

Ana Domınguez Rodrıguez

Francis A. Dutra

Steven N. Dworkin

Theresa Earenfight

John Edwards

Daniel Eisenberg

Mikel Epalza

Juan Espadas

Clara Estow

Charles B. Faulhaber

Seymour Feldman

Felipe Fernandez-Armesto

Alberto Ferreiro

Luis Adao da Fonseca

Angela Franco-Mata

Charles F. Fraker

Paul H. Freedman

Alan Friedlander

Alvaro Galmes de Fuentes

CONTRIBUTORS

Raquel Garcıa Arancon

Blanca Garcıa Escalona

Blanca Garcıa Vega

Antonio Garcıa y Garcıa

Elena Gascon Vera

John Geary

Philip O. Gericke

E. Michael Gerli

Thomas F. Glick

Harriet Goldberg

Marıa Jesus Gomez Barcena

Maricarmen Gomez Muntane

Cristina Gonzalez

Ramon Gonzalvez

Antony Goodman

T. J. Gorton

George D. Greenia

Juan Gutierrez Cuadrado

Eleazar Gutwirth

Joseph J. Gwara

xix

Thomas R. Hart

L. Patrick Harvey

Warren Zev Harvey

Peter Heath

Daniel L. Heiple

Marıa Teresa Herrera

Marilyn Higbee Walker

Bennett D. Hill

David Hook

Thomas M. Izbicki

Frede Jensen

Donald Kagay

Henry Kamen

Hanna E. Kassis

Israel J. Katz

John E. Keller

Mary Jane Kelley

Richard P. Kinkade

CONTRIBUTORS

Ewald Konsgen

Marıa del Carmen Lacarra Ducay

Marıa Jesus Lacarra

Miguel Angel Ladero Quesada

Y. Tzvi Langermann

Eva LaPiedra

Aurora Lauzardo

Jeremy Lawrance

Oliver Leaman

Beatrice Leroy

Antonio Linage Conde

Peter Linehan

Peggy Liss

H. V. Livermore

Paul M. Lloyd

Francisco Lopez Estrada

Consuleo Lopez-Morillas

Elena Lourie

Sieglinde Lug

xx

Robert A. MacDonald

Angus MacKay

Nancy F. Marino

Marıa Luisa Martın Anson

Jose Luis Martın Martın

Salvador Martınez

Jose Mattoso

Lawrence J. McCrank

Michael R. McVaugh

Faustino Menendez Pidal de Navascues

Guido Mensching

Walter Mettmann

Mark Meyerson

Jose Luis Mingote Calderon

Carlos Miranda-Garcıa

James A. Monk

Jesus Montoya Martınez

Margherita Morreale

Lynn H. Nelson

CONTRIBUTORS

Colbert I. Nepaulsingh

Malyn Newitt

Robert Oakley

Joseph F. O’Callaghan

A.H. Oliveira Marques

Marilyn Olsen

John B. Owens

Mark Gregory Pegg

Antonio Perez Martın

Lucy K. Pick

Ermelindo Portela Silva

Brian Powell

James Powers

Matthew Raden

David Raizman

Marjorie Ratcliffe

Luis Rebelo

Stephen Reckertt

Jose M. Regueiro

xxi

Bernard F. Reilly

Manuel Riu

David Pattison

Julio Rodrıguez-Puertolas

J. Rodrıguez Velasco

Regula Rohland de Langbehn

Philipp W. Rosemann

Norman Roth

Adeline Rucquoi

D. Fairchild Ruggles

Teofilo Ruiz

Alan Ryder

Angel Saenz Badillos

Regina Sainz de la Masa Lasoli

Julio Samso

Raymond Scheindlin

Cristina Segura Graıno

Dennis P. Seniff

Dorothy S. Severin

CONTRIBUTORS

Dorothy C. Clarke Shadi

Harvey L. Sharrer

John C. Shideler

Harry Sieber

Larry Simon

Colin Smith

Wendell Smith

Joseph Snow

Thomas Spaccarelli

Charlotte Stern

Robert Stevenson

Ronald E. Surtz

Joseph Szoverffy

Robert B. Tate

Barry Taylor

Jane Tillier

James J. Todesca

Juan Torres Fontes

Pierre Tucoo-Chala

xxii

Isabel Urıa-Maqua

Julio Valdeon Baruque

Theresa M. Vann

Mercedes Vaquero

Thomas J. Walsh

Ruth H. Webber

Jill R. Webster

Julian M. Weiss

Barbara F. Weissberger

Nicolas Wey-Gomez

Jane Whetnall

G. A. Wiegers

Chad Wight

Constance Wilkins

George D. Winius

Kenneth B. Wolf

Roger Wright

David Wulstan

John Zemke

Alphabetical List of Entries

AAbbey of PobletAbbeys, Royal�Abd Al-�Azız ibn Mus.a�Abd Allah, Emir of Cordoba�Abdallah ibn Bullugin, King of Granada�Abd Al-Rah.man I, Emir of Cordoba�Abd Al-Rah.man II, Emir of Cordoba�Abd Al-Rah.man III, Caliph of CordobaAbraham Bar H. iyya (H. ayya)Abraham El-Barchilon (Al-Barjiluni)Abravanel, IsaacAbu Zayd, Governor of ValenciaAbulafia, MeirAbulafia, TodrosAbu-l-QasimAcuna, Luis deAdelantadoAdminstration, Central, Aragon-CataloniaAdministration, Central, CastileAdministration, Central, LeonAdministration, Central, NavarreAdministration, Central, PortugalAdministration, Financial, Crown of AragonAdministration, Financial, CastileAdministration, Financial, LeonAdministration, Financial, NavarreAdministration, Financial, PortugalAdministration, JudicialAdministration, Territorial, Castile, Portugal, Leon, Aragon,

Catalonia, NavarreAdministration, Territorial, MuslimAfonso Henriques, or Afonso IAfonso II, King of PortugalAfonso III, King of PortugalAfonso IV, King of PortugalAfonso VAfonso, Count of Barcelos and Duke of BragancaAgricultureAlarcos, Battle ofAlbalat, Pere deAlbigensian Crusade, TheAlbo, JosephAlbornoz, Gil Alvarez Carrillo deAlburquerque, Juan Alfonso, Lord ofAlcazovas, Treaties ofAlcala de Henares, Ordenamiento ofAlcanices, Treaty ofAlchemyAlfarrobeira, Battle ofAlfonso de la CerdaAlfonso de ToledoAlfonso I, King of AragonAlfonso II, King of Aragon

xxiii

Alfonso III, King of AragonAlfonso III, King of AsturiasAlfonso IV, King of AragonAlfonso IX, King of LeonAlfonso V, King of Aragon, The MagnanimousAlfonso V, King of LeonAlfonso VI, King of Leon-CastileAlfonso VII, King of Leon-CastileAlfonso VIII, King of CastileAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, Artistic

Patronage, Art, Miniatures, and PortraitsAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, Historical

WorksAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, LawAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castilean and Leon, Musical

Instruments of CantigasAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, Music of

CantigasAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, PoetryAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, Political

HistoryAlfonso X, El Sabio, King of Castile and Leon, ScienceAlfonso XI, King of Castile and LeonAlfonso, Infante of CastileAlhambraAlhandega, Battle ofAljamaAljamiado LiteratureAljubarrota, Battle ofAlmada, Felipa deAlmizra (or Almirra), Treaty ofAlmohadsAlmojarifeAlmoravidsAlvares Pereira, Nun’Alvarez de Villasandino, AlfonsoAlvarez Gato, JuanAlvaro, PelayoAlvarus, PaulusAmadıs de GaulaAnagni, Treaty ofAnchieta, Juan deAnimal FablesAntonio of Lisbon, SaintAntifeminist LiteratureAntiphoner of LeonArabic LanguageAragon, Crown ofAragonese LanguageArcheologyArchitectureArias Davila FamilyArias, MayorArmy, Castilian, Catalan, Muslim, Portuguese

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF ENTRIES

Art, JewishArt, MuslimArtilleryAsceticismAstrology and Astronomy, ChristianAstronomy and Astrology, JewishAstrology and Astronomy, MuslimAsturias, Kingdom of theAthanagild, Lord of TudmirAtapuerca, Battle ofAuto da feAutobiographyAverroes, Abu ’L-Walıd Muhammad B. Ahmad B. RushdAvis, House ofAzarquielAzores, TheAzurara, Gomes Eannes de

BBaena, Juan Alfonso deBalladsBallads, MusicBankingBanu �AbbadBanu Dhu-l-NunBanu HudBanu QasıBarbastro, Crusade ofBarcelona, City ofBarcelona, County ofBarrientos, Lope deBasque LanguageBasque ProvincesBathsBaza, Siege ofBearn-AragonBearn-NavarreBeatrizBeatus of LiebanaBehetrıasBelchite, Confraternity ofBeltran de la CuevaBenedict XIII, AntipopeBenjamin of TudelaBerbersBerceo, Gonzalo deBerenguelaBergueda, Guillem deBernaldez, AndresBernard de Sauvetot, Archbishop of ToledoBernardus Compostellanus AntiquusBesalu, Ramon Vidal deBestiaryBible, JewishBible in Spain, The MoralizedBible TranslationsBiographyBlack Death, TheBlanche of Castile

xxiv

Blanca, Queen of Navarre, Wife of Enrique IVBlanche of FranceBonifaz, RamonBooks and BookmakingBourgeoisieBragaBraganza, House ofBraulioBreviary of AlaricBurgos, City ofBurgos, Socio-Economic History ofBurgundy, House of

CCaballerıa FamilyCaballeros Fijosdalgo, VillanosCabestany, Guillem deCabrera, Guerau deCadamosto, Alvise deCalendarCalila e DimnaCalixtinus CodexCallis, JaumeCaltabellotta, Treaty ofCanary IslandsCanellas, Vidal deCantar de los Infantes de LaraCantar de Mio CidCantar del Cerco de ZamoraCao, DiogoCape Verde and the Cape Verde IslandsCarboneli, MiquelCarlos, Prince of VianaCarmen CampidoctorisCarrillo de Huete, PedroCarrillo, Alfonso, Archbishop of ToledoCartagena, Alfonso deCartagena, Teresa deCartographyCarvajal, Juan deCaspe, Compromise ofCastigos e Documentos para Bien VivirCastile, County and KingdomCastilianCastro, Ines deCatalan Grand CompanyCatalan LanguageCatalina de LancasterCataloniaCatholic Monarchs, Isabel I of Castile and Fernando II of

AragonCattle RanchingCazola, Treaty ofCelestinaChanceriesChancery, Leon-CastileCharlemagneChildhoodChivalry


Church, TheCitiesClothingCofradıaCoinage and Currency, AragonCoinage and Currency, CastileCoinage and Currency, CataloniaCoinage and Currency, LeonCoinage and Currency, MallorcaCoinage and Currency, MuslimCoinage and Currency, NavarreCoinage and Currency, ValenciaColumbus, ChristopherCommunicationCompostela, Music Relating toCongo, Kingdom ofConsejo de AragonConsejo de la Santa HermandadConsejo de las OrdenesConsejo RealConversosCoplas de la PanaderaCoplas de Mingo RevulgoCoplas de YosefCoplas del ProvincialCorbeil, Treaty ofCordoba, City ofCordoba, Emirate and Caliphate ofCordoba, Martın deCordoba, Martyrs ofCornago, JohannesCorral, Pedro delCorregidorCortes, Crown of AragonCortes, Leon, Castile, and PortugalCota RodrigoCourtly LoveCovadonga, Battle ofCoyanza, Council ofCrescas, HasdaiCronica de Alfonso XICuarte, Battle ofCurial e Guelfa

DDanceDante AlighieriDesclot, BernatDias, BartolomeuDıaz de Games, Gutierre (El Victorial)Dıaz de Montalvo, AlfonsoDıaz de Vivar, RodrigoDidactic Prose, CastilianDinis, King of PortugalDisputations, ReligiousDisticha CatonisDomingo de Silos, St.Dominican Order, or Order of PreachersDrama

xxv

Duarte, King of PortugalDuero River

EEbro RiverEducation, ChristianEducation, JewishEducation, MuslimEgeriaEiximenis, FrancescEleanor of CastileElviraEnaciadosEnamelEncina, Juan delEngravingEnrique de AragonEnrique I, King of CastileEnrique II, King of CastileEnrique III, King of CastileEnrique IV, King of CastileEnrique, Infante of AragonEnrıquez del Castillo, DiegoEscavias, Pedro deEscobar, Pedro deEsparec, Archbishop of TarragonaEspina, Alonso (Alfonso) deEstatesEstuniga, Lope deEugene I, Bishop of ToledoEugene II, Bishop of ToledoEulogius of CordobaExemplaExplorations, CastilianExplorations, PortugueseEymerich, Nicolau

FFadrique, Duke of BeneventeFadrique, Master of SantiagoFafila, King of AsturiasFairs and CommerceFazienda de Ultramar, LaFebus, Francois, and Catherine of NavarreFelipe, InfanteFelix, Bishop of UrgellFerdinando (Ferrante) of NaplesFernandez de Cordoba, GonzaloFernandez, LucasFernando de la CerdaFernando I, King of AragonFernando I, King of LeonFernando II, King of LeonFernando III, King of CastileFernando IV, King of CastileFernao I, King of PortugalFerrer, Vincent, St.Feudalism


Flor, Roger deFlores, Juan deFoix, House ofFolkloreForalFormulaic CompositionFranciscansFroilaz, Pedro, Count of TravaFrontierFructuosus of Braga, StFueros, AragoneseFueros, CastilianFueros, Valencian and Catalan

GGalaico-Portuguese LanguageGalaico-Portuguese Lyric PoetryGaliciaGalındez de Carvajal, LorenzoGama, Vasco daGames and GamblingGarcıa de Salazar, LopeGarcıa de Santa Marıa, AlvarGarcıa de Santa Marıa, GonzaloGaya CienciaGelmırez Diego, Archbishop of CompostelaGeneralitatGermanic InvasionsGerona (Girona), City ofGerona, Council ofGesta Comitum BarcinonensiumGibraltarGil de Zamora, JuanGil de Zamora, Juan, on MusicGiraldes, AfonsoGirona, Cerverı deGold, AfricanGoncalves, NunoGonzalez de Clavijo, RuyGonzalez de Mendoza, PedroGonzalez, Domingo (Dominicus Gundisalvus)Gonzalez, FernanGran Conquista de Ultramar, LaGranada, City ofGranada, Kingdom ofGuadalete, Battle ofGudiel, Gonzalo PerezGuesclin, Bertrand duGuzman, Domingo deGuzman, Nuno de

HH. afs.a Bint Al-Hayy Ar-RakuniyyaHagiographyAl-H. akam II, Caliph of CordobaHaro FamilyHebrew Language and LiteratureHenry of Burgundy

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Henrique, Prince of PortugalHeraldryHerbalsHeredia, Pablo deHeresyHermandadHermenegildH. imyarıHistoria CompostelanaHistoria de la Donzella TeodorHistoria de la Linda MelosinaHistoria SilenseHistoriography: Estoria de Espana and Its DerivativesHistoriography, HebrewHistoriography: Annals and Latin Chronicles up to De Rebus

HispaniaeHistoriography: Annals and Chronicles, Fifteenth CenturyHomosexualityHosius, Bishop of CordobaHospitalsHostigesisHuelgas Codex, LasHugo of SantallaHunting LiteratureHurtado de Mendoza, DiegoHydatiusHymns, ChristianHymns, Hebrew

IIbn �Abdun, Abu Muhammad �Abd Al-Majıd Ibn �Abdun Al-

FihriIbn Adret, SolomonIbn BassamIbn Darraj Al-Qast.allıIbn Daud, AbrahamIbn Ezra, AbrahamIbn Ezra, MosesIbn Gabirol, SolomonIbn Hafsun, �UmarIbn H. ayyanIbn H. azmIbn Hud, Muhammad Ibn YusufIbn Al-KardabusIbn KhaldunIbn Al-KhatıbIbn Masarra, Moh.ammedIbn Naghrıllah, SamuelIbn Al-Qut.iyyaIbn QuzmanIbn Sa�ıd, Abu �L-H. asan �Alı B. Musa B. Muh.ammad B.

�Abd Al-Malik B. Sa�ıdIbn Shaprut, H. asdaiIbn Susan FamilyIbn TufaylIbn Waqar FamilyIbn ZaydunIbn Zuhr, Abu Marwan �Abd Al-MalikIcart (Ycart), Bernardo


Ildefonsus, St., Bishop of ToledoImperial, FranciscoInfanteInfantes of AragonInfantes de la CerdaInquisition, Spain and PortugalIranzo, Miguel Lucas deIsa of Segovia (�Isa ibn Jabir)Isidore of Seville, St.

JJacobo de las LeyesJaime (Jaume) I of Aragon-CataloniaJaime IIJames the Great, St.Jaume II, King of MallorcaJerome, Bishop of Valencia“Jewess of Toledo” LegendJewsJimenez de Cisneros, FranciscoJimenez de Rada, RodrigoJoao I of PortugalJoao II of PortugalJohannes Hispanus de Petesella (Ioannes Compostellanus)John of BiclaroJohn of GauntJohn of SevilleJuan de SegoviaJuan I, of AragonJuan I, King of CastileJuan II of AragonJuan II, King of Castille and LeonJuan ManuelJuan, Infante and Regent of CastileJuana, Princess and Queen of CastileJuderıaJuglarJulian, CountJulian of ToledoJura de Santa GadeaJusticia of Aragon

KKingshipKuzari

LLapidariesLara FamilyLateran ReformsLatin Language and LiteratureLaurentius HispanusLaw, CanonLaw, CivilLaw, IslamicLaw, JewishLawyersLeander of Seville

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MMaciasMadınat Al-ZahraMadridMadrigal, Alfonso Fernandez deMahomat el XartosseMaimonidesMalikitesMallorca, Constanza deMallorca, Kingdom ofManrique, GomezManrique, JorgeMans.ur, Al-Manuel I, King of Portugal


Manuscript IlluminationMaqamaMarch, AusiasMarch, PereMargarit I Pau, JoanMarineo Sıculo LucioMarriage and DivorceMartı, RamonMartin of Braga, St.Martın the Humane, King of AragonMartın the Younger, King of SicilyMartınez de Toledo, AlfonsoMartınez, Fernando (also Fernan, Ferrant)Mary of Egypt, St.Maslama de MadridMathematics, MuslimMauricio, Bishop of BurgosMayorazgo (Primogeniture/Inheritance)Medical TreatisesMedicineMedina Sidonia, House ofMedinaceli, House ofMena, Juan deMendoza, Fray Inigo deMerinidsMerinoMestaMester de ClerecıaMetalinguisticsMetge, BernatMieres, TomasMillan de la Cogolla, SanMilitary OrdersMirror of Princes, TheMisa de AmoresMocedades de RodrigoMolina, Marıa deMonasteries, Crown of AragonMonasteries, Leon and CastileMonasteries, PortugalMonasticismMontcada, House ofMontesino, Fra AmbrosioMontiel, Battle ofMontoro, Anton deMoriscosMoses ben NahmanMosque of CordobaMozarabic Chronicle of 754Mozarabic LanguageMozarabic RiteMozarabsMudejarsMuntaner, RamonMurciaMuret, Battle ofMusa ibn NusayrMusic and Music Theory, Arabic

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Rebello)Philosophy, Christian


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RRabbisRaimundo, Archbishop of ToledoRamon Berenguer IV, Count of BarcelonaRamon Berenguer V, Count of ProvenceRamon of FiteroRamos de Pareja, BartolomeRavaya FamilyRazon de AmorReccaredReccesvinthRecemundReconquest and RepopulationReligious OrdersReligious PrejudiceRemensaRhetoric

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UUbeda, Beneficiado deUmayyad Dynasty

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ZZallaqah, Battle ofZaragoza, City ofZırids of Granada, The

AABBADIDS See BANU ABBAD

ABBEY OF POBLETRoyal abbey and the premier Cistercian house in theIberian Peninsula. Ramon Berenguer IV, Count of Bar-celona (1131–1162) and Prince of Aragon(1137–1162) in 1149, founded Poblet twenty milesnortheast of Tarragona with monks from Fontfroide(near Narbonne), a daughter-house of Clairvaux. Royaland noble gifts of vast lands acquired from the re-conquest; the strategy of using loans and tax exemp-tions to attract peasant tenants for the exploitation ofthese estates; sheep farming on a vast scale; the early-adopted policy of accepting mortgaged land protectedby royal privilege from the claims of creditors; theacquisition of a monopoly of the milling industry alongthe upper Francal River; and the expectation of landedor cash dowries—these economic practices yieldedprodigious wealth. By 1297 the abbey possessed55,000 acres divided into granges, twenty-nine vil-lages, thirty-eight castles, and other properties.

Much of this wealth was spent on the constructionof the abbey church and conventual buildings. Theclassic expression of Cistercian architecture in Spainand sometimes called the “Escorial of Aragon,” thoughan austere Romanesque enriched by Gothic ogivevaulting, the church extends 85 meters long, with thevaulting over the nave rising 28 meters. Because themonastery held a strategic position in a frontier regioncommanding the Tarragona-Lerida highway and suc-cessive princes considered it of major military impor-tance, heavily fortified walls and bastions surround thechurch and domestic buildings; the massive royal pal-ace to the east of the church bears comparison withthe palace of the popes at Avignon. In 1194, AlfonsoII (1162–1196) held his court at Poblet and was laterburied there; Pedro IV (1336–1387) conceived of Po-blet as a dynastic mausoleum.

Poblet further exploited its wealth by serving asbanker to the crown and nobility of Aragon. The abbey

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financed wars against the Muslims, the expeditions ofJaime I (1213–1276) against Mallorca and Valencia;the defense of Pedro III (1276–1285) against Frenchinvasion. Because the abbey exercised a stabilizing in-fluence in a frontier region, and because it had pastoralresponsibilities over a steadily expanding rural popula-tion, Poblet sought, and Pope Honorius granted, theabbot episcopal status. In 1336–1337, the CistercianPope Benedict XII granted the abbot the right to wearfull pontificalia—mitre, ring, and sandals. If these li-turgical practices, these economic and political activi-ties blatantly violated the Cistercian constitutions, theywere justified on the grounds of service to the crown,especially in its struggle against the Muslims.

Throughout the Middle Ages the recruits of choirmonks came primarily from the nobility. Althoughbadly bit by the Black Death—in 1348 alone, 2 abbots,59 choir monks, and 30 lay brothers succumbed—numbers remained stable through the fourteenth andfifteenth centuries, with about ninety choir monks,while the number of lay brothers grew from eighty-five in 1311 to 135 in 1493. Poblet made four founda-tions of sister houses in the late Middle Ages. In1531–1533, numbers stood at 60 choir monks and 30lay brothers.

The abbey underwent continual remodeling untilthe late eighteenth century. Although the Cistercianorder was suppressed in Spain in 1835, the monasticbuildings remained in such excellent condition thatwhen Poblet was restored in 1940, a community soonflourished. Unlike most monastic houses in the latetwentieth century, Poblet has suffered no dearth of re-cruits, and in 1967 it made a foundation, Solius, in theprovince of Girona.

BENNETT D. HILL

Bibliography

Altisent, A. La descentralizacıon administrativa del Mon-asterio de Poblet en la Edad Media. Abadia de Poblet,1985.

ABBEYS, ROYAL

ABBEYS, ROYALIn the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the period ofthe expansion of Latin Christendom into frontier re-gions such as the Iberian Peninsula, first the Cistercianmonks, and later the military orders and the mendicantfriars proved highly effective agents in the spread ofa common culture. The Cistercians and the new orders,rather than the Benedictines, acquired lands and eccle-siastical powers; they were the great beneficiaries ofthe reconquista (Reconquest).

A distinctive feature of Iberian monasticism in thisperiod of expansion was the conjunction or union ofthe monastery and the royal palace. Leaders of theReconquest, the count-princes pushed backed Islamand established monasteries for the military, as wellas the religious and cultural security and integrity ofconquered areas. Kings built their residences at somemonasteries and formed close associations with themduring their lifetimes; the construction of royal tombsin the monastic churches represented monastic supportfor royal power. While not totally unique to the IberianPeninsula—the histories of the imperial abbey of Farfain central Italy; of the abbey of Saint Denis near Parisand the Capetian dynasty; of the abbey of Saint Peterat Westminster near London and the English mon-archy; and of the German Reichsabteien—all bearcomparison to Iberian counterparts. But in contrast toother parts of Europe, where the inspiration for a mon-astic foundation came from individuals considered out-standing for their piety, in Iberia the impulse for a newfoundation came from princes who built and endowedabbeys as spiritual supports for their power, resided inthem, and were buried in tombs attached to them. Asagents of princely power, royal abbeys lacked the polit-ical and religious independence characteristic of mo-nasticism in England and Germany. Probably the mostfamous royal abbeys in Iberia, all of them Cistercian,were Poblet (1149) and Santas Creus (1150) in Cata-lonian Aragon; Las Huelgas (1187) in Castile, the onlyhouse of women among the royal abbeys, whose ab-bess was always a royal princess and all the nuns re-cruited from the highest aristocracy; and Alcobaca(1158) located between Lisbon and Coimbra, the“mother house” of all twelve Cistercian abbeys in Por-tugal, a center of rich cultural activity, and sometimesdescribed as “one of the greatest monastic establish-ments in Europe.”

By the seventh century and throughout the MiddleAges, Spanish monasteries, like those in other parts ofwestern Europe and on the basis of scriptural precedent(1 Sam. 1 and Luke 1:63–80) and conciliar decress(Fourth Council of Toledo, 633), accepted boys or girlsas oblates, offerings given to the house by their parents.These children, overwhelmingly descended from the

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nobility since a dowry was required or at least ex-pected, raised and educated by the monastic commu-nity, made monastic profession (public statement ofthe vows of obedience, stability in the house of profes-sion, and conversion of life) at about age sixteen andwere thereafter denied a return to lay society. In Castileand elsewhere the nobility, wishing to preserve familyestates intact, entailed them on the eldest son. Apartfrom the knightly life, careers in monasteries or dio-ceses represented virtually the only socially acceptableprofession. Although the twelfth and thirteenth centu-ries witnessed the highpoint of child oblation, perhapsthe most economically viable and humane way of di-vesting a family of superfluous or awkward children,the practice continued at least into the seventeenth cen-tury.

As in observant houses everywhere, the Opus Dei(Work of God, the monastic office to which St. Bene-dict had said nothing should be preferred) constitutedthe major work of the royal abbeys. The proximity ofthe royal court meant that chanceries drew on themonks for clerks, secretaries, treasurers, diplomats,and other officials. As monasteries acquired properties,some monks were assigned the supervision of themand of the revenues they yielded. The schools and li-braries of some houses, such as Alcobaca, enjoyedconsiderable reputations for scholarship. The bulk ofthe wealth of the royal abbeys seems to have beenspent on the decoration and expansion of the abbeychurch and buildings, and on charitable services to thelocal poor.

In 1562, King Felipe II decided to build a monas-tery to memorialize the Spanish victory over theFrench at Saint Quentin (1557). The vast granite build-ings of the abbey of Saint Lawrence in the village ofEl Escorial near Madrid (constructed 1563–1584) wasintended to combine the functions of a Hieronymitemonastery for 250 monks in which the king had hisown cell, a royal residence, and center of imperial ad-ministration, and a mausoleum for the dynasty. Theidea for the Escorial rested on a long tradition.

BENNETT D. HILL

Bibliography

Lekai, L. The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio,1977.

Braunfels, W. Monasteries of Western Europe: The Archi-tecture of the Orders. Princeton, N.J., 1972.

�ABD AL-�AZIZ IBN MUS. AThe son of Mus.a Ibn Nusayr, who in 711 had sentTariq across the Straits of Gibraltar to conquer Iberia,�Abd al-�Azız Ibn Mus.a governed al-Andalus from 714

�ABDALLAH IBN BULLUGIN, KING OF GRANADA

to 716. During his tenure, he proved a capable andimaginative administrator who established Seville ashis capital, and from there directed the Muslim con-quest of the Iberian Peninsula toward the east, west,and south, consolidating and extending his power toPortugal, Malaga, Granada, Orihuela, Girona, and Bar-celona. He was the first Muslim governor to organizethe financial and administrative affairs of the newlyconquered territories of Iberia, and he sought to elimi-nate the ethnic distinctions in government service be-tween Berbers and Arabs. �Abd al-�Aziz encouragedintermarriage between the Islamic conquerors and thenative Iberian population. While his political and ad-ministrative program for the period immediately afterthe Conquest was generally successful, as a result ofhis marriage to Egilona, who was either the sister orthe widow of Rodrigo, the last Visigothic king, he wasaccused by both Arabs and Berbers alike of favoringthe native Christian population and of having monar-chical ambitions. �Abd al-�Azız was said to have beenurged by Egilona to wear a crown on his head and toadopt the manner of a western monarch. Tensions grewwithin the army just as his father, Mus.a Ibn Nusayr,had been recalled from North Africa and was disgracedby the Caliph in Damascus. �Abd al-�Azız Ibn Mus.awas executed in 716 on the grounds that he was seekingto separate himself and al-Andalus from Damascus.

E. MICHAEL GERLI

Bibliography

Chejne, A. G.Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minne-apolis, 1974.

Vernet, J. La cultura hispanoarabe en oriente y occidente.Barcelona, 1978.

�ABD ALLAH, EMIR OF CORDOBA�Abd Allah Ibn Muh.ammad I was the grandson of �Abdal-Rah.man II and grandfather of �Abd al-Rah.man III.He succeeded his brother, al-Mundhir, as emir of al-Andalus in 888 and ruled until 912.

�Abd Allah, born in 844, was forty-four years oldwhen his brother died fighting the rebel Ibn Hafs.un(some have accused �Abd Allah of Hafs.un fratricide).�Abd Allah’s reign was characterized by violence andupheaval—at times, he controlled only the city of Cor-doba, which itself was full of tensions between “old”and “new” (muwallad) Muslims.

Arab biographers describe �Abd Allah as beingparticularly pious, yet they also note his cruelty in deal-ing with enemies. �Abd Allah quickly alienated mostsegments of the population, especially his own family.He is said to have encouraged the stabbing death ofhis son Muh.ammad at the hands of his other son, al-

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Mut.arrif. Al-Mut.arrif, in turn, was killed after beingaccused of conspiring with the leaders of Seville. Twoof �Abd Allah’s brothers were killed when they becametoo powerful. These harsh measures only served to fur-ther weaken the prestige of the Umayyad family as awhole and reflected the disintegration of centralizedpower at this time.

With a weak and paranoid-reclusive authority inCordoba, the administrative and tax structure estab-lished by �Abd al-Rah.man II completely fell apart.Strong local families quickly removed any remainingUmayyad-appointed governors and kept the taxes forthemselves to maintain standing armies. Of the manyprovincial revolts that took place during �Abd Allah’sreign, the most significant was the revolt of the muwal-lad Ibn Hafs.un in Bobastro, in a mountain valley out-side Cordoba. He had begun his revolt in 881 duringthe reign of Muh.ammad I, and under �Abd Allah’snose, Ibn Hafs.un began conducting raids right up tothe walls of Cordoba itself with impunity. Until heannounced his conversion to Christianity in 899, IbnHafs.un was the unofficial leader of the muwallad fac-tions of the lower Guadalqivir valley; after 899, heslowly lost most of his Muslim supporters. Otherstrong muwallad rebels at this time were Daysam IbnIsh. aq of Murcia and Ibrahım Ibn al-H. ajjaj of Seville.

Without doubt the best decision �Abd Allah madeduring his reign was selecting and training his grand-son �Abd al-Rah.man as heir. When �Abd Allah diedin 912, �Abd al-Rah.man III peacefully ascended to thethrone and began a reign that ultimately proved to bethe high point of Umayyad power in Spain.

MARILYN HIGBEE WALKER

Bibliography

Kennedy, H.Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political Historyof al-Andalus. London, 1996.

Levi-Provencal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane, 3vols. Leiden, 1950–53.

�ABDALLAH IBN BULLUGIN, KING OFGRANADAThe last Zırid king of Granada. He reigned from 1073to 1090. His memoirs, written after being exiled toMorocco, were discovered in the last century in a mos-que and have been translated into Spanish under thetitle El siglo XI en primera persona. They reveal pre-cious information concerning the interaction of themembers of his family and other tawa’if (party) king-doms as well as the internal political administration ofGranada shortly before the advent of the Almoravidinvasion. Of particular interest are the details concern-ing the rise to power of his kinsman and predecessor,

�ABDALLAH IBN BULLUGIN, KING OF GRANADA

Badis, who was helped by the Jewish magnate SamuelIbn Nagrillah, who was generously compensated bybeing named vizier and put in charge of the financesof the kingdom.

�Abdallah was a minor when he acceded to thethrone in 1073. During his minority his tutor, Sımacha,an astute and able individual, grasped the power of themonarchy for himself and continued to exercise it wellafter his pupil had come of age. Pressed during hisreign by incursions into Granadan territory by the �Ab-badis of Seville and Alfonso VI of Castile, �Abdallah’stime on the throne of Granada was made even moredifficult by rivalries among his lieutenants and dissentin the army. When Sımacha was expelled from court,he fled the kingdom and sowed conflict from afar be-tween �Abdallah and his brother, Tamım of Malaga.In his memoirs, �Abdallah vividly recalls how AlfonsoVI took advantage of this situation by extorting hugesums from him in order to guarantee his protection.

Faced with a deteriorating situation in the IberianPeninsula, aggravated by mutual competition and con-quest between Muslims, �Abdallah finally joined othertawa’if kings in seeking protection against Alfonsofrom Muslims abroad. In the end, Yusuf Ibn Tashfin,the emperor of the Almoravids who had been calledin by his coreligionists from North Africa to save themfrom the Castilians and from themselves, arrogated allpower in al-Andalus to himself, deposing �Abdallahand exiling him across the straits, from where he wrotehis illuminating memoirs.

E. MICHAEL GERLI

Bibliography

Ibn Bullugin, �A. El siglo XI en primera persona. Ed. andtrans. E. Garcıa Gomez, et al., Madrid, 1979.

Chejne, A. G.Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minne-apolis, 1974.

Vernet, J. La cultura hispanoarabe en oriente y occidente.Barcelona, 1978.

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN I, EMIR OF CORDOBA�Abd al-Rah.man I Ibn Mu�awiya Ibn Hisham Ibn �Abdal-Malik Ibn Marwan was the founder of the MuslimUmayyad dynasty that ruled Spain from 756 to 1031.He was born in Damascus in 731 and is purportedto be the only member of the Umayyad family whosurvived their overthrow in 750 by the �Abbasids. �Abdal-Rah.man escaped first to Palestine, then to Egypt,and then on to Morocco, where he took refuge withthe Nafza Berber tribe, of which his mother was amember. When his efforts to gain power among theMoroccan Berbers failed, he looked to Spain, where

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the lack of unity among the Muslim conquerors—Ye-meni Arabs, Syrian Arabs, and recently converted Ber-bers and Iberians—made for an easy conquest. Be-cause of this successful entry and establishment of adynasty, �Abd al-Rah.man is known as al-Dakhil, or“the Immigrant.”

At the time of �Abd al-Rah.man I’s entry into Spainin 756, Yusuf Ibn �Abd al-Rah.man al-Fihrı was thelocal governor appointed by the Umayyad regionalgovernor in Qayrawan (in Tunisia). Like the many pro-vincial governors who had preceded him since theMuslim conquest of Spain in 711, Yusuf struggled tomanage the infighting between the Arabs and Berbers.The Berbers formed a vast majority and resented thepretension of racial and cultural superiority of theArabs despite Islam’s injunction of equality. Yusufalso had to deal with the perennial feuding (whichdated back to pre-Islamic Arabia) between the Yemeniand Syrian Arab tribes. A large Syrian army contingenthad entered Spain in 742 after being defeated by theBerbers in North Africa, several years after the originalYemeni conquerors, and there were power strugglesbetween the “new” and “old” invaders. �Abd al-Rah. -man I took advantage of this rivalry and the supportof Umayyad clients already in the peninsula. He ar-rived in Seville in 756 and, gathering forces along theway, defeated Yusuf al-Fihrı on the outskirts of Cor-doba. �Abd al-Rah.man I proclaimed himself emir ofal-Andalus (the Arabic name for the portion of Iberiacontrolled by the Muslims), refusing allegiance to the�Abbasids but recognizing their caliphal claim.

�Abd al-Rah.man I ruled al-Andalus for over thirty-three years and spent most of that time struggling withthe same problems of unity that the governors beforehim had faced: Berbers who had been settled in thegeographically familiar mountainous north and north-west regularly rebelled against the central Cordobanauthority; the Arabs, who had settled along tribal linesin various towns in the south and southeast, continuedto feud; the local converts, or muwallads, felt as un-justly treated as the Berbers and often rebelled; and inthe east, a coalition of Arab tribal leaders went so faras to encourage Charlemagne to lay siege to Zaragozain 778 (he withdrew when recalled to the Rhinelandand from this episode emerged The Song of Roland).Any group that had established themselves in the prov-inces prior to 756 resented the Umayyad efforts at ad-ministrative and financial control.

However, through a relatively lengthy reign andwith the prestige and legitimacy attached to the Umay-yad name, �Abd al-Rah.man I was able to slowly con-solidate power in the province of Cordoba and at leastkeep most of the localized rebellions in check. As forthe outlying provinces, if the provincial leaders were

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN II, EMIR OF CORDOBA

willing to recognize his nominal right to rule and tosend Cordoba a percentage of their taxes, �Abd al-Rah. -man I permitted them to continue in relative autonomy.He established an administrative and military structuresimilar to the one he had known in Damascus, andwhen news of his accession spread, Umayyad support-ers throughout the Islamic world began coming toSpain, which increased his power base but further an-tagonized the earlier invaders, who resented having toshare the spoils.

With so many internal concerns, �Abd al-Rah.manI was unable to make much headway against the Chris-tians in the north and failed to regain many of the townslost to them under the governors. A border system of“marches” had been established to maintain the fluidfrontiers with the Christians, but by the time �Abd al-Rah.man I gained control internally, the marches hadreceded to the following positions: the eastern marchbecame centered in Zaragoza, the central march in To-ledo, and the western march in Badajoz. Berbers oftenoccupied these unstable, agriculturally less-productiveareas, and it was not until the reign of �Abd al-Rah.manIII in the early tenth century that these areas camefirmly under Muslim control.

In the last two years of his reign �Abd al-Rah.manI built, on the site of the Church of St. Vincent, theGreat Mosque of Cordoba, which his successors ex-panded in stages and which still stands today. �Abd al-Rah.man I died in 788 without a clearly designatedsuccessor. His son Hisham I, who had been ruling asgovernor of Merida, declared himself emir two monthslater after defeating another of �Abd al-Rah.man’s sons,Sulayman.


Bibliography

“�Abd al-Rah.man,” in Encyclopedia of Islam. 2d ed. Leiden.Kennedy, H.Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History

of al-Andalus. London, 1996.Levi-Provencal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane. 3

vols. Leiden, 1950–53.

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN II, EMIR OF CORDOBA�Abd al-Rah.man II Ibn al-H. akam I was the great-grandson and namesake of the emir �Abd al-Rah.manI, and ruled Muslim Spain from 822 to 852. �Abd al-Rah.man II was born in 792 in Toledo and his father,al-H. akam I, clearly designated him successor beforehis own death. Like his predecessors, �Abd al-Rah.manII had to face both internal and external threats to hispower. His father had been quite heavy-handed in hisreign, and �Abd al-Rah.man II’s first challenges wereto put down the subsequent and continuing internalrebellions.

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One of �Abd al-Rah.man II’s first steps was to givemore official support to Islam—for example, he exe-cuted the chief of the palace guard, who was a Chris-tian, and began building several mosques in Cordoba.The cooperation and legitimation provided by the Mus-lim scholarly class was essential to maintaining powerin the capital. �Abd al-Rah.man II’s next concern wasto regain control in the Levantine territories and inToledo. Other sources of internal rebellion were themuwallads (converts to Islam) and the Berbers (Mus-lim converts from North Africa). In the Ebro valley themuwallad Banu Qası family regularly rebelled against�Abd al-Rah.man II’s central authority. In Merida, theBerber leader Mah.mud Ibn �Abd al-Djabbar revolted.By the end of his reign, �Abd al-Rah.man II succeededin placing Umayyad-loyal governors in the three fron-tier capitals of Merida, Toledo, and Zaragoza.

What has come to be known as the “Cordoba mar-tyrs movement” began in 850 and finally came to aclose with the death of the priest Eulogius in 869. Eu-logius was chronicler of the movement, along withPaulus Alvarus, and their Latin accounts are the onlysources available. This movement involved the volun-tary martyrdoms of Christians who, distressed at theincreasing cultural, linguistic, and religious weaknessof the Christian community, publicly denounced Islamand the prophet Muh.ammad, a crime punishable bydeath. For the most part these men and women camefrom monasteries on the outskirts of Cordoba, butsome were offspring of religiously mixed (one parentMuslim, the other Christian) families in the city. Themartyrs’ deaths did not stem the tide of Islamizationthat continued well into the tenth century; rather, theycaused increased tension between the Christians andMuslims and within the Christian community itself.

On a somewhat irregular basis �Abd al-Rah.manII sent summer military expeditions to fight the Chris-tians in the north, particularly in the eastern marchregion of Asturias-Leon. The primary purpose does notseem to be the conquest of territory; the collection ofbooty, the punishment of impertinent Christian andMuslim vassals, the legitimation of the emir’s role asdefender of the faith and thus his right to rule, and thechance to conduct military exercises appear to be thereasons for such expeditions. In 844 �Abd al-Rah.manII faced a very real external threat in the form ofNorsemen who landed at Lisbon and followed the Gu-aldalquivir River all the way to Seville, which theysacked. �Abd al-Rah.man II did rally to recapture Se-ville and drove the Norsemen out in the same year,but the threat always remained. As a result, �Abd al-Rah.man II reinforced the navy and built shipyards atSeville and a naval base at Almerıa.

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN II, EMIR OF CORDOBA

�Abd al-Rah.man II was the first ruler of al-Anda-lus strong enough to pursue wide-ranging diplomacy.He maintained ties with several coastal kingdoms inMorocco but shunned the Aghlabids of Qayrawan,who were loyal to the �Abbasids of Baghdad. Heopened diplomatic relations with Byzantium and re-ceived an embassy from Theophilus; in return, �Abdal-Rah.man II sent a delegation to Constantinopleheaded by the poet Ghazal.

Known to be a great poet himself, �Abd al-Rah. -man II was a patron of arts and letters and broughtlearned men from all over the Islamic world to Cor-doba. One of these, Ziryab, was a renowned musicianand singer from Baghdad who also knew astronomyand geography. The increasingly large and cosmopoli-tan population of Cordoba was developing a taste forluxury and ostentation under the prosperous reign of�Abd al-Rah.man II, and Ziryab quickly became thedictator of fashion and culture along �Abbasid lines.Ziryab apparently introduced a new hairstyle; the vege-table asparagus; and the use of underarm deodorant,among other things.

�Abd al-Rah.man II was also known as a greatbuilder and organizer. With the increase in the popula-tion of Cordoba, he enlarged the Great Mosque twice,in 833 and 848. He built many public works in Cor-doba, but like virtually all his Umayyad predecessorsand successors, did little of such things outside Cor-doba. Following the �Abbasid administrative style, thefocus was on the capital, with the various provincesenjoying a large measure of autonomy.

�Abd al-Rah.man II died in Cordoba in 852 andwas succeeded by his son, Muh.ammad I.


Bibliography

Coope, J. The Martyrs of Cordoba. Lincoln, Nebr., 1995.Kennedy, H.Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History


vols. Leiden, 1950–53.

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN III, CALIPH OFCORDOBA�Abd al-Rah.man Ibn Muh.ammad was the grandson andsuccessor of the emir �Abd Allah and was known as�Abd al-Rah.man III. He ruled al-Andalus from 912 to966 and achieved a measure of prosperity and successunparalleled by those who came before or after him.

�Abd al-Rah.man III was born in 891. It is said thathe had blue eyes and fair hair because of his Christiangrandmother from Pamplona, and that he dyed that fair

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hair black to better fit the physical ideal of an ArabMuslim ruler. Although he was relatively young whenhe succeeded his grandfather, �Abd al-Rah.man III wasalready well-known at court for his intelligence, politi-cal common sense, and leadership abilities. He cameto power at a time when the control of the Umayyademirs did not extend much beyond Cordoba. When hisreign ended almost fifty years later, �Abd al-Rah.manIII could count on allegiance from Toledo on the northto Ceuta in the south; he received annual tribute pay-ments from the Christian kingdoms to the north; and heregularly welcomed embassies from Constantinople,Baghdad, and beyond.

The first thing �Abd al-Rah.man III did when hecame to the throne in 912 was to systematically consol-idate power within al-Andalus and quell the internalrevolts. The most pressing and long lasting of thesewas led by the muwallad rebel Ibn Hafs.un in Bobastro,a mountain fortress outside Cordoba, where he hadbeen ruling virtually autonomously since 888. �Abd al-Rah.man III put pressure on Ibn Hafs.un until his deathin 917, and after him on his sons until they surrenderedin 928. The emir attacked the rebel provincial leadersof large cities like Seville, Badajoz, and Toledo, layingsiege for years if necessary. Once a city or castle capit-ulated, �Abd al-Rah.man III either left his own deputyin charge or demolished the fortifications. He actedconsistently and powerfully, but also shrewdly: if therebel leaders submitted to his authority, he often ap-pointed them as Umayyad military leaders in regionsfar from their own. In this way, by the year 933, �Abdal-Rah.man III had achieved the full unification of al-Andalus.

The second task �Abd al-Rah.man III set for him-self involved securing the borders against the increas-ingly powerful Christian kings to the north. This hepursued simultaneously with his efforts at internal con-trol: his summer campaigns (s.ai’fa) to secure Andalu-sian allegiance all included forays and shows of forcedeep into the territory of the Christians. �Abd al-Rah. -man III led campaigns in 920 and 924 against theBasques and Leonese—not necessarily to conquer newterritory, but to demonstrate his power to both Muslimsand non-Muslims. In 920 he stopped the advance ofOrdono III of Asturias-Leon at the Battle of Junquera.In 924, to revenge the raids made by Sancho Garcıaof Navarre, he sacked and burned Pamplona. This wasthe farthest north he ever ventured. The only signifi-cant defeat �Abd al-Rah.man III suffered was in 939 atthe hands of Ramiro II of Leon at the Battle of Alhan-dega (in Arabic, al-khandaq, or “the trench”) near Si-mancas. This defeat was apparently due to resentmentwithin the Muslim army toward �Abd al-Rah.man III’sincreasingappointmentofforeignslavesoldiers(s.aqali-

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN III, CALIPH OF CORDOBA

bah) to leadership positions and resentment of the re-bellious Muslim vassals of the Upper March, who wereforced to join the campaign. �Abd al-Rah.man III nevercampaigned in the north again.

The third item on the political agenda of �Abd al-Rah.man III was checking the progress of the ShiiteFat.imids in North Africa. The Fat.imids had come topower in 909 and built a new capital on the coast ofTunisia called al-Mahdıyya. From there Fat.imid powerspread west and soon threatened the coastal towns thatfaced al-Andalus. �Abd al-Rah.man III responded bystrengthening his own coastal fortifications and estab-lishing bases on the Moroccan coast at Melilla (927),Ceuta (931), and Tangier (951). From there he forgedalliances with Berber chiefs and continued to recruitBerbers into his army. A year after a Fat.imid forcefrom Sicilly burned the Andalusian city of Almerıa in955, the caliph built a new fleet. �Abd al-Rah.man III’sposition throughout this period was primarily defen-sive. When the Fat.imids could make no furtherprogress in the west, they turned east, and in 969 theyconquered Egypt.

It was in the year 929 that the emir �Abd al-Rah. -man III declared himself caliph of al-Andalus, amıral-mu’mamın (Commander of the Faithful), andadopted the throne name al-Nas.ir (the Victorius One).It cannot be a coincidence that the declaration tookplace within a year of the conquest of Bobastro anddefeat of the sons of Ibn Hafs.un. Nor is it coincidentalthat the Fat.imids, who were Shiites, had already pro-claimed themselves caliphs in 909. �Abd al-Rah.manIII appears to have been persuaded that the decadenceof the �Abbasid caliphs in Baghdad and their inabilityto defend the holy sites of Mecca and Medina disquali-fied them from the title, which he believed should beheld by a Sunni Muslim leader. Calling himself a cal-iph was a way to enhance his power and prestige inand outside of al-Andalus. Al-Nas.ir quickly appropri-ated the two traditional symbols of caliphal power: hehad his name invoked as caliph instead of the �Abbasidal-Qahir during the Friday congregational prayers(khut.ba), and he began a new issue of coinage (sıkka),including gold coins with his name and new titles.

Cordoba grew and flourished under the reign of�Abd al-Rah.man III. He enlarged the Great Mosqueand built a large, square minaret in the Syrian style.But his court and political administration increasinglyimitated the �Abbasid and Persian styles, a process thathad begun under the rule of his namesake. �Abd al-Rah.man II. One of the things the Persian style entailedwas increasing the distance between the ruler and hissubjects. The building of a new palace complex on thefoothills southwest of Cordoba was �Abd al-Rah.man

7

III’s logical next step toward enhancing Umayyadprestige, further distancing himself physically and psy-chologically from his subjects along �Abbasid lines.He named the new palace Madınat al-Zahra after hisfavorite concubine, al-Zahra. Construction began in936 and continued throughout the reign of al-H. akam II.The complex contained a mosque, luxurious gardens,baths, housing for courtiers, a garrison for his personalguard, and an impressive audience hall. To impressand intimidate his visitors, �Abd al-Rah.man III had alarge bowl of mercury placed in the audience hallwhich could be made to cast lightning bolts across theceiling. Although he was not particularly interested inthe arts himself, �Abd al-Rah.man III created a courtat Madınat al-Zahra that attracted poets, scholars, andartisans from all over the Islamic world. CosmopolitanCordoba began to rival Constantinople in terms of pop-ulation, and no other western European capital cameclose to Cordoba on any terms.

Another measure that contributed to the distancebetween the caliph and the people he ruled was �Abdal-Rah.man III’s practice of importing slave soldiers(s.aqalibah) from the north to staff the army and hispalace guard. This is often cited as the source of resent-ment and division within the Umayyad forces that ledto the debacle of Alhandega. But this was not a newpractice—al-H. akam I had begun buying eastern Euro-pean slaves from Jewish traders a hundred years ear-lier. What occurred during �Abd al-Rah.man III’s reignwas that the numbers of s.aqalibah grew exponentially,as did their presence in military and political leadershippositions. Ghalib, the general who fought the Fat.imidsfor al-Nas.ir, was from their ranks and became alH. akam II’s most trusted adviser. Many s.aqalibahwerecastrated and served as officials of the harem, but oth-ers were not and established dynasties that within afew generations rivaled Arab and muwallad familiesfor power and prestige. The Andalusian elite were un-derstandably resentful, and the unification and loyalty�Abd al-Rah.man III had worked so hard to achievebegan to unravel.

But it took almost a century for things to com-pletely come apart. �Abd al-Rah.man III had begun witha splintered and anarchic state in 912 and withintwenty-five years had forged unity, loyalty, and territo-rial integrity. He did this by going out on campaignhimself, bringing rivals and discontents into his Cor-doba circles, and cultivating loyalty to his person anddynasty. As his power grew, however, he began dis-tancing himself from the people—he never went on amilitary campaign after 939 and in fact hardly left theCordoba area; he spent increasing amounts of staterevenue on displays of opulence and luxury; and, asmentioned above, he imported huge numbers of for-

�ABD AL-RAH. MAN III, CALIPH OF CORDOBA

eign soldiers. �Abd al-Rah.man III died in 961 at Madı-nat al-Zahra, leaving his clearly designated successor,his son al-H. akam II, a strong and powerful state torule but with the seeds of decline planted and growing.


Bibliography

“�Abd al-Rah.man,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2d ed. Leiden.Fierro, M. I. “Sobre la adopcion del tıtulo califal por �Abd

al-Rah.man III.” Sharq al-Andalus 6 (1989), 33–42.Kennedy, H.Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History


vols. Leiden, 1950–53.Vallve Bermejo, J. El Califato de Cordoba. Madrid, 1992.

ABNER OF BURGOS See VALLADOLID, ALFONSO DE

ABRAHAM BAR H. IYYA (H. AYYA)Mathematician, astronomer, surveyor, philosopher, as-trologer and translator Abraham bar H. iyya (ca.1070–1136) lived in Barcelona. He was known by thehonorific titles Ha-Nasi (Hebrew: “the prince”) andSavasorda (Latin corruption of the Arabic: s.ah. ib al-shurt.a, “master of the guard”), which indicate that heheld high offices in both the Jewish and the Cataloniancommunities.

Nine works by him are known, all written in He-brew. He was the first medieval author to write majorphilosophic and scientific works in Hebrew, and manyof his termina technica are still used in modern Hebrew(e.g., qeshet � arc, ma�alah � degree, merkaz �center, shoq� side of an isoceles triangle). His works:

(1) H. ibbur ha-meshih.ah ve-ha-tishboret (On Mea-suring), a comprehensive introduction to survey-ing. Translated into Latin (1145?) by Plato of Ti-voli, it played an important role in transmittingArabic geometry and trigonometry to the West.Hebrew text, ed. M. Guttmann, 1912–13, Catalantranslation, J. M. Millas Vallicrosa, 1931.

(2) Yesode ha-tebunah u-migdal ha-emunah (TheFoundations of Reason and the Tower of Faith),an encyclopedia of science; parts are lost. He-brew text and Spanish translation, J. M. MillasVallicrosa, 1952.

(3) Sod ha-�ibbur (The Secret of Intercalation), astudy of the Hebrew calendar, written in 1123.Maimonides praised it as by far the best book onthe subject (Commentary on Mishnah, �Arakhin2:2). Hebrew text, ed. H. Filipowski, 1851.

(4) Megillat ha-megalleh (Scroll of the Revealer), aneschatological and astrological work, written dur-

8

ing the 1120s. According to it, the messianic eramight begin by 1136, and the resurrection wouldtake place in 1448 or 1493. Hebrew text, ed. A.Poznanski, 1924; Catalan translation, J. M. Mil-las Vallicrosa, 1929.

(5) Epistle to Rabbi Judah ben Barzillai, a defenseof astrology, written ca. 1120. Abraham barH. iyya had advised a student to delay his weddingfor one hour in order to avoid the unpropitiousinfluence of Mars. Judah ben Barzillai, the emi-nent talmudist, protested that such deference toastrology would amount to sorcery and idolatry.The wedding was not delayed, but Abrahamwrote this epistle in defense of his view, arguingthat astrological considerations are analogous tomedical ones. Hebrew text, ed. A. Z. Schwarz,1917.

(6) Hegyon ha-nefesh ha-�as.ubah (The Meditation ofthe Sad Soul), a philosophic study of human na-ture, discussing the place of human beings in thecreation, the good life, repentance (including ananalysis of Jonah), and the future world. Whileoften described as neo-Platonic, it also reflectsAristotelian, Kalamic, and other influences. He-brew text, ed. E. Freimann, 1860; G. Wigoder,1971. English translation, G. Wigoder, 1969.

(7) S.urat ha-ares. ve-tabnit ha-shamavim (The Formof the Earth and the Figure of the Heavens), awork on cosmography, written in 1132; part 1of H. okhmat ha-h. izzavon (Science of Astronomy).Hebrew text, Basel 1546 (abridged), Offenbach1720; Spanish translation, J. M. Millas Valli-crosa, 1956.

(8) H. eshbon mahalekhot ha-kokhabim (The Calcula-tion of Astral Motions), a textbook on Ptolemaicastronomy, written in 1136; part 2 of H. okhmatha-h. izzayon. Hebrew text and Spanish transla-tion, J. M. Millas Vallirosa, 1959; this editionincludes Abraham bar H. iyya’s astronomical ta-bles, Luh.ot ha-Nasi (The Prince’s Tables).

In addition, Abraham bar H. iyya was active intranslating scientific works from Arabic into Latin,mostly in collaboration with Plato of Tivoli.

WARREN ZEV HARVEY

Bibliography

Abraham bar H. ayya. The Meditation of the Sad Soul. Trans.and with an intro. by G. Wigoder. London, 1969.

Millas Vallicrosa, J. M. Estudios sobre historia de la cienciaespanola. Barcelona, 1949. 219–62.

MMM Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la ciencia es-panola. Barcelona, 1969. 183–90.

ABRAVANEL, ISAAC

Sarfatti, G. B. Mathematical Terminology in Hebrew Scien-tific Literature of the Middle Ages (Hebrew). Jerusalem,1968. 61–129.

Sirat, C. A History of Jewish Philosophy in the Middle Ages.Cambridge, 1985. 94–104, 425.

ABRAHAM EL-BARCHILON (AL-BARJILUNI)A member of a prominent ancient Jewish family ofToledo, Abraham el-Barchilon (or, more correctly, al-Barjiluni) is undoubtedly identified with Abu Ishaq(sic) Ibn Abu’l-Hasan Binyamin in the Arabic docu-ments of Mozarabic Toledo (1269, 1273, and 1294,the latter date by which he was already deceased).

He was arrendador (collector) of taxes for SanchoIV, who in June of 1287, following the advice of DonLope Dıaz, count of Haro, and of the infante Juan,placed Abraham in charge of all the taxes of the entirekingdom, including those of the Mesta. Like most Jew-ish officials, he was not a mere tax officer. For exam-ple, in August of 1287 he was with the king in Haroand signed (in Hebrew) a royal reprimand to the priorof a monastery, and later yet another to a monasteryof Segovia; the following year he signed a letter to thecathedral of Burgos, and to that of Zamora. In 1292,as a result of the peace treaty between Jaime II andSancho IV, Abraham and another Jew were mentionedas having been captured and held for ransom by Ara-gonese nobles, and Jaime II ordered their release.

From at least 1288 on he was in fact in charge ofthe royal chancellery, and thus it is no exaggerationthat for at least two years he “administered almost thetotality of the Castilian royal domain.” We last hearof him in 1294, as administrator of taxes together withTodros Abulafia.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Gaibrois de Ballesteros, M. Historia del reinado de SanchoIV de Castilla. 3 vols. Madrid, 1922–28. I (apendice):clxxxv–ix; III: nos. 172, 173, 185, 196, 202 and p. 112;I: pp. 161, 187, 188.

Leon Tello, P. Los judıos de Toledo. 2 vols. Madrid, 1979;docs. 841, 564, 572, 913, and vol. I: 89.

ABRAVANEL, ISAACIsaac Abravanel (1437–1508) was one of the most im-portant Jewish writers and statesmen of his age. Hisgrandfather Samuel was already prominent in the reignof Juan I, and was contador mayor of Enrique III andtreasurer of the queen. He converted to Christianity,however (long before the pogroms of 1491), beforeattaining these high posts, and took the name Juan San-chez de Sevilla. Eventually, he determined to return

9

to Judaism, and in order to accomplish this had to fleeto Portugal with some of his sons, while others re-mained as Christians in Castile. Isaac Abravanel thusgrew up in Portugal, where he eventually became awealthy merchant in Lisbon (together with his father),at least from 1463 on. Ultimately he became a confi-dant and financier of the Duke of Braganza (ca. 1480)and banker to the king of Portugal, Afonso V. Thedeath of that king brought a change in attitude towardthe Jews under his successor, and in 1483 Abravanelfled to Castile.

He was able to obtain a minor role as tax farmer,but in 1485 his position and influence increased greatlywhen he was placed in charge of all the taxes of Cardi-nal Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, prelate of Spain andcanciller mayor of the kingdom. Later, Abravanel be-came contador mayor of the powerful Inıgo Lopez deMendoza (it should be mentioned that the Mendozafamily, many of whom were themselves of conversoorigin, were always intimately involved with Jews).He was able to make substantial loans to the CatholicMonarchs, and on one occasion (1491) acted as finan-cial agent for the queen.

When the edict of expulsion of the Jews came in1492, Abravanel apparently used his influence to annulor at least delay it, but to no avail. He chose to beamong the minority of Jews who left the land, andlike all the other exiles, he was permitted to collectoutstanding debts and take with him money and per-sonal property.

From Spain he went to Italy, where he again at-tained important political prominence, and where hedid most of his writing. His son Judah (known as LeonHebreo) was the author of the famous Dialoghid’amore.

Never a rabbi, Abravanel was a deeply religiousperson, with a “fundamentalist” zeal for Jewish tradi-tion. He wrote various treatises, including importantcommentaries on the Bible, all in Hebrew. In these,and even more in what may be called his “theological”treatises, he displayed his opposition to Aristotelianand Muslim philosophy, more than to Maimonides,whom he greatly revered while still disagreeing cau-tiously with some of his views. Contrary to the teach-ings, rather, of the more rationalist followers of Mai-monides (Gerson and others), Abravanel believedliterally in creation ex nihilo, and in a literal under-standing of miracles. Though he showed himself ulti-mately opposed to any attempt to establish “fundamen-tal principles” of faith in the Bible, since all of it isdivine, these two ideas were bound up with his under-standing of God as omnipotent. Unlike Maimonides,he believed that man is the “final cause,” or purpose,of the Creation, and that man’s purpose is the contem-

ABRAVANEL, ISAAC

plation of God (perhaps under scholastic influence).Again unlike Maimonides, he was also a believer inastrology.

His political attitudes, while not systematicenough to be called (as they have been) a “politicalphilosophy,” are of interest.

Abravanel played an important role in the messi-anic expectations of the generation of the exiles, andhad a lasting influence on Jewish thought, and no lesson later Christian thinkers.

It is believed that the Panels of St. Vincent of thePortuguese artist Nuno Goncalves (ca. 1481) presentan actual portrait of Abravanel, one of only two knownportraits of a medieval Spanish Jew.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Netanyahu, B. Don Isaac Abravanel. Philadelphia, 1972.Kellner, M. Gersonides and his Cultural Despisers: Arama

and Abravanel. Charlottesville, Va. 1976.Gomes, P. A. Filosofia hebraico-portuguesa. Porto, 1981.

ABU ZAYD, GOVERNOR OF VALENCIAAbu Zayd �Abd al-Rah.man, sayyid (Ceit Aboceyt, tothe Christians), was the great grandson of the caliph�Abd al-Mu’min, the founder of the Almohad cali-phate. As walı or governor of the Sharq al-Andalus(eastern Islamic Spain) during the general collapse ofthe Almohad empire in the early thirteenth century, hefound himself effectively sovereign of the Valencianregions, or “king of Valencia” to the Christians, butchallenged by the rise of the anti-Almohad Ibn Hud.Allying first with Fernando III of Castile as “vassal”in 1225, in violation of the zones of reconquest agree-ments between Arago-Catalonia and Castile, and thenwith Jaıme I of Arago-Catalonia in 1226, he lost hiscapital and kingdom to a local revolt by Zayyan IbnMardanısh in 1229, falling back on the remnant Se-gorbe region. In desperation he had signaled the popehis willingness to convert and had conducted overtureswith the cardinal legate Jean d’Abbeville in 1228. Hehad previously executed the Franciscan missionary“Martyrs of Teruel” at Valencia. A series of treatieswith Jaime I in 1229, 1232, and 1236 progressivelysurrendered his income and sovereignty, until he be-came a puppet collaborator in the Christian conquestof the Valencian “kingdom.”

By 1236 he had converted, taking the name Vi-cente and the status of amply landed baron. He marriedthe Aragonese lady Marıa Ferrandic, not Zurita’sDominga Lopez of Zaragoza, who gave him a son,Ferran Perec (who died childless in 1262) and a daugh-ter Alda Ferrandic whose progeny became the Arenosnoble dynasty. The number of his previous Muslim

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sons and their conversions (perhaps four) is disputed,but Ibn Khaldun testifies to Jaime’s patronage of hisMuslim sons “on account of the conversion of theirfather.” Abu Zayd rarely used his baptismal name Vi-cente, and only late in life a noble surname, Belvis,keeping his attested conversion a secret for reasons ofstate from at least 1236 until 1264 when a bull of PopeUrban IV hailed the occasion. His latter years are iden-tified with the military order of Santiago, of which hewas a devout patron. Abu Zayd called himself Kingof Valencia in Latin documents until 1238, thoughJaime I also took that title from 1236. His eagle sealsurvives, along with sufficient documentation both inIslamic and Christian sources to follow the trajectoryof his full career. He died between 1264 and 1268; hisbody is entombed in the Franciscans’ Puritat conventat Valencia.

ROBERT I. BURNS, S. J.

Bibliography

Burns, R. I., S. J., “Daughter of Abu Zayd, Last AlmohadRuler of Valencia: The Family and Christian Seignioryof Alda Ferrandis 1236–1300.” Viator 24 (1993),143–87, with references to the Spanish works by M.T. Barcelo Torres, R. Chabas, M. de Epalza, A. Huici,and E. Molina Lopez.

ABULAFIA, MEIRMeir ben Todros ha-Levy Abulafia (ca. 1165–1244)was an important talmudic scholar and rabbi (thoughhardly “chief rabbi,” as sometimes claimed) of Castile,and a member of a distinguished family. His father,Todros ha-Nasi (“prince, leader”) was head of theBurgos Jewish community, and Meir’s brothers werealso distinguished scholars. Todros, the son of Meir’sbrother Joseph, was an important rabbi and cabalist ofToledo, and related to him was the renowned poetTodros ben Judah. Meir’s other brother, Samuel, pro-duced a long line of descendants that included Samuelha-Levy, the tesorero mayor of Pedro I. This familyflourished at least to the end of the fourteenth centuryin Toledo.

Abulafia was a student of the renowned Moses benNahman (Nahmanides), and by 1204 he was already amember of an important Jewish court (bet din) in To-ledo, together with Joseph Ibn Megash and Abrahamben Natan ha-Yarhi, two of the most important schol-ars of the age. We possess from his pen a number oflegal responsa, as well as commentaries on portionsof the Talmud. However, Abulafia is most famous (orinfamous) for his crucial role in the “Maimonideancontroversy.” Moses ben Maimon (Maimonides) hadexpressed certain ideas both in his legal code,MishnehTorah, and in his earlier commentary on the mishnah,

ABU-L-QASIM

which were concepts of Aristotelian rationalism andwere viewed by the young rabbi as extremely danger-ous to traditional Jewish views. He, as well as his col-league Abraham ha-Yarhi, correctly concluded thatMaimonides did not accept the traditional Abulafiaviews about resurrection, for example. According toMaimonides, this is entirely allegorical and to be ex-plained in accord with Aristotelian and Muslim philo-sophical interpretation. Abulafia penned a sharp cri-tique of Maimonides, which he sent to rabbinicalscholars in Provence. These scholars, however, sidedcompletely with the great Maimonides and sharply re-buked the “young upstart” of Castile who dared tochallenge his authority. He was similarly severely criti-cized by Sheshet Benvenist, lay leader of the Jewishcommunity of Barcelona. Undaunted, Abulafia wrotea series of letters farther north, to the rabbis of France.Completely unfamiliar as they were with philosophy,much less with Maimonides’ views (which they littleknew or understood), they took Abulafia’s side. Abu-lafia finally collected all this correspondence, which heissued with an Arabic introduction intended for Jewishreaders in Andalucıa. Although the controversy soondied down, it may well have resulted in the forged“Treatise on Resurrection” (Ma’amar tehiyat ha-metim) long attributed to Maimonides; as well, per-haps, as a treatise on this subject introduced into Abu-lafia’s commentary on Sanhedrin.

The Maimonidean controversy was to continue forcenturies, along different lines. Abulafia’s importancetoday remains his responsa and talmudic commentary.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Septimus, B. Hispano-Jewish Culture in Transition. Cam-bridge, Mass., 1982 (with numerous errors and omis-sions; cf. Norman Roth, review in American HistoricalReview 89 [1984], 420–21, which deals with only someof the problems).

Goldfeld, L. N. Moses Maimonides’ Treatise on Resurrec-tion: An Inquiry into its Authenticity. New York, 1986.

ABULAFIA, TODROSTodros b. Judah ha-Levi Abulafia (1247–1298?) wasa Hebrew poet who also served at the court of AlfonsoX. Born in Toledo to an illustrious family of apparentlymodest means, Abulafia was steeped in Arabic andRomance cultures as well as in Jewish tradition. Afterbeing drawn into the entourage of a royal officialnamed Solomon Ibn Sadoq, Todros traveled widely inSpain at the side of Ibn Sadoq’s son Isaac, singinghis patron’s praises and otherwise entertaining him.Abulafia was apparently among the dignitaries swept

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into prison in 1280–1281 during the second round ofroyal attacks upon Jewish economic and political influ-ence at Alfonso X’s court. During his incarcerationAbulafia’s literary tastes and cultural sensibilities seemto have undergone a radical transformation. The im-prisoned poet appears to make amends for his hedonis-tic lifestyle and licentious behavior by producing acycle of confessional poems in which he bemoans hisfate and renounces his previously profligate ways. Fol-lowing his release, Abulafia wandered in exile untilhe made his way to Barcelona, where he studied withthat city’s leading sages and devoted himself to devo-tional verse and the poetry of spiritual love. In 1289and for sometime thereafter, Abulafia served in thefinancial administration of Sancho IV and used his var-ious offices to pursue lucrative business ventures.

Abulafia’s poetry freely combines the prosodicforms, manneristic tendencies, and genres characteris-tic of Andalusian Hebrew poetry with themes, motifs,and voices drawn from contemporary Romance. Alarge part of Abulafia’s dıwan (poetic corpus) consistsof manneristic exercises and highly coventional poemsdesigned to flatter the rich and famous.

Todros’s love poetry, by contrast, cultivates thepersona of the dissolute poet in the tradition of AbuNuwas and Ibn Quzman; yet his poetry also shares thetrend toward a more personal and “realistic” poetryevident in thirteenth-century Romance lyrics.

Abulafia seems to have composed little liturgicalpoetry, but his secular verse—especially the lyricscomposed during and after his confinement—includesmany poems in which the poet speaks directly to Godabout matters of personal significance. Although Abu-lafia is frequently referred to as a gifted epigone of theAndalusian school of Hebrew poets, an image the poethimself may have sought to cultivate, his poetry shouldbe viewed as evidence of the vitality and innovativespirit of Hebrew poetry in Christian Spain.

ROSS BRANN

Bibliography

Doron, A. Todros Ha-Levi Abulafiah: A Hebrew Poet inChristian Spain (Hebrew). Tel Aviv, 1989.

Yellin, D. (ed.) Gan ha-meshalim we-ha-hidot. 3 vols. Jeru-salem, 1934–37.

ABULCASIS See ABU-L-QASIM

ABU-L-QASIMAbu-l-Qasim Khalaf ibn �Abbas al-Zahrq was well-known as Abulcasis in Latin translations (d. 1013).The nisba (nickname) al-Zahrq seems to refer to his

ABU-L-QASIM

birthplace Madınat al-Zahrq, the city-palace built by�Abd al-Rah.man III near Cordoba in 936 (a terminuspost quem for his birthdate). No details about his lifeare known. His only extant work is the al-Tarf li-man�ajiza �an al-taq-lif (How to Practice [Medicine] forThose Who Wish to Avoid the Use of [Other] Compila-tions), written, after fifty years of medical practice, forhis “sons” (probably his students). Divided into thirtybooks, it is the greatest medical encyclopedia everwritten in al-Andalus. Although he had a thoroughknowledge of both Greek and Eastern Arab medicalworks, the Tarf is often based on his own personalexperience. Books 1–2 and 28 were translated intoLatin via Hebrew and, the latter, dealing with pharma-cology, was well-known in Europe under the title Liberservitoris. Book 30, on surgery, was translated in thetwelfth century by Gerard of Cremona (Liber Alsah-ravi de cirurgia) and it established the reputation ofAbulcasis as the greatest surgeon of the Middle Ages.It contains useful descriptions and drawings of surgicalinstruments, among which we find a vaginal speculumand an obstetric forceps that anticipates that of Cham-berlen. We can read in the Tarf of one of the firstknown descriptions of hemophilia and leprosy, as wellas new techniques for suturing including the use ofcatgut, and formulas for different kinds of plaster cas-ings used to repair broken limbs.

JULIO SAMSO

Bibliography

Tabanelli, M. Albucasi: Un chirurgo arabo dell’Alto MedioEvo. Florence, 1961.

Hamarneh, S. Kh., and G. Sonnedecker A PharmaceuticalView of Abulcasis al-Zahrq. Leiden, 1963.

Spink, M. S., and G. L. Lewis. Abulcasis on Surgery andInstruments: A Definitive Edition of the Arabic Textwith English Translation and Commentary. Berkeley,Calif., 1973.

Vernet, J., and J. Samso (eds.) El legado cientıfico andalusı.Madrid, 1992. 134–135 (remarks by M. Castells), and274–86.

ACUNA, LUIS DEAcuna was one of the most prominent personalities ofecclesiastic life in Burgos during the latter half of thefifteenth century. He belonged to a well-known noblefamily, not only as the son of Juan Alvarez Osorio andMarıa Manuel, but also because of his family ties toArchbishop Alfonso Carrillo and to the marquis of Vil-lena. After the death of his wife, Aldonza de Guzman,he entered the clergy. He was the archdeacon of Val-puesta (Burgos) and bishop of Segovia, after whichhe acceded to the bishopric of Burgos in 1456. Heparticipated actively in various political happenings of

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the time: he helped organize Prince Alfonso’s revoltagainst Enrique IV and also supported Juana la Beltra-neja against the Catholic monarchs. Faced with QueenIsabel’s arrival to the city, Acuna abandoned the dio-cese until a reconcilation was achieved. His leadershipof the diocese was characterized by his active role inreligious matters, often with intentions of reform. Heattended the Council of Aranda in 1473 and the Synodof 1474.

Acuna was a notable patron of the arts during aperiod in which Burgos stood out as one of the mostactive hubs for accomplished artists such as Simon deColonia and Gil de Siloe. During his term as bishop,the pinnacles of the cathedral towers were completedand construction on the chapel of the Condestables deCastilla was started. Acuna himself funded what wouldlater be his funeral chapel, the Capilla de la Concep-cion, or Santa Ana, which he adorned with an excep-tional tableau of the Tree of Jesse, made of multico-lored wood by Gil de Siloe. Later, Acuna’s tomb(sculpted by Diego de Siloe) was added to the chapel.Upon his death in 1495, Acuna left a fascinating librarythat attests to his humanist spirit.

MARIA JESUS GOMEZ BARCENA

Bibliography

Lopez Martınez, N. “Don Luis de Acuna, el Cabildo deBurgos y la Reforma (1456–1495).” Burgense 2(1961), 185–317.

Serrano, L. Los Reyes Catolicos y la ciudad de Burgos(desde 1451 a 1492). Madrid, 1943.

ADELANTADOFirst documented in the eleventh century, the termseems to have referred to an officer in charge of afrontier zone who also had judicial powers. As a royaloffice, the adelantamiento mayor was institutionalizedno later than the reign of Alfonso X who, in royalcharters of privilege, listed an adelantado mayor ofthe frontier (1253) and others to the same office inLeon, Castile, and Murcia (1258; at this time chartersno longer list merinos mayores in Castile and Murcia).Early in 1261, contemporaneous with the war againstNiebla, the adelantamiento of Andalusia was formedfrom the merger of Murcia and the frontier. Two yearslater Alfonso appointed an adelantado mayor in Gali-cia. Later (1268–1272), in circumstances most likelyrelated to reaction against Alfonsine legislation, theadelantados mayores in Leon, Castile, and Galiciaceased to be listed; the merger in the south was dis-solved; and only the adelantamiento mayor of Murciaand the newly created adelantamiento (mayor is notmentioned) in Alava and Guipuzcoa continued to ap-

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, ARAGON-CATALONIA

pear during the final, troubled years of Alfonso’s reign.Succeeding kings reestablished the lost adelanta-mientos, all of which continued to exist (some sporadi-cally) through the rest of the Middle Ages. The Alfon-sine Especulo describes two types of adelantadomayor: the one whose jurisdiction covered a major ter-ritory, and the one serving as chief justice of the royaltribunal, who judged certain types of cases and heardappeals from the decisions made in all inferior courts.Each adelantado was a lay ricohombre whose author-ity derived directly and exclusively from his royal ap-pointment and whose powers, aside from specifiedlimitations, were equivalent to those of the king.

The adelantado mayor of a kingdom or tierra ad-ministered justice conducive to the maintenance of lawand order, at times exercising military and economic,especially financial, authority, and enjoying supremejudicial powers. The administration of justice espe-cially gave rise to conflict with other authorities, nota-bly with constituencies under foral law, until lines ofjurisdiction became more finely drawn. Lords alsonamed adelantados, analogous in function to those ap-pointed by the king, in their respective spheres; a well-known ecclesiastical example is the adelantado named(1332) by the archbishop of Toledo to his fief of Ca-zorla (Jaen). Fernando and Isabel replaced the adelan-tados mayores of Castile, Leon, Andalusia, Murcia,and Granada with alcaldes mayores.

ROBERT A. MACDONALD

Bibliography

Cerda Ruiz-Funes, J. Estudios sobre instituciones jurıdicasmedievales de Murcia y su reino. Murcia, 1987.

Garcıa Marın, J. M. El oficio publico en Castilla durante laBaja Edad Media. Sevilla, 1974.

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, ARAGON-CATALONIAAs one of most deeply acculturated sections of theRoman Empire, Spain retained the imprint of imperialgovernment long after it was conquered by the Visi-goths in the fifth century. To maintain control overthe ruined Iberian political landscape, Visigothic kingsadapted Roman political norms to their own rule.Though Toledo emerged as the core of the Visigothickingdom, the administration that ruled Spain was lessterritorial than it was personal. With the influence ofthe Church through its councils, the Visigothic mon-arch seems in some ways only a first among equals.The center of this rule was the royal court (aula regia),comprised of the personal servants as well as the cleri-cal and lay retainers of the king. The evolving natureof the Visigothic court and the administration that ema-

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nated from it often transformed such servants into offi-cials, and officials into servants. While the realm re-tained the bare outlines of the Roman provincialsystem, civil government of the periphery was en-trusted to nobles who, bearing the titles of duke (dux)or count (comes), stood as guarantors of public peaceand justice in their districts. Since their jurisdictionswere far too large for one man to rule, these localgovernors delegated authority to a number of vicars(vicarii, veguers), who carried out much the same du-ties as their ducal or comital superiors but on a morelocal level. This loose mesh of regional and local gov-ernment established an administrative blueprint fol-lowed with few emendations in all realms of ChristianSpain until the twelfth century.

Despite its weaknesses, the Visigothic govern-ment was a centralized state in comparison with thetenuous political existence of the Christian realms ofthe Iberian Peninsula that came into being after theMuslim conquest in the eighth century. Along a raggedand ever-fluctuating frontier with Islam, Christian rul-ers were forced to think of military defense more thanpolitical dominance. As a result, landscapes as variedas Catalonia and Leon came to be covered with castlesbuilt by sovereigns and other great lords (seniores) andgarrisoned by their vassals (homines, milites, fideles).In this regime of feudal relations royal power—andwith it, royal administration—withered. The same for-tresses, which stood as bulwarks against Islamic inva-sion, also blocked the full operation of royal govern-ment. Thus, judicial and fiscal functions once carriedout by royal agents were now routinely, though inter-mittently, exercised by great lords (principes) andchurchmen. With the disappearance of public struc-tures of administration and adjudication, the Churchfashioned such institutions as the peace and truce ofGod (pax et treuga Dei) to serve the public functionsof the king and his officials. The pax et treuga formallycame to Catalonia by 1027 and came to be utilized bycivil ruler from 1064.

With the rebirth of central power in the eleventhcentury, the old Visigothic model of administrationwas adapted to the realities of the feudal world. Withthe reigns of Sancho III the Great, king of Navarre(1000–1035), and Ramon Berenguer I, count of Barce-lona (1035–1076), the royal court (curia regis) andthe comital court (curia comitis) reemerged as the cen-ter of an administration that grew more powerful, asdid the office of sovereign itself. At the center of thecuria was a corps of palatine servants that includedthe steward (majordomo), seneschal (senescalus),chamberlain (cubicularii), constable (comes stabuli),standard-bearer (armiger, alferez), butler (botellerius,repostero), treasurer (thesaurarius), cupbearer (scanti-


arius), carver (taliator), and schoolmaster (caputschole, doctor). Besides these servitors, a number ofcurial officials carried out regnal administration. Themost important of these were the scribes (scriptores,notarii) and the judge of the palace (judex palatii).Owing to the decentralized nature of eastern Spain,territorial administration had to be shared with greatlords in Aragon and counts in Catalonia who main-tained their own courts and were served by their ownofficials. While eleventh- and twelfth-century sover-eigns used such palatine officials as the seneschal andsteward to administer their realms, they also dependedon such agents as the merino and sayon in Aragon andthe vicar in Catalonia to judge local suits, carry outjudicial verdicts, collect taxes, and summon the royalhost. In addition to such salaried royal officials, Cata-lan and Aragonese clergy were used as judges, over-seers, and administrators. With the growth of towns ineastern Spain, the same hybrid clerical and lay admin-istration shared power within urban limits with emerg-ing municipal councils (universitates).

With the marriage of Ramon Berenguer IV to Pet-ronella in 1137, the realms of Catalonia and Aragonwere linked under the same ruler. Such an event couldnot help but complicate the administration of twostates. With two different peoples to serve and threedifferent languages to deal with—Latin, Aragonese,and Catalan—the chancery was divided into two de-partments, one serving the government of Aragon andthe other the government of Catalonia. Though somecalligraphical differences remained between the docu-ments that emanated from the two divisions, thesebegan to fade in the thirteenth century as the Catalanstyle attained dominance when the notarial organiza-tion came under the supervision of a single head, thechancellor (cancillarius, canciller). The birth of theCrown of Aragon (Corona de Aragon)—as the newfederated state came to be called—was accompaniedby other administrative changes, most especially in thetraining and status of the men entering royal service.Far from being drawn only from the region’s monaster-ies and cathedral canons, royal administration from thetwelfth century onward also began to attract laymen.Many of this new class of officials had received train-ing in the two laws, Roman and canon, in such univers-ities as Bologna and Montpellier. With this backgroundin mind, it is not unusual that the officialdom of RamonBerenguer IV and his son Alfonso II (1162–1196) be-came proponents of a regalist philosophy that soughtto extend the crown’s power at the expense of feudalprivilege. One of the great curials of this era was Ren-allus, a poet, historian, and theologian who served as

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the head of the Catalan-Aragonese chancery in themid-twelfth century. Significant juridical outgrowthsof the activist administrative philosophy in easternSpanish administration were the Catalan legal compi-lations of the last half of the twelfth century, theUsatges de Barchinona and Liber Feudorum Maior.

With the long and eventful reign of Jaime I(1213–1276), the old forms of Aragonese and Catalanadministration were tested, and this largely redefinedthe pretension of expanded royal power. Older classesof officials, such as the Catalan vicar, still held swayin their traditional jurisdictional units, but as Jaime Iexpanded political control over his older realms andconquered new ones, he increasingly used old bureau-crats in novel ways. The vicar was thus given an ex-panded role in carrying out the statutes of the peaceand truce, a legal norm that Jaime I and his predeces-sors used as the base for all legitimate royal legislation.Unlike the vicars of the twelfth century, those ofthe thirteenth often worked in partnership with“peacekeepers” (paciarii) from the town councils whoacted as guarantors of public tranquillity as well asmunicipal rulers. Locked in a life-and-death strugglewith his baronies, the sovereign increasingly found theold functionaries ineffective in extending his powerover the great men. To counter baronial interferencein Aragon, the king established such new officers asthe sobrejuntero and justicia. The first began as liaisonwith the defensive leagues (juntas) of the Aragonesetowns but eventually became a governor of a districtcentered on one of the realm’s largest towns. The sec-ond began as an urban judge but also attained a broaderofficial mandate.

Jaime I took an even bolder step in administrativereshuffling by asserting more personal control over thebureaucracies of his realms. With the great conquestsof Mallorca and Valencia (1229–1244), the Conquerorwas away from his realms for long periods and increas-ingly relied on his son Pedro and the other crownprinces as lieutenants (locum tenentes) who repre-sented the crown in all official matters. Jaime I arguedthat he and his sons in their representative capacitywere “one conjoint [royal] person.” In addition to this“family government,” Jaime I promoted bureaucraticloyalty by rewarding talent even when displayed bymen of other faiths. The most important of these, theJewish brothers Jehuda and Solomon de Cavallerıa,served as bailiff (baiulus, batlle) for much of JaimeI’s later life. Under their tenure, the office became thecenterpiece of a much more efficient management ofroyal lands and local revenues. This utilization of Jew-ish servitors avoided royal dependence on Christiannobles for administration and thus brought firm baro-


nial opposition. This dissent among the eastern Span-ish baronies was deepened when Jaime I eschewed theuse of nobles in most royal offices in favor of suchprofessional advocates and jurists as Pere Albert inCatalonia and Vidal de Canyellas in Aragon, who lefttheir Romanist mark on the important legislation ofboth realms.

To the nobilities of Aragon and Catalonia, JaimeI’s administrative adaptations were dangerous “inno-vations” that had to be rolled back at all costs. In Cata-lonia, Roman law and lawyers learned in it were out-lawed from court use on several occasions. In Aragon,the baronial revolt of the Union (1265–1266) not onlyattacked the governmental changes that the king hadput in place but attempted to co-opt them with theestablishment of the justicia mayor—a “middle judge”who theoretically was to stand as an impartial mediatorand justice between the crown and the Aragonese peo-ple. In time, this official was used by the Union tohamstring the expansion of royal government. Duringthe reign of Jaime I’s immediate predecessors downto that of his great-great-grandson Pedro IV(1336–1387), the Union increased its power at the ex-pense of the crown by the establishment of a baronialcouncil that oversaw royal domestic and foreign poli-cies, using the Aragonese parliament (Cortes) to legi-timize these private actions as national law. Even afterthe Union’s demise in 1348, an expanded governmen-tal role for the parliaments of both realms remainedwith the establishment of permanent agencies—theGeneralitat in Catalonia and the Diputacion in Ara-gon—that aided the sovereign in such matters as taxa-tion and emergency military funding.

The trends of royal administration were altered inthe sixty years after Jaime I by these waves of baronialunrest that attempted to redraw the official lines be-tween ruler and ruled in a way reminiscent of the tenthand eleventh centuries. Nowhere was the Union’sanachronistic view of royal power better expressedthan in the spurious Fuero de Sobrarbe, which at-tempted to hem in not only the king but the royal ad-ministration with an impenetrable hedge of custom.With the reign of Jaime II (1291–1337), the crownbegan to reclaim power lost to the rebellious baroniesof Aragon and Catalonia. Spending his youth as thesovereign of Sicily, Jaime II brought a more central-ized view of administration to the Crown of Aragon.The supreme post in Jaime II’s government, which hadits roots in twelfth-century Sicily, was themaestre rac-ional. This servitor, initially an overseer of palace ac-counts, emerged as the most important member in theeastern Spanish government, subsuming a number ofthe functions of the Aragonese steward and Catalan

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bailiff in the process. Despite such bureaucratic impor-tations, Jaime I did not destroy the offices of his prede-cessors but assigned to them a more restricted agenda.In one case, however, the king experimented with theolder offices, creating an “overvicar” (supravicarius,sobreveguer) to oversee blocks of Catalan vicarates.In regard to the chancery, Jaime II and his successorscontinued its development as a professional entity. Achancellor oversaw the operation and was assisted bya vice chancellor. The royal seals were maintained bythe protonotario while the everyday functioning of thechancery came under the authority of a “manager” (re-gente) who was also responsible for document produc-tion and sealing as well as their reproduction in regis-ters. All of the realms of the Crown of Aragon hadsimilar chancery offices headed by a vice chancellor.

The most far-reaching trend that Jaime II contin-ued was the use of his sons as procurators or lieutenantsin his Iberian realms even when he was present inthem. This office, which had originally been a tempo-rary one, now became permanent, eventually overrid-ing the bureaucratic dominance of the maestre racional.The office of procurator, which came to be called gov-ernor general (gubernator general) by the late four-teenth century, eventually came to be called viceroy(virei) in the fifteenth century. Though royal princes(infantes) initially held such lieutenancies, other fam-ily members, including queens, occasionally served insuch posts. This power delegation was absolutely nec-essary during the reigns of such sovereigns as AlfonsoV (1416–1458) who spent most of his life away fromhis Iberian realms in search of new Italian ones, rou-tinely leaving Catalonia under the rule of his queenand lieutenant Marıa of Castile. In the viceregal officeof the crown of Aragon, then, we see one of the strandsthat would culminate in the sixteenth century with theoffice of viceroy. With the emergence of Spain as greatinternational power, the viceroy would take his placeat the head of an administration that would link placesas distant as Sicily, the Netherlands, Mexico, and Peruto Madrid and its royal master. For eastern Spain, how-ever, such power delegation had ominous overtones.It pointed forward to an era after 1516 when Aragonand Catalonia were not ruled by a native dynasty butinstead received their government from Madrid. In themarriage to Castile, then, the old administrative waysof Catalonia were undermined and then discarded,eventually to be replaced with such foreign govern-mental norms as Felipe V’s Decreto de Nueva Planta(1716). Catalonia would not regain even a measure ofadministrative autonomy until 1931 with the CatalanStatute. With Francisco Franco’s victory in 1939, thisshort-lived freedom abruptly ceased, not to return until


the 1970s when Catalan home rule become one of thecornerstones of the new Spanish Republic.

DONALD KAGAY

Bibliography

Bisson, Thomas N. The Medieval Crown of Aragon. Oxford,1986.

Hillgarth, J. N. The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516. 2 vols.Oxford, 1976, I.

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, CASTILEThe central administration of Castile-Leon was basedon the Visigothic court, which in turn was modeled onthe Roman imperial court. A body of officials (officiumpalatinum) attended the Visigothic king on a dailybasis. Several counts were responsible for the adminis-tration of the patrimony and the treasury, and the super-vision of notaries, chamberlains, and the royal guard.Magnates (seniores or maiores palatii) specially com-mended to the king’s service, together with bishopsand territorial officials constituted a council (aularegia) assisting the king in executing his duties.

Emphasizing the continuity between the Visi-gothic and Asturian monarchies, Alfonso II (791–842)tried to restore in Oviedo the Visigothic order as it hadonce functioned at Toledo. Visigothic terms for theroyal council reappeared. The chief officials were thestandard-bearer (armiger), themaiordomus or superin-tendent of the household, the notary, treasurer, andchamberlains. The king occasionally gathered bishops,magnates, and palace officials in an extraordinary con-cilium, such as the council of Leon held by AlfonsoV in 1017 to restore the kingdom after the destructionwrought by al-Mans.ur. In twelfth-century Castile andLeon the term curıa regis came into use to designatethe royal court or council, whether meeting in ordinaryor extraordinary sessions. The duties of the standard-bearer, now called alferez, the mayordomo, and lesserofficials remained essentially the same. Supervision ofthe royal writing office was assigned to the chancellor,ordinarily a cleric. The council advised the king inmatters of legislation, justice, finance, diplomacy, andwar. The king often stated that he acted “with the coun-sel of the chief men of my curia.” The great men ofthe realm participated in extraordinary sessions (curiaplena, curia generalis, curia solemnis), as on the occa-sion of Alfonso VII’s coronation as emperor of Spainat Leon in 1135. The curia of Leon held in 1188 byAlfonso IX was significant because he summoned toparticipate not only prelates and nobles but also the“elected citizens of each city.” That event heralded thefuture development of the cortes.

By the thirteenth century the business of govern-ment had become so complex that the responsibilities

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of those daily attending the king were differentiatedand administrative departments emerged. Legists (le-trados) trained in Roman and canon law gave a profes-sional cast to the court. Still there was no administra-tive capital, as the court continued to travel with theking. Alfonso X described the organization of the court(corte, casa del rey) in the Siete Partidas. The council(consejo del rey) was composed of clerics and laymensworn to give good and loyal advice, to guard theking’s secrets, and to obey his commands. The alferez,a noble of high rank, carried the king’s standard andserved as his advocate in matters of justice. Next inrank was the mayordomo mayor, a noble charged withoversight of the household and especially of financialaccounts. The almojarife (usually a Jew) was responsi-ble for collecting revenues and paying stipends to thenobility and to others. The admiral (almirante de lamar) was the commander of the fleet.

The chancery, composed mainly of clerics, han-dled much of the secretarial work, but the title of chan-cellor was now an honorific one shared by the arch-bishops of Toledo (for Castile) and Compostela (forLeon). The chief notaries (notarios mayores) of Cas-tile, Leon, and Andalucıa directed the scribes to draftdocuments, checked their form and content, orderedcopies inscribed in registers, and seals of wax or leadto be affixed to the originals. Royal documents, rang-ing from the most solemn privilegio rodado to a simplemandate, now became more stereotyped.

An army of domestic servants, including chaplainsand physicians, also accompanied the king. The cham-berlain (camarero mayor) had custody of the bedcham-ber and the king’s personal effects; the butler (repos-tero mayor) was in charge of service at table; the stew-ard (despensero mayor) purchased food supplies andother necessities; the lodging master (posadero mayor)arranged suitable housing for the king and the court.The portero mayor directed heralds or ushers, whoadmitted visitors to the king’s presence and served asmessengers. The bodyguard (caballero de la mesnadadel rey) completed the royal entourage.

This structure remained more or less intact untilthe Trastamaran era in the late fourteenth and fifteenthcenturies. Then the main innovation was the clear sepa-ration of the royal household (casa real), whose re-sponsibilities were essentially domestic, from the royalcouncil (consejo real), the chancery, and the judicialtribunal. Every aspect of administration came withinthe purview of the council, which now became theprincipal organ of government. In response to the peti-tions of the cortes Juan I in 1385 created a councilincluding four persons representing each of the threeestates. The towns hoped that this would give them apermanent voice in the council, but the king quickly

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, LEON

replaced the municipal representatives with four legistswho could be counted on to uphold royal authority.Thereafter membership constantly fluctuated. Perceiv-ing that control of the council would ultimately meangreater power over all the instruments of government,the nobility strove to secure places in that body so thatthey could dominate it.

Fernando and Isabel transformed the council froma battleground of conflicting nobiliary factions into aninstrument of the royal will, reorganizing it in 1480.The council now consisted of a prelate, three knights,and eight or nine legists. The royal secretary servedas the intermediary between the ruler and the counciland began to assume something of the character of aprime minister. As required, other specialized councilswere created for the administration of the Military Or-ders (Consejo de las Ordenes, established in 1495),the Inquisition (Consejo de la Suprema y General In-quisicion, 1483), and the Hermandad (Consejo de laSanta Hermandad), dissolved in 1498 after order hadbeen restored to the kingdom. This medieval legacyunderwent subsequent evolution and alteration as theneeds of the modern era demanded.

JOSEPH F. O’CALLAGHAN

Bibliography

Garcıa de Valdeavellano, L.Curso de historia de las instituc-iones espanolas: De los orıgenes al final de la EdadMedia. Madrid, 1968.

O’Callaghan, J. F.AHistory of Medieval Spain. Ithaca, N.Y.,1975.

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, LEONFrom the repopulation of the city of Leon by OrdonoI (850–866) to the incorporation of the kingdom ofLeon into that of Castile on the death of Alfonso IX(1188–1230), the chief constant of its administrationwas the king in his curia. Throughout those four centu-ries kingship remained a peripatetic institution thatbrought its government to the various corners of therealm by visiting them periodically and personally. Itscentral method of operation was to bring the charismaof the crown to bear on political, religious, and judicialproblems where they originated. Though the city ofLeon itself always remained the civitas regia it wasprimarily a cult center in which the court took up resi-dence for the celebration of the greatest feasts of theChristian and royal year, such as Christmas and Easter.It was in no sense a permanent administrative center.

The king never functioned simply by himself, butalways with and in his curia, which was at once theessential advisory body and the executive instrumentof the crown. Though no one individual or officer was

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indispensable to the makeup of the curia except for theking himself, its constituent parts were fairly stable.First and foremost among them was the royal dynasty.That is, the prime advisers of the king were the otherliving adult members of the royal house, from queenmother, uncles, and aunts to sisters and younger broth-ers, the infantes or the generation to come, present inthe court.

Second to the dynasts of the curia were the greatchurchmen of the realm. Usually that meant the bishopof Leon above all, closely followed by the bishops ofAstorga and Zamora, who traveled with the court forlong periods of the year. The bishops of Galicia, espe-cially of Santiago de Compostela, became curial fig-ures when the court was actually in Galicia itself butthe very geography of the kingdom usually relegatedthem to minor participation. During the great periodof union with Castile between 1037 and 1157, the bish-ops of Palencia, Burgos, and Toledo rivaled in impor-tance even those of Leon proper. As the Reconquestof the twelfth and thirteenth centuries progressed, thebishops of Salamanca became curial figures, too.

The third constant element was composed ofmembers of the great magnate families of the realm.These had not the institutional regularity or perma-nence of the episcopacy, and their identity at any giventime is harder to specify. Nevertheless, some membersof some such families were always present at court,though their composition would change from monthto month. Ordinarily, those of the district throughwhich the court was then progressing were most heav-ily represented.

A delicate and dynamic mix of the influence andadvice of members of all three of these powerfulgroups lay behind every royal decision whether thatlatter had to do with matters dynastic, military, legisla-tive, administrative, or judicial. Distinct organs to treatthese areas had not evolved, and the curia dealt withall of them. In that work it was assisted by a numberof officers of the crown who began to appear, as such,in the eleventh century although the functions them-selves had doubtless existed earlier. We are not suffi-ciently informed as to the day-to-day functioning of thecuria to determine in what measure they were actuallyregarded as members of it or simply as important royalservants. Probably such a distinction was not regularlymade, for institutional categories were largely foreignto the age.

These offices were three. One was the mayordo-mus, responsible for the order and supply of the courton its travels and of its principal residences. A secondwas the armiger, or alferez, who was the commanderof the royal bodyguard, the nucleus of the army, andthe bearer of the royal standard in battle. The third was

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, LEON

the royal notary, called chancellor from the reign ofAlfonso VII (1126–1157). The first two offices wereheld by nobles drawn from one or another of the greatmagnate families of the realm ordinarily and the rela-tive frequency of the latters’ appearances in them is agood gauge of their contemporary influence at courtand in the kingdom. Since the third required literacy,it was held by ecclesiastics. From the reign of FernandoII (1157–1188) the chancellorship was titularly held bythe archbishop of Santiago de Compostela but usuallyexercised through a delegate.

None of these offices were held for a fixed term,and there is no good evidence of a hierarchical staffto support them, except in the case of the chancellor,though all doubtless had assistants of some sort. In thecase of the notary or chancellor we can see already inthe reign of Alfonso VI (1065–1109) a function vestedin a group of four or five clerics arranged in a roughhierarchy, some being known simply as scriptor, oth-ers notarius, and finally as chief officer or cancella-rius. Also from the time of Alfonso VI there seemedto be a rough sort of cursus honorem that operated inrelation to all three offices. Some clerics, at any rate,appear to have moved from scriptor, to notarius, andeven to cancellarius, and then go on to appointment toan episcopal office. In the lay offices, some male chil-dren of the nobility seem to have been raised at court,as adults are entrusted first with the office of alferez,move on to become mayordomus, and subsequentlyappear as count in an area where their father or anuncle had preceded them.

At least from the time of Alfonso V (999–1028),the ordinary curia was purposely swollen from time totime for functions of special importance. These “gen-eral curias” to which people were especially sum-moned and to which contemporaries referred by a vari-ety of terms, decided questions of royal succession,war, peace, and church reform. One such, summonedto Leon in April of 1188 by Alfonso IX to ratify hisown succession, is the first known to have includedrepresentatives selected by some of the towns of therealm. Therefore, it is ordinarily thought of by modernhistorians as the first cortes—the first parliament inIberia as well as in the medieval west. Burghers areknown also to have been summoned to other, latercurias of Alfonso IX but it would be too much to saythat their attendance had already become customary.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Garcıa de Valdeavellano, L.Curso de historia de las instituc-iones Espanolas: De los orıgenes al final de la EdadMedia. Madrid, 1968.

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MMM. Historia de Espana. Vol. 2, pt. 2., 2d ed. Madrid,1955.

Procter, E. S. Curia and Cortes in Leon and Castile,1072–1295. New York, 1980.

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, NAVARREIt is only at the end of the medieval era that a realadministration came about in the kingdom of Navarre.During the epochs of Sancho the Great (1005–l035),of the kings of “Aragon and Pamplona” (eleventh andtwelfth centuries), and then of the last sovereigns of thenative dynasty (the thirteenth century), one chancelloralone seemed sufficient to the whole of affairs, at theside of the king, head of his troops and master of hiscastles. As the kingdom became a real state such asthe great neighboring kingdoms, Navarre asked for anadministration and a specialized staff. The kings of theFrench dynasties have seen, in these appointments andthis management, an element of their sovereignty; thepolitical and economical necessities required it. Theexamination of this administration is therefore the mostfruitful in the last centuries of the Middle Ages. Theking had a palace and a court, from where everythingwas issued and everything ended up. The king of Na-varre, like his contemporaries, only acted with the ad-vice of a council. Within its ranks appeared the princesof the family and all those that the king wanted tosummon according to his own will. On several occa-sions, as the kings of Navarre lived in France as muchas in their kingdom, a governor replaced the king. Inthe thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the governorswere French noblemen, treating Navarre as a bailiwickof the Capetian lands. But Charles II (l349–l387), de-finitively and truly setting down his kingdom, nolonger appointed governors. His brother Louis, thenhis son Charles and also queen Jeanne, periodicallyreplaced him, each bearing the title “king’s lieutenant”(this was especially true of Louis, until 1361).

Beside this high officer, the members of the coun-cil were the Navarrese noblemen or the sovereign’spersonal secretaries whose social backgrounds werevarious. The chancellor of Navarre played one of thefirst parts, but he was not always appointed and couldbe replaced by the keeper of the seals or even by acollege of solicitors and alcaldes—the judges of thecourt—who often took charge of the administration.But under Charles III (l387–l425), the chancellorFrances de Villaespesa was one of the greatest actorsin the life of the kingdom. The chancellery’s seal andthe king’s seal alternated in diplomatic acts, accordingto their object and according to their author.

Lastly, at the king’s side, the palace sometimesgrouped together several hundred people. To managethis king’s house, this king’s hotel, “masters” and

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, PORTUGAL

chambriers had officers, servants, equerries, andclerks, who were gathered in the departments of thestable, kitchen, fruiterie, echansonnerie, pound, pane-terie, and chapel. Each department had its budget, eachofficer his wages.

The supplying of the court lay on the managementof the province as the efficiency of the royal govern-ment. Since the thirteenth century the kingdom of Na-varre was divided into merindades of the mountains,Estella, Sanguesa, the Ribera, and the Chatellenie ofSaint-Jean for northern Navarre. Each county town ofa merindad had its bayle, sitting in Pamplona, Estella,Sanguesa, Tudela, and Saint-Jean-Pied-de-Port. Divi-sions according the valleys, walled towns, and en-claves still separated these merindades. Then, in thefifteenth century, the merindad of Olite was created.The merinos were the king’s representatives, judges,and administrators, especially in charge of the castles(which had alcaytes filled by the king) and the raisingof the troops; they were generally French noblemen,or Navarrese in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,often simultaneously holding duties in the court andin the council. At their side, a collector and a judgewere indispensable experts.

Another way of controlling the province was tomake it take part in the central government. Followingthe usual custom of occidental kingdoms, the king ofNavarre convened representative meetings, the veryIberian cortes. Members of the clergy, nobility, andthe delegates of the “good towns” therefore sat on theroyal request, in order to grant fiscal aid and to supportthe great acts of politics (the raising of an army, thelegal recognition of an heir to the throne). But the man-agement of the merinos and of their tax collectors hadto be controlled by investigators—reformers createdby the French kings in imitation of the Capetian’s in-vestigators, who supervised the whole of judicial andfiscal life, and provincial as well as treasury officers.

Everything indeed ended up in a treasury. Thegeneral treasurer of the kingdom, a cleric or Frenchor Navarrian bourgeois, supervised all the provincialcollectors, domestic officers, and the military or mis-cellaneous expenses of the life of the state. Besidesthis very great official, a chamber of accounts wascreated in l365. This was a special court that dissectedall financial initiatives and expenses with clerks, solici-tors, and auditors, most of the time Navarrese bour-geois. Finally, a court tribunal, entrusted to four al-caldes and four solicitors, a lawyer, an inland revenueprosecutor, and a crown prosecutor, represented abreeding ground of councillors and high-ranking offi-cers and played both political and juridical roles. Thestaff of these administration charges, with its solidar-ity, its careers, its remunerations, its efficiency, and

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also its abuse and faults, reflected the whole politicallife of the kings of Navarre.

BEATRICE LEROY

Bibliography

Leroy, B. “Autour de Charles le Mauvais, groupes et person-alites.” La Revue Historique 273, no. 1 (1985), 3–17.

Ostoloza Elizondo, M. I. “La administracion del reino deNavarra durante el reinado de Carlos II.” VI Centenariode Carlos II de Navarra; Prıncipe de Viana 48, no. 182(1987), 621–36.

Zabalo Zabalegui, J. La administracion del reino de Navarraen el Siglo XIV. Pamplona, 1973.

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, PORTUGALThe central administration of the kingdom of Portugalwas initially patterned on that of the neighboring king-dom of Leon-Castile, from which Portugal separatedin the twelfth century. The curia regis consisted ofprelates and nobles who counseled the king on majoraffairs and a body of functionaries who accompaniedthe king on his travels. The royal court at that timehad no fixed residence, nor were the responsibilitiesof royal officials clearly differentiated. The principalofficials were the signifer (later called alferes-mor), ahigh-ranking noble who bore the royal standard andcommanded the king’s armies. Next in rank was themaiordomus curie or mordomo mor da corte who su-pervised the affairs of the royal household and the pub-lic administration. Under Sancho II (1223–1248) themordomo was known as the maiorinus maior (meiri-nho mor) of Portugal, but Afonso III (1248–1279) re-stored the older title. Assisting the maiordomus wasthe dapifer curie, but this office soon disappeared. Anotarius or notary originally acted as a royal secretary,but Afonso I (1128–1185) established the office ofchancellor. The cancellarius or chanceler was a clericwhose task was to draft and publish charters and diplo-mas and to guard the royal seal used to authenticatethem, notaries and scribes assisted him. From the timeof Afonso II (1211–1223) royal documents wererecorded in registers for future reference. The officeof superiudex (sobrejuiz) or superior judge was createdby Sancho II to adjudicate litigation brought before theking.

From the time of Afonso III the central administra-tion became more complex and required greater orga-nization and differentiation of functions. WhereasCoimbra had been a favorite residence of his predeces-sors, Afonso III opted in favor of Lisbon, which wasmore centrally located. There the royal archives weredeposited, but the chancellor and much of the rest ofthe court continued to accompany the king as he trav-

ADMINISTRATION, CENTRAL, PORTUGAL

eled extensively about his realm. In 1258, Afonso IIIpublished a Regimento da Casa Real that describedthe duties of palatine officials. Besides the mordomomor, the alteres mor, the chancellor, and the sobrejuizthere were numerous other officials whose functionswere often of a private nature. They included the re-posteiro mor or butler, the porteiro mor or chief usherand messenger, the chaplain, the royal physicians, andother subordinates. A royal council (conselho d’el-rei)composed of the mordomo mor, alferes mor, the chan-cellor, the sobrejuiz, and other counselors chosen bythe king assumed a more permanent character and wasconsulted regularly by the king on matters of greatimportance.

After the conclusion of the Reconquest the chan-cellor assumed the dominant role in the court, supervis-ing an ever-growing bureaucracy of clerks, notaries,scribes, and other professionals or legists educated inthe universities in civil and canon law. The functionsof diverse groups of officials now became more spe-cialized. In the reign of Pedro I (1357–1367) the chan-cellor was gradually supplanted as the most influentialperson in the royal court by the escrivao da puridade,the king’s private secretary, who used the king’s per-sonal seal (anel de camafeu) to handle business muchmore expeditiously than the cumbersome machineryof the chancery. Also playing a role of the utmost im-portance were the livradores de desembargos or deliv-erers of dispatches. These legists received petitions andrequests for royal action; after reviewing them and de-termining how these matters should be handled, theypresented their recommendations to the chancellor orto the king.

During this time as the administration of justicebecame more complex, requiring highly specializedknowledge, the royal tribunal was separated from otherelements of the central administration. The sobrejuizesof earlier times were replaced by ouvidores or auditors,men usually trained in Roman and canon law, whoconstituted a tribunal or audiencia to adjudicate suitsin the king’s name. Under Afonso IV (1325–1357)one group of auditors sat in a fixed place while anotheraccompanied the king. This eventually gave way tothe establishment of two principal royal courts. TheCasa do Cıvel, settled first in Santarem and then inLisbon by Joao I (1385–1433), was constituted by so-brejuizes and two ouvidores do crime to hear both civiland criminal cases. The two ouvidores do civil and twoouvidores do crime who formed the Casa da Justicada Corte traveling with the king also dealt with civiland criminal matters. A third group of judges, the ve-edores da fazenda, handled litigation concerning theking’s revenues and financial administration. The cor-

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regedor da corte, exercising police functions, main-tained order in the court.

Recognizing the importance of the royal councilin the initiation and development of royal policy, themunicipal procurators in the courts of 1385 hoped tosecure permanent representation in the council alongwith prelates, nobles, and legists. In the fifteenth cen-tury the council consisted of twenty-seven members,divided into three groups each consisting of six coun-cillors, a prelate, a noble, and a townsman, chosenevery three years; each group would serve for fourmonths. While service in this body was largely honor-ific, the chancellor, the escrivao da puridade, anotherroyal secretary (secretario d’el-rei), two corregedoresda corte, and the meirinho mor overseeing the adminis-tration of justice in noble estates constituted a smallcouncil that met regularly to advise the king.


Bibliography

Gama Barros, H. da. Historia da administracao publica emPortugal nos seculos XII a XV. 11 vols., 2d ed. Lisbon,1945–1954.

Sanchez Albornoz, Cl. La curia regia portuguesa: SiglosXII y XIII. Madrid, 1920.

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CROWN OFARAGONThe resources available to the kings of Aragon de-pended upon a wide array of patrimonial assets, cus-tomary exactions, and subsidies that varied in impor-tance according to historical circumstances andregional tradition. Each component of the dynastic fed-eration known as the Crown of Aragon possessed fiscalassets and prerogatives providing the ruler with sup-port but also limiting his prerogatives. In the uplandkingdom of Aragon and the counties of Old Catalonia,the foundation stones of the dynastic confederation,rulers originally lived and governed from their domainand traditional fiscal exactions. The impulse for newterritorial conquests in al-Andalus and ambitions inthe Mediterranean created heavy new demands thatoutstripped traditional resources by the late twelfthcentury. As a result, the early count-kings institutedfiscal initiatives to improve the management and col-lection of their older resources and turned to new formsof taxation. The forcible addition of the new realms ofValencia, Mallorca, and Sicily in the thirteenth centuryand the later conquests of Sardinia and the kingdomof Naples each presented new challenges to fiscal con-trol, not to mention the heavy expense of maintainingsuch far-flung interests. New forms of central financialcontrol were instituted, but the monarchy also had to

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CROWN OF ARAGON

recognize the financial and political concerns of theindividual regional components. The tensions betweencentral and local fiscal supervision, delegated and di-rect fiscal management, and traditional and novelforms of revenue created the dynamic behind the ad-ministrative and political actions of the kings of Ar-agon.

Early Fiscal Initiatives

The surviving fiscal accounts in Catalonia, whoseadministrative records are far fuller than those of Ara-gon, provide a window on the nature of early fiscalsupervision. From the mid-twelfth century the recordsof account demonstrate that scribes and clerks pro-vided a literate professionalism essential to the devel-opment of government. While vicars and bailiffs, thelocal agents in charge of the fisc, no doubt had tradi-tionally been subject to irregular review, the spread ofmilitant lordship in Catalonia from the early eleventhcentury had made the count’s men look upon theircharges as patrimonial assets rather than as delegatedresponsibilities. To rein in his officials and gain firmercontrol of his assets, Ramon Berenguer IV commandedan ambitious survey of comital domains, executed byRamon de Caldes and Guillem de Bassa in 1151. Al-though a traditional form of memorializing assets, the“Little Domesday” for Catalonia provided a basis forerecting a more ambitious structure of fiscal control.Under Ramon Berenguer IV’s successor, Alfonso I(Alfonso II of Aragon, 1162–1196), court accountantsbegan to update inventories and supervise periodic fis-cal reviews of officials. Copies of audits were kept ina new fiscal archive and professional literacy beganto overshadow personal loyalty as the foundation ofpatrimonial control. Because of growing indebtednessin the later years of Alfonso I and especially duringthe reign of his son, Pedro I (1196–1213), the assigna-tion of revenues from bailiwicks and vicariates aspledges to meet financial demands became increas-ingly common. Credit long remained a critical featureof local Catalan administration. Royal finance was stilldependent on supervision by courtiers, without budgetor treasury. One must not overemphasize the effective-ness of these reforms, but they did point the way tofirmer fiscal control. A handful of accountants andscribes helped organize and supervise local financialadministration, but firm central institutions were stilllacking.

Expanded political ambitions in the thirteenth cen-tury severally strained traditional sources of revenue.King Pedro I incurred massive debts to barons andcourt financiers; his death at the Battle of Muret pro-voked a financial crisis during the early years of his

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son Jaime I (1213–1276). Large parts of the royal do-main were given over to barons in order to recovertheir loans, but under the financial supervision of theKnights Templar, the crown gradually regained directadministration of its domains. The conquests of Mal-lorca (1229) and Valencia (1238) provided importantnew sources of revenues that offered immediate relieffor the financial pressures on the old heartlands of Cat-alonia and Aragon, yet other sources of revenue wouldalso be required to support even more ambitious mili-tary and political designs. Close supervision of com-mercial tolls and urban utilities provided importantsupplements to traditional patrimonial assets as townsgrew. In addition, King Jaime I asked for more tallagesfrom individual cities and regions, imposed taxes onJewish communities, exploited the newly subjectedMuslim communities in Valencia, and requested gen-eral levies. In Catalonia, the bovatge, distantly relatedto a peace tax in Cerdanya, was levied throughout theland in 1173. Although it became a customary acces-sion tax, thirteenth-century kings came to impose it inemergencies. In Aragon, a tax levied for the redemp-tion of the coinage, the monedatge, served a similarfunction. Territorially based and levied by paid collec-tors, the bovatge and monedatge became the first pub-lic subsidies in the Crown of Aragon and promptedthe kings to ask the cortes (general assemblies) for theaid.

The reign of Jaime I was marked by growing insti-tutional maturity and expanding bureaucracies. Bailiffscontinued to supervise fiscal administration locally inCatalonia and Valencia while merinos served the samefunction in Aragon, only both increasingly employedsubordinates or farmed out parts of their charge toinvestor-administrators. Substantial elements of olderpatrimonial assets were assigned to creditors, whoseadvances were critical in keeping local administrationrunning smoothly. The kings kept tighter control oftheir rights in their newly conquered territories of Val-encia and the Balearic Islands. Until the 1280s Jewsserved frequently in the principal urban bailiwicks, andmajor parts of the domain were pledged to barons andurban financiers. Fiscal supervision, once charged tothe Templars, became connected with the chancery,for the early royal registers, dating from the 1250s,contain accounts and audits. Because of baronial re-volts and the conquest of Sicily in 1282, the later yearsof Jaime I and the reign of his son Pedro II (III ofAragon, 1276–1285) were again marked by mountingfinancial pressure. To help organize his scattered assetsfor urgent military needs, in 1283 Pedro II experi-mented with a new, centralized fiscal supervisor forthe Crown of Aragon, the mestre racional.

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CROWN OF ARAGON

Central Fiscal Control (1283–1419)

The creation of the mestre racional was part of ageneral movement toward administrative specializa-tion and maturation throughout the Crown of Aragon.Mediterranean conquests and the political repercus-sions they brought strained the financial resources ofthe Aragonese kings as a long series of confrontationswith France, Castile, Genoa, and Naples, as well asthe difficulty of subduing Sardinia, required substan-tial military and naval expenditures throughout thefourteenth century. To meet these demands, the mon-archy needed to tap its widely dispersed resources andturn to new forms of revenue. As the fiscal overseer ofaccounts throughout the Crown of Aragon, the mestreracional became the principal fiscal official with re-sponsibility over the federation.

Pedro II instituted the office after a Sicilian modelin 1283, the year after the Catalan conquest of theisland. At first, the mestre racional served with threeother court officials to supervise accounts from therealms directly subject to the king of Aragon with theexception of Sicily, where the office originated. With-out clearly circumscribed functions among his threepeers, the mestre racional was not able to consolidatehis position at first and encountered opposition fromlocal administrators, particularly in Aragon. The officewas briefly abolished from 1288 to 1293. Jaime II(1291–1326), however, reinstituted it and now gavethe supervision of fiscal audit to the mestre racionalalone, assisted by his scribes and a lieutenant. Lateradministrative ordinances in 1344 and 1358 furtherclarified and strengthened the nature of the office. Themestre racional oversaw a complex network of fiscaladministrators and creditors to the crown. He receivedand audited accounts from the three general bailiffs,instituted in 1282 in Catalonia, Aragon, and Valenciato supervise local vicars, bailiffs, and merinos. Ac-counts kept by royal creditors, collectors of extraordi-nary revenues, and members of the royal family alsofell under his jurisdiction. With increased central con-trol of finance, the king could now total and comparerevenues from various peninsular realms in order todetermine the degree to which his resources could sup-port his policies.

Besides the mestre racional and his assistants, twoother officials also participated in central financial ad-ministration: the treasurer and the escriva de racio,with attendant scribes. The treasurer was of course re-sponsible for the receipts and disbursements from theroyal treasury, which remained itinerant. Associatedwith the treasurer was the escriva de racio, who dealtwith the royal household, including jewelry, clothing,and other valuables, and occasionally with royal am-

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bassadors or procurators. The central financial admin-istration thus involved fifteen or twenty individuals,with the mestre racional at its summit.

The centralization and stability of fiscal audit pro-duced a splendid series of financial records from theend of the thirteenth century. Together with the ac-counts of the general bailiffs in Aragon, Catalonia, andValencia, the records kept by the mestre racional pro-vide a detailed account of the state of finance through-out the Crown of Aragon, with the exception of thekingdoms of Sicily and Mallorca (which had its ownmestre racional during its period of independence).These records reveal a substantial growth in the reve-nues available to the king since the early thirteenthcentury. The increases, however, came principallyfrom commercial tolls and extraordinary taxationrather than from the older lands and revenues of thefisc. These traditional sources of income had been as-signed to meet the expenses of local administrationand debt or alienated either for long periods or in per-petuity. In the early fourteenth century only 10 percentof income that came from the traditional royal patri-mony in Catalonia made its way into the coffers of thetreasurer, and the state of the fisc was surely little betterin Aragon. King Jaime II already complained that debtwas forcing him to alienate parts of the royal patri-mony, and the problem worsened during the secondhalf of the fourteenth century. Owing to the erosionof the fisc, Martın I (1396–1410) attempted to recoverportions of the lost patrimony and further alienationswere prohibited. In Catalonia, royal officials concen-trated on the recovery of jurisdictional rights, while inAragon the cortes were in charge of recovering royalrents. Although not completely successful, these re-forms did help slow the hemorrhaging of traditionalsources of revenue and rights to the crown. The at-tempts at recuperation, however, above all demonstratethe financial difficulties facing the monarchy in thefourteenth century and the need to look for new sourcesof revenue.

Although the kings of Aragon had sought and re-ceived general levies such as the monedatge and bo-vatge as well as local tallages from the twelfth centuryonward, customary limitations on their assessment didnot allow these revenues to meet the expenses of thecrown. In the early fourteenth century, nondomainalrevenues constituted the lion’s share of income to theroyal treasury. Regular tribute and irregular subsidiesdemanded from Mudejar and especially Jewish com-munities grew in importance. In the treasury receiptsof 1335, for which one of the few detailed studies ex-ists, Jews contributed 21 percent of the total; the alja-mas of Catalonia paid almost twice as much as thoseof Aragon. In the same year 58 percent of income to

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CASTILE

the crown came from irregular subsidies, of which only4 percent derived from the traditional sources of tal-lage, monedatge, and bovatge. In that year the primarysource of income to the crown as a whole came froman imposicion (subsidy) voted by the cortes of Valen-cia. In Catalonia and Aragon as well irregular aids andimpositions granted by the cortes of the individualrealms provided important new means of war subsidiesthat far exceeded renders from customary domains andrevenues. With larger and increasingly regular subsi-dies came greater demands on the part of representativebodies for fiscal supervision. Permanent standing de-putations of the cortes in the three realms supervisedand audited the collectors of the revenues they ap-proved. The autonomous powers of the Diputacion delGeneral in Aragon, Catalonia (where it was called theGeneralitat), and Valencia, each a permanent commis-sion voted by their respective cortes, were fully recog-nized by the early fifteenth century. As representativeinstitutions consolidated their power and provided sub-stantial revenues to supplement the income from theroyal domain, regional concerns in each of the threerealms heightened the practical difficulties of manag-ing financial affairs centrally.

By the turn of the fifteenth century Valencia, jeal-ous of Catalan domination of the federation, had at-tained a new financial and economic importance. Inaddition, the installation in 1412 of a new dynasty theTrastamaras, had come at the price of strengtheningthe constitutional prerogatives of each of the realms.These new circumstances induced Alfonso IV (Al-fonso V in Aragon), who would spend most of his longreign in southern Italy, to establish a separate mestreracional in Valencia in 1419.

Debt, Regionalism, and Reform (1419–1516)

With the foundation of separate mestres racionals,the treasury remained the only central financial institu-tion after 1419. Yet the movement toward decentrali-zation also eroded the traditional responsibilities of theoffice. From the 1420s onward the general bailiffs ineach realm and local bailiffs and merinos authorizedexpenditures directly from the revenues they collectedwithout receiving specific letters of payment from thegeneral treasurer. As a result, specialized local treasur-ies formed and kept separate registers of account. Thegeneral treasurer’s receipts therefore no longer re-flected the balance of income from throughout thecrown since large portions of patrimonial revenues andexpenditure were handled at a local or regional level.His duties became limited to supervising the reducedamounts that actually arrived at the coffers travelingwith the king.

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During the fifteenth century the kings of Aragoncontinued to face the same financial difficulties thathad plagued their predecessors in the fourteenth. Westill know little about the effects that heavy militaryexpenditure had on the royal fisc and local officials.The majority of revenues from traditional patrimonialresources continued to be consumed in local adminis-tration, and parts of the fisc were pledged to meet ex-penses. Owing to the persecution of Jews and decliningnumber of Mudejars, taxes from religious minoritiesdeclined. Contributions to the king administered bythe diputaciones of the three regional cortes, however,continued to be substantial, as did subsidies and loansfrom the towns. In Catalonia, private banks also pro-vided substantial amounts. Unable to meet the immedi-ate demands of their sovereign from their ordinary rev-enues, the diputaciones and towns came to rely on thesale of annual and life annuities (censals and violaris)to investors, secured upon their taxes and other rights.The amount of public debt grew substantially in Ara-gon and Valencia during the fifteenth century, but thecrisis was deepest in Catalonia, which was wrackedby civil war and economic hardship from 1462 to 1472.The advent of Fernando I in 1474 marked an importantturning point in the financial well-being of the Crownof Aragon for he set out with urgency and determina-tion to reduce public debt, decrease the interest paid onannuities, and recover alienated portions of the royalpatrimony. His reign witnessed an amelioration in thefinances of the Crown of Aragon, but the amounts histerritories could provide seemed meager in comparisonto the resources Isabel possessed in the expansiveCrown of Castile.

STEPHEN P. BENSCH

Bibliography

Bisson, T. N. Fiscal Accounts of the Early Count-Kings(1151–1213). 2 vols. Berkeley, Calif., 1984.

Guillere, C. “Les finances royales a la fin du regne d’AlfonsoIV el Benigno (1335–1336).” Melanges de la Casa deVelazquez 18 (1982), 33–60.

Montagut i Estragues, T. El mestre racional a la Coronad’Arago. 2 vols. Barcelona, 1987.

Sanchez Martınez, M. “La fiscalidad real en Cataluna (sigloXIV).” Anuario de estudios medievales 22 (1982),341–76.

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CASTILEThe rudiments of the financial administration of theRoman Empire survived in the Visigothic era. Rec-cesvinth, at the Eighth Council of Toledo in 653, con-firmed the distinction between state property and thepersonal holdings of the king, which were transmissi-ble to his heirs. Nevertheless, the distinction between

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, CASTILE

public property and the private estates of the kingtended to blur very easily. Officials such as the countof the patrimony and the count of the treasury appearto have had responsibility for the royal domain andrevenues and expenditures. Revenues, including a landtax, poll tax, tolls, and fines, tended to be customaryand of fixed amounts and were collected by local offi-cials.

The data for the kingdoms of Asturias-Leon-Cas-tile prior to the thirteenth century is so scant as to makeit difficult to speak of financial administration. Thedistinction between public and royal property disap-peared altogether. No attempt at a budget seems tohave been made, and revenues, whatever their source,were used by the king as he saw fit. The maiordomusapparently took charge of the collection and expendi-ture of royal revenues, while the treasurer (thesaurar-ius) guarded the king’s jewels and other valuables.Local officials (merinos) were responsible for the col-lection of tributes and other moneys owed to the king.Royal revenue continued to be derived from the tributepayable by tenants on the land, labor services, tolls,fines, hospitality, and transportation.

As royal needs and responsibilities became morecomplex in the thirteenth century so did the financialadministration. The mayordomo mayor had generalcharge of the king’s accounts, but the almojarifemayor, often a Jew, directed the collection of taxesand the payment of stipends to the nobility, one ofthe major expenses of the crown. Ordinarily the kingcontracted with tax farmers who were authorized tocollect specific taxes in return for payment of a fixedamount into the treasury every year; for example, in1276–1277 several Jewish tax farmers contracted topay 1,670,000 maravedıs from the collection of taxesdue since 1261. In 1280 Alfonso X executed Zag dela Maleha, the almojarife mayor, for diverting fundsalready collected to the king’s son, Sancho. The cortes(parliament) often demanded that only Christiansshould be permitted to collect taxes, to the exclusionof Jews, nobles, and clerics. Tax collectors (merinos,cogedores) were required to render accounts annually;among the few records still extant are accounts forseveral years in the reign of Sancho IV (1284–1295).From time to time the cortes demanded an accountingof royal income and expenditures; an audit carried outat Burgos in 1308 revealed a deficit of 4,500,000 mar-avedıs. Fernando IV promised the cortes in 1312 thathe would balance the budget, but that was never effec-tively accomplished. An audit in 1317 indicated in-come of 1,600,000 and expenditures of 9,000,000 mar-avedıs for maintenance of the royal court, custody ofcastles, and stipends for the nobility. As a basis for

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assessing taxes a padron was drawn up in each localitylisting taxpayers and estimating their wealth.

Confusion seems to have been the hallmark offinancial administration into the late Middle Ages,when some effort at reform was undertaken. The roleof the mayordomo mayor was now honorific, and theoffice of almojarife mayor disappeared in the late four-teenth century; the despensero mayor continued to paythe salaries of members of the royal household. Taxcollection was in the hands of recaudadores named ineach district or partido. The principal financial admin-istrators were now divided between the contadurıamayor de hacienda and the contadurıa mayor de cuen-tas. Two accountants, or contadores mayores de ha-cienda, saw to the collection and disbursement of theking’s ordinary revenues, which were recorded inlibros de asiento. They also kept books recordingalienated income (libros de lo salvado). Two addi-tional contadores mayores de cuentas reviewed royalaccounts, prepared an annual summary of expected in-come and expenses, and had jurisdiction over litigationconcerning any of these issues. After 1436 they wererequired to take up permanent residence at Valladolidin the Casa de las Cuentas. Fernando and Isabel refinedvarious aspects of this system, making it a more effec-tive means of collecting and controlling the expendi-tures of royal revenues. As a consequence they greatlyincreased the income of the crown.


Bibliography

Ladero Quesada, M. A. Fiscalidad y poder regio en Castilla(1252–1369). Madrid, 1993.

MMM. La Hacienda Real de Castilla en el siglo XV. LaLaguna de Tenerife, 1973.


ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, LEONThe fundamental resource of the Leonese monarchywas the landed property of the dynasty. From it werederived the horses and oxen that furnished its meansof locomotion; cattle, sheep, and grains, which gave itsustenance; rents, which provided for the sophisticatedgoods that must be purchased in the Islamic south inthe early years; and the men who filled out its raidingparties and war bands. The administrator who was re-sponsible for all of this wealth in its various formswas the merino. He was essentially an estate manager.Surely he was appointed but rarely was he of suchrank as to leave much trace in the documents. Thelast century of the Leonese kingdom sometimes sawmerinos of some personal prestige and family but thesewere the custodians of royal urban properties and so

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, NAVARRE

of a rather different type. Their prime concern wouldhave been the collection of rents from bakeries, forges,and presses owned by the crown, along with the pro-ceeds of justice that they, like their country cousins,administered.

One thinks that such local officials must have beenresponsible to the royal majordomo at court for theirstewardship. Still, it is so far impossible to discern anymechanism that would have regularly connected thetwo. A later period will see the merindad emerge asa fundamental unit of local government and themerinomayor as a coordinating official, but these are hard todetect in the kingdom of Leon. During the reign of thelast of its kings, Alfonso IX, there are some personsdesignated merino of much larger units—Galicia, forinstance—but not much is known of their function.

The merino must also have been responsible forthe collection of what was the major tax revenue ofthe realm, that is, the fossataria. This was a “shieldtax” levied on those who elected not to perform thefossata, or obligatory military service in time of war.No particular machinery was necessary to collect itsince the merino could simply bring it to the gatheringof the royal host.

This same near absence of administration as suchmarked the entire range of royal revenue and its collec-tion. The coinage was a royal prerogative but the actualmints were located in the episcopal towns and wereoperated by the bishop, with a share of the proceedsgoing to the crown. So too, the portaticum and themercatum, levies on goods transported or sold, seemoften to have been administered by those bishops orabbots who had been alloted a share in them by royalcharter, but the collection of the former, especially incountry districts, must simply have been leased to localmagnates or royal castellans. Likely the procedure wasthe same with the royal share from the proceeds ofmining operations, especially of salt.

Finally, as everywhere during the Middle Ages,the proceeds of the administration of justice belongedto the crown. In fact, as the charters make abundantlyclear, everywhere the regular procedure was that theywere to be divided, most frequently evenly, betweenthe injured party and the crown. The position of judgebecame most visible in the documents, although judgeswere ordinarily the most humble of officials, and ex-clusively local. Most probably, the collection and for-warding of the royal share of the imposts arising fromtheir work again fell on the merino, castellan, or bishopof the vicinity. There is no trace of alternative machin-ery either at the local or royal levels.

While all of these rents and customary revenuesmay have sufficed ordinarily in time of peace, theyhad to be supplemented in wartime, which was quitefrequent. By the second half of the twelfth century a

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special revenue, the petitum, emerged, and its levy wasoccasional and general. Again, since it was a specialimpost no particular machinery seems to have beendevised to collect it, and apparently the proceeds wouldhave been borne to a royal curia or assembly of thehost by those who attended.

At the beginning of the thirteenth century this tra-dition of royal entitlement to special “grants in aid” intimes of emergency would be linked to the emergenceof the new cortes in both Leon and Castile. Doubtless,such requests had ordinarily been made in the contextof a royal curia. One such grant may have been madeat the first cortes of Leon in 1188, but the documentsare not clear. Certainly one was authorized at the cortesat Benavente in 1202, where it was linked to a royalpromise not to tamper with the coinage for a periodof seven years afterward. Such a linkage became com-mon in both Leon and Castile, and suggests that thebulk of the revenue was to be derived from the mer-chant community. Before 1230 there is no evidencethat special tax collectors were appointed for its collec-tion.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography


O’Callaghan, J. F. The Cortes of Castile-Leon: 1188–1350.Philadelphia, 1989.

Procter, E. S. Curia and Cortes in Leon and Castile,1072–1295. Cambridge, 1980.

Sinues Ruiz, A. El merino. Zaragoza, 1954.

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, NAVARREEvery state with a foreign policy and managed by aking and a court needs a serious financial administra-tion. In the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, the king-dom of Navarre had its own treasury and experts. Thetreasurer of Navarre, whose yearly registers detailedthe expenditure and receipts kept, was usually a Frenchclerk (Simon Aubert in the beginning of the fourteenthcentury) or a Navarese middle-class person (Juan Cari-tat, a “Franco” from Tudela, in the end of the four-teenth century). Helped by a chamber of deniers whichsupervised the minting of money, and by a chamberof accounts, which managed and judged the fiscalcases, the treasurer’s main function was to plan thestate’s expenditure (war, fortifications, troops’ pay,military and civilian officers’ wages, equipment work,amounts of money granted to the king’s loyalists, andcourt’s expenditure); and to attend to the coming in ofthe receipts (pechas of the taxable commoners and of

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, NAVARRE

the Moors and Jews—that is to say, taxes of quotaraised by homesteads, indirect miscellaneous taxes ontrade, bridges, markets and fairs, registering rightsunder the king’s seal). Therefore, the treasurer contro-led the provincial tax collectors, as well as all the offi-cers of the court charged of a specialized duty andentitled to certain spending necessary to their responsi-bilities.

In the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, the claimsfor “exceptional help” periodically returned. The kingor his representative then convoked the cortes (parlia-ment) and the delegates of the prelates, nobility, and“good towns” accepted the amount of money requestedby the treasury for war causes, royal events, princelyweddings, fortifications, and the like.

Social categories that were usually tax free, suchas the Church and nobility, collaborated most often tothese exceptional levyings. The sovereign always hadthe ability to exempt his subjects in a personal capacity,with a seal charter. For this reason expenditures veryquickly exceeded receipts (a merino received 2,000pounds in yearly wages, for instance, causing the ex-penditure of the court to possibly exceed 50,000pounds each year) that relied only on the demographyand economic prosperity of Navarre. During the four-teenth and fifteenth centuries the treasury had to resortto short-term measures. By the mid-fourteenth century,the treasury regularly leased taxations, either directlyor indirectly. For a fixed and yearly amount of money,the arrendadores managed for themselves the royalresources; they gathered in groups of six to twelvemembers, most often Navarrese and Jews from thekingdom; thus, in 1392, they gave 60,000 pounds tothe treasury, and then had enough money come in tobe paid back. These amounts paid in advance and inone payment were still not enough for the courts ofCharles II and Charles III (1349–1425), who con-stantly borrowed from the nobility, middle-class, andJews and reimbursed them by giving them a fractionof the royal incomes, or by making installments, inter-est and usury being wholly legal in Navarre around1400.

BEATRICE LEROY

Bibliography

Zabalo Zabalegui, J. “La alta administracion del Reino deNavarra en el Siglo XIV, Tesoreros y Procuradores,”in Homenaje a Don Jose Esteban Uranga. Pamplona,1973. 137–53.

ADMINISTRATION, FINANCIAL, PORTUGALThe financial administration of the kingdom of Portu-gal was based originally on that of the kingdom ofLeon-Castile, from which Portugal separated in the

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twelfth century. At that time the personnel responsiblefor the collection of tributes owed to the crown wasundifferentiated from that of other administrative of-fices. Moreover, as many royal officials were remuner-ated from local contributions, those moneys did notordinarily enter the royal treasury. Initially the maior-domus curie or mordomo mor, as he was known, notonly supervised the royal household but also had gen-eral responsibility for the administration of royal reve-nues. From the thirteenth century onward as awarenessof the distinction between the king’s private patrimonyand the public patrimony of the state increased, therole of the mordomo mor was restricted to the financesof the household, and general supervision of the collec-tion and disbursement of tributes was entrusted to al-moxarifes. The collection of royal revenues was usu-ally given over to tax farmers who promised to paythe crown a certain sum from the various tributes andtaxes collected and of course to pocket a profit forthemselves. Municipal councils preferred to collecttheir own tributes.

The sources of royal revenue were many and var-ied but of unequal importance. There were tributes inthe form of rents and services (pectum, peito) owedby the tenants on royal estates. In addition, the kingwas entitled to pasturage fees (montado); tolls (por-tagen) collected at roads and bridges; market tolls(acougagen, alcavala, sisa); judicial fines (coima) im-posed by his courts; payments made in place of per-sonal military service (Fossataria); and lodging andhospitality (colheita), which became a regular paymentin money whether he visited each locality or not. Hecould also call on local inhabitants for service in build-ing and repairing bridges, roads, and castles (fazen-dera), and to provide transport for himself or his repre-sentatives. He was also entitled to a fifth of any booty,and a fifth of the income derived from the exploitationof mines.

In the thirteenth century the Portuguese kingsbegan to feel the need for extraordinary taxes to meettheir steadily increasing financial requirements. Tosome extent that need was met by convoking the cortes(parliament) and asking the representatives of thetownspeople for subsidies (pedidos). An early exampleof this came during the reign of Afonso III(1248–1279) who tried to improve his financial re-sources by altering the coinage. The ensuing economicdistress evoked strong protest and he had to negotiatea solution with the cortes. In return for the king’spledge not to debase the coinage for a period of sevenyears, the cortes granted him a subsidy called mone-tagio or moeda foreira. The kings also exacted forcedloans (emprestitos) and levied customs duties of a tenth(dizima) of the value of imported goods. The sisa, a

ADMINISTRATION, JUDICIAL

sales tax, appeared as a royal tribute in the reign ofFernando (1367–1383), though it may antedate him;it remained an extraordinary tribute until the reign ofJoao I (1385–1433) when it became a permanent levy.

King Dinis (1279–1325) established the rudi-ments of a financial bureaucracy separate from theroyal household. The royal treasurer (tesoureiro) as-sumed general oversight of royal finances and receivedaccounts from almoxarifes and other subordinate offi-cials. Extant today are four incomplete books (libri derecabedo regni) recording royal revenues in the thir-teenth century as well as the accounts of the almoxarifein 1273. As the variety of royal revenues became moreextensive so did the apparatus responsible for their col-lection and disbursement. In the fifteenth century twoveedores da fazenda (overseers) of the treasury as-sumed responsibility for financial administration andalso adjudicated litigation concerning royal revenues.

According to Fernao Lopes, King Pedro(1357–1367) was especially careful in the manage-ment of royal finances, so that when Fernando suc-ceeded him he found a treasure in Lisbon Tower of800,000 gold pieces, 400,000 marks of silver, as wellas other coins. Excluding the customs of Lisbon andOporto, the revenues of the crown amounted to800,000 libras, or 200,000 dobras, a significantamount. The customs of Lisbon were reported to be35,000 to 40,000 dobras annually. The first royalbudget appeared in 1473, with revenues of 47,000,000reais or 145,000 gold cruzados, and expenses of 37.6million reais or 115,600 cruzados. The bulk of thoserevenues, 81 percent, was used for the maintenance ofthe king, his court, and his family, and for stipendsgiven to members of the nobility. As the medieval cen-turies drew to a close the expenses of royal efforts toexpand into Morocco and to exploit the newly emerg-ing continent of Africa meant that expenses quicklyoutran income and forced the government to operateat a deficit.


Bibliography

Gama Barros, H. da. Historia da administracao publica emPortugal nos seculos XII a XV. 11 vols. 2d ed. Lisbon,1945–1954.

ADMINISTRATION, JUDICIALFor the greater part of the Middle Ages the judicialsystem was inextricably linked to civil administration.Besides the monarch, there were ecclesiastical and sec-ular lords who enjoyed the privilege of immunity, andthe Church, which had its own canon law and its ownjudges; all of these exercised jurisdiction.

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Judicial administration in the Visigothic era wascomplicated by the coexistence of both Roman andVisigothic laws. Hispano-Romans were ruled by theTheodosian Code of 438 and its later derivatives. TheVisigoths lived according to custom, but efforts to cod-ify their law and to establish a uniform law for all theinhabitants of the peninsula were made. This processculminated in the Liber Iudiciorum, completed duringthe reign of Reccesvinth (653–672). This was a sys-tematic, comprehensive code of law, derived in largepart from Roman law, and unparalleled elsewhere inthe barbarian kingdoms of western Europe. Justice wasadministered by the king and provincial officials.

In the kingdom of Asturias-Leon the Liber Iudici-orum continued in use, but in Castile custom prevailed.In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the new munici-palities received fueros or charters regulating the statusof persons and property and their obligations to thecrown. The Fuero of Cuenca, issued after the conquestof that town in 1177, was the most comprehensive ofthese texts. The Usatges of Barcelona, a compilationformed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, becamethe foundation of the legal and judicial system in Cata-lonia.

The king’s court dealt with cases involving thegreat men, and provincial governors were responsiblefor administering justice in their respective territories.As there was no hierarchy of courts, there was no sys-tem of appeals, though in Leon one could appeal to thejudgment of the book—that is, the Liber Iudiciorum.Procedure was largely Germanic. Except in cases ofviolation of the king’s peace, the plaintiff had to bringsuit by accusation. Once summoned, the defendant hadto give pledges as a guarantee of appearance in court.The process was oral as the parties or their spokesper-sons argued the case. Once the charge was clearly es-tablished, judges of proof determined whether it shouldbe proved by an oath of purgation, the ordeal of hotwater or hot iron, or the judicial duel. The judges de-clared whether the proof was successful, but executionof the judgment was left in private hands. Monetarycompensation was possible in case of murder or physi-cal injury. Penalties included fines, confiscation, exile,mutilation, and hanging.

The reception of Roman law in the twelfth andthirteenth centuries brought with it the idea that theking had the primary responsibility for declaring thelaw and administering justice. This principle was enun-ciated clearly in the Siete Partidas, a code of law drawnup by Alfonso X of Castile for use in his court, andin the Fuero Real, a code of municipal law. The Parti-das were translated into Portuguese under the aegis ofKing Dinis, and both texts influenced the developmentof Portuguese law. Roman law was the basis for the

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Fori regni Valentie promulgated by Jaime I in 1240but the Code of Huesca published in 1247, was largelycomprised of the traditional laws of Aragon. Whileofficials responsible for public administration also dis-pensed justice, a clear hierarchy of jurisdiction de-scending from the king through the provincial gover-nors (adelantados, merinos, vequeres) and themunicipal alcaldes was recognized. In Castile, al-caldes fijosdalgo and in Aragon the justicia were ap-pointed to adjudicate litigation involving the nobility.Alfonso IX of Leon affirmed the principle of due pro-cess of law in 1188, as did his successors. Althoughprelates and nobles continued to exercise jurisdictionin immune lands, the king reserved the right to inter-vene in crimes such as treason, theft, rape, and highwayrobbery.

Under Roman influence procedure was now writ-ten rather than oral and purgation and ordeals wereabandoned as methods of proof. Litigants could be rep-resented by procurators and by professional lawyers(advocati, voceros). The inquisitio or inquest involvingthe sworn testimony of witnesses came into frequentuse as a means of resolving civil cases. On the basisof the inquest or documentary evidence, the judge pro-nounced judgment but one could then appeal to ahigher court. The inquest was also used to identifycriminals, who were then arrested and brought to trial.In that way injured parties were relieved of the dangerof retaliation by bringing an accusation.

From time to time kings such as Alfonso X endea-vored to restructure the royal tribunal to make it moreefficient. In 1371 Enrique II established the audiencia,composed of a number of auditors that came to beknown as the chancilleria because it often sat in chan-cery rooms. The audiencia continued to follow the kinguntil 1442, when Juan II decided that it should have apermanent residence at Valladolid. Joao I of Portugalalso established the Casa do Civel at Lisbon. The Casada Justica da Corte was reorganized as a supreme courtof appeals. After the conquest of Granada, Fernandoand Isabel entrusted the Chancillerıa of Valladolid withjurisdiction over cases north of the Tagus River andcreated a new Chancillerıa with jurisdiction south ofthe river at Ciudad Real; it was moved to Granada in1505. With increasing frequency the crown appointedjudges to administer justice in the towns.

In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries signifi-cant efforts were made to record and codify the laws.In Castile, Alfonso XI promulgated the Ordenamientode Alcala in 1348 and gave juridical force to the SietePartidas. The ordinances of the cortes (parliament)were another source of law. Fernando and Isabel pro-mulgated in 1484 the Ordenanzas reales de Castilla,a collection of the fundamental laws of the realm com-

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piled by the jurist Alfonso Diaz de Montalvo. Fernandoalso issued a new edition of the Constitucions i altresdrets de Cathalunya in 1495 and of the Fueros y obser-vancias del reino de Aragon in 1496. The OrdenacoesAfonsinas promulgated in Portugal in 1446 served asthe basis for theOrdenacoes Manuelinas, promulgatedby Manuel I in 1521.


Bibliography


O’Callaghan, J.F. A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca, N.Y.,1975.

ADMINISTRATION, TERRITORIAL,CASTILE, PORTUGAL, LEON, ARAGON-CATALONIA, NAVARREIn Roman times Spain was initially formed into twoprovinces, Hispania Ulterior and Hispania Citerior(whence later references to “the Spains”). Under Di-ocletian (284–305) the peninsula was divided into fiveprovinces, Tarraconensis (Tarragona, the capital), Car-taginensis (Cartagena), Lusitania (Merida), Baetica(Seville), and Gallaetia (Braga). This system survivedinto the Visigothic era, when the provinces were gov-erned by rectores, iudices, or duces with both civiland military authority. Provincial subdivisions calledterritoria consisted of a city and its dependent area.As cities decayed as commercial and industrial centersthe municipal curia so typical of Roman administrationdisintegrated. Henceforth a city was important as theheadquarters of a provincial governor.

The Muslim invasion disrupted all aspects of civiladministration, but Islamic Spain was divided at firstinto five zones corresponding more or less to Anda-lucıa, Galicia and Portugal, Castile and Leon, Aragonand Catalonia, and Septimania or Gallia Gothica.Under the rule of the caliphs of Cordoba a more effec-tive provincial regime was instituted as the realm wasdivided into at least twenty-one provinces whose ex-tent in some cases probably corresponded to those ofthe Visigothic era. Provincial governors with both civiland military responsibilities ordinarily resided in thechief cities. Military commanders governed the fron-tier, which was divided into three segments: the UpperFrontier, embracing Catalonia and Aragon, with head-quarters at Zaragoza; the Middle Frontier, centered atMedinaceli and running along the borders of Castileand Leon; and the Lower Frontier, touching Galiciaand Portugal and administered from Toledo. Thesefrontier governors often enjoyed considerable auton-

ADMINISTRATION, TERRITORIAL

omy given the great distance separating them from thecapital. The towns of Islamic Spain were not endowedwith rights of self-government, but were directly con-trolled by the ruler who appointed a sahib al-madina tomaintain law and order, a qad. i or judge who dispensedjustice according to the Koran, and the muh. tasib whoinspected the market.

After the breakup of the caliphate of Cordobamany of the provinces, such as Seville, Cordoba, Jaen,Granada, Malaga, Murcia, Baza, Almerıa, Beja, Silves,Badajoz, Valencia, and Mallorca, were formed intopetty kingdoms known as ta’ifas. The ta’ifas were dis-placed in the late eleventh and twelfth centuries by theAlmoravids and Almohads of Morocco who succes-sively subjugated Islamic Spain and governed itthrough members of the royal family acting as vice-roys. Once Muslim rule was reduced to the kingdomof Granada in the thirteenth century the royal wazırappointed provincial governors, but large areas wereoften held as lordships. The Ashqilula family, for ex-ample, controlled Guadix, Comares, and Malaga, andoften acted in opposition to the king. As the price ofmilitary assistance the kings of Granada also yieldedimportant places such as Gibraltar and Algeciras to theBenimerines who ruled Morocco in the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries.

The system developed in Christian Spain after thecollapse of the Visigothic kingdom was essentiallynew. The tiny kingdom of Asturias-Leon was initiallydivided into small districts (mandationes, commissa)often governed by officials having the personal title ofcount. Counts and other officials served at the king’spleasure and ordinarily did not acquire a hereditaryright to their office. Together with their subordinates(known as maiorini or merinos) they had full respon-sibility for dispensing justice, collecting taxes, andproviding for defense. Castile, which originated as afrontier province of the kingdom of Leon, was admin-istered by a count. In the tenth century Fernan Gonza-lez transformed this into a hereditary office and so thecounty of Castile became an independent entity. In thePyrenees a series of counties were created as part ofthe Carolingian empire. By the tenth century the countshad secured a hereditary right to their offices and alsoachieved practical independence of the Capetian kingsof France. Their subordinates were known as vicarsor viscounts. What cities or towns there were existedprincipally as administrative centers, and there was noorganized municipal government.

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the conces-sion of immunities and the emergence of municipali-ties resulted in the decline of counties as major territo-rial divisions. Tenancies of districts, towns, andfortresses were assigned to royal vassals variously

29

called tenentes, seniores, or alcaides. Only in Aragon(from 1134) and Navarre did they hold their offices orhonores by hereditary right. A merino mayor, aidedby subordinate merinos, appeared as the chief adminis-trative officer in Castile after 1180. The Catalan countswere assisted by vicars (vicarii) with civil and militaryresponsibilities and bailiffs (bajuli) who collected trib-utes.

From time to time the king granted the privilegeof immunity in perpetuity to lands held by hereditaryright by bishops, monasteries, nobles, and military or-ders. The beneficiary had authority to maintain lawand order, appoint judges, administer justice, collecttributes and fines, and require military service. Thelands so privileged were immune from the interventionof royal officials except in case of negligence, or incases of treason, rape, robbery, and destruction of high-ways. The most notable immunity was that enjoyedby the archbishop of Compostela over broad lands inGalicia. The pertiguero mayor was the archbishop’srepresentative. In the second half of the twelfth centuryand the first half of the thirteenth, large areas southof the Tagus River in both Castile and Portugal werehanded over as lordships to the military orders of San-tiago, Calatrava, Alcantara, and Avis, who were re-sponsible for all aspects of defense and administration.

The municipalities in the central regions betweenthe Duero and the Tagus river valleys enjoyed self-government in direct dependence on the king, whogranted charters or fueros spelling out their militaryand tributary obligations, and the rights of the citizens.Consisting of an urban nucleus and an extensive de-pendent rural area (terminus, alfoz), and often popu-lated with villages, the municipalities were a majorelement in the defense and control of vast areas in thekingdoms of Castile, Leon, and Portugal abutting theIslamic frontier. While the king appointed a noble (do-minus ville, senior civitatis, alcaide) to guard the cita-del or alcazar, an assembly of neighbors (concilium,concejo) was responsible for general municipal admin-istration. A judex or juez headed the town governmentand was aided in the administration of justice by sev-eral alcaldes chosen from the parishes of the commu-nity. Other officials were in charge of finances (iurati,fieles), the collection of fines and taxes (merinos), in-spection of the market (almotacen, zabazoque), in-scription of public documents (notarios, escribanos),and the maintenance of law and order (sayones, algua-ciles). After the conquest of Andalucıa, Murcia, andthe Algarve in the thirteenth century this municipalregime was introduced into southern cities such as Se-ville, Cordoba, Cartagena, and others.

The reconquest of these southern provinces in thethirteenth century also resulted in the creation of new


extensive territorial districts governed by officials withresponsibility for maintaining law and order, dispen-sing justice, and collecting tributes and fines owed tothe king. Each of the principal constituents of thecrown of Castile-Leon after the union of 1230—namely, the merindades of Castile, Leon and Asturias,and Galicia—was administered by a merino mayorwhose principal responsibility was the administrationof justice. Under Alfonso X the titlemerino mayorwaschanged to adelantado mayor; in the fourteenth andfifteenth centuries these titles alternated at times, butgenerally in Castile, Leon, Asturias, and Galicia theprincipal representative of the crown was usuallycalled merino mayor. On the southern frontier the ade-lantado mayor de la frontera, as the chief administratorof Andalucıa was called, was charged mainly with mil-itary defense against the Muslims. Another adelantadomayor exercised a similar responsibility in the oldMuslim kingdom of Murcia. These posts were usuallyheld by leading members of the nobility who oftenabused their powers, prompting the cortes (parliament)to complain again and again that only those who lovedjustice should be given this responsibility.

Other adelantados mayores (later known as meri-nos mayores) were entrusted with the administrationof the Basque provinces of Alava and Guipuzcoa. Gui-puzcoa was incorporated into the kingdom of Castilein the reign of Alfonso VIII (1158–1214) while Al-fonso XI added Alava in 1332. Vizcaya in the eleventhcentury was ruled by a count under Castilian suzer-ainty; in the twelfth century it became a lordship heldby the Lopez de Haro family. Juan I (1379–1390) fi-nally annexed Vizcaya to the crown; henceforth theking’s representative there was called a prestameromayor. In the later medieval centuries an hermandador association of cities, towns, and districts was organ-ized in Vizcaya, Alava, and Guipuzcoa, whose customsthe king or his representatives swore to uphold. Fromthe fourteenth century the archbishop of Toledo wasalso represented by an adelantado mayor in the frontierlordship of Cazorla.

Portugal was also divided into zones, each gov-erned by a meirinho mor and marked out by riverboundaries—namely, Alem Douro, Aquem Douro,Entre Douro e Minho, Entre Douro e Mondego, andEntre Douro e Tejo. The municipal regime in Portugalwas comparable to that of Castile-Leon.

As the Crown of Aragon consisted of several dis-tinct elements—namely, the kingdoms of Aragon,Mallorca, and Valencia—and the county of Barce-lona—the territorial administration was complicated.The heir to the throne was usually named procuratorgeneral of all the kingdoms, or lieutenant general. Inthe fifteenth century the office of lieutenant general

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assumed relatively continuous existence as Alfonso Vpursued his ambitions in Italy. During his lengthy ab-sence his wife Marıa or his brother Juan were empow-ered to act for him throughout his dominions, effec-tively exercising the authority of a viceroy. In each ofthe constituent realms a procurator general (later calleda governor general) represented the king during hisabsence. In Valencia and Mallorca that post was moreor less permanent. Catalonia was divided into a varyingnumber of vicariates (Rousillon, Cerdanya, Pallars,Manresa, Osona, Girona, Barcelona, Vilafranca, Cerv-era, Tarrega, Lerida, Montblanch, Tarragona, and Tor-tosa), each under a vicar (veguer) entrusted with fullauthority in matters of administration, justice, and de-fense. There were two vicariates in Mallorca—one forthe city of Palma and the other for the rest of the island.In Aragon and Valencia justiciars (justicia) fulfilledmuch the same role as the vicars. The king also ap-pointed sobrejunteros to direct the activities of juntasor associations of Aragonese towns organized to pre-serve order, to suppress crime, punish criminals, andlevy fines. In the fourteenth century sobrejunteros pre-sided over six such administrative districts—namely, Zaragoza, Huesca, Teruel, Jaca, Tarazona, andthe counties of Ribagorza and Sobrarbe; a century laterExea had replaced Teruel. In the fifteenth century Val-encia was divided into four zones or governacions(Valencia, Jativa, Castellon, and Orihuela), each ad-ministered by a portant-veus representing the governorgeneral. Side by side with the vicars and justiciars,there were other officials whose duties were primarilyfinancial—namely, the batlles or bayles mayores ofCatalonia, Valencia, and Mallorca, entrusted with thecollection of royal revenues.

Given the frequent absence of the kings of Navarreof the French dynasty of Champagne, a governor gen-eral often had full responsibility for the administrationof the kingdom. In the fourteenth century Navarre wasdivided into six merindades (Pamplona, Tudela, Es-tella, Sanguesa, Ultrapuertos, and Olite).

A major development in the later Middle Ageswas the increase in the number and extent of lordshipsheld by the nobility immune from the supervision ofroyal officials. The reason for this was the king’s needto gain support and to keep it. Enrique II (1369–1379),the first of the Trastamaran kings of Castile, was noto-rious for his mercedes or favors granting lordships andother favors to his adherents. Not only were rural es-tates alienated, so also were towns that had long beendirectly under the rule of the king and had long enjoyedself-government as such. Typical of such concessionswas Juan II’s charter of 1453 conferring certain townson the widow of Alvaro de Luna “in hereditary right,for ever and ever . . . with their fortresses, lands, jus-


tice, civil and criminal jurisdiction, high and low jus-tice, merum et mixtum imperium, rents, tributes andrights belonging to the lordship of those places.” Thecortes from the thirteenth century onward consistentlyprotested such alienations and demanded that the kingrecover domain lands already alienated or usurped byothers. Afonso III of Portugal (1248–1279) conductedextensive inquests to determine whether royal landswere in private hands, but efforts to recover them wereoften unavailing. Joao I (1385–1433), the first repre-sentative of the house of Avis in Portugal, ceded to hisconstable Nun’ Alvares Pereira the counties of Ourem,Barcelos, and Arrailos, as well as eighteen cities andtowns. The king subsequently hoped to resume posses-sion of alienated royal lands, but it was left to his sonDuarte in 1433 to enact the so-called lei mental, thelaw his father had in mind; according to this estatesgranted by the king were heritable only by the firstbornmale and could not be divided; in default of a maleheir such lands would revert to the crown. In spite ofthat Duarte’s son Afonso V was extraordinarily liberal,as was Enrique IV of Castile, in yielding towns, lands,and other royal rights in lordship.

From the thirteenth century onward urban oli-garchies gained control of the cities and towns, elimi-nating the lower classes from any real participation inpublic affairs. At the same time factionalism withinthe ruling aristocracy increased to such a point that thecrown had to intervene to maintain order. Alfonso Xtried to subordinate municipal fueros to a commonroyal law known as the fuero real but encounteredstrong opposition. To curb factional disputes kingsbegan to send royal officials (jueces de salario, ve-edores, juizes da fora) to supervise municipal affairs.From the reign of Alfonso XI these officials known ascorregidores began to assume a permanent status inthe towns of Castile and Portugal. Municipal autonomywas also restricted when the king began to appoint theregidores or members of a small council or ayunta-miento (usually numbering twenty-four), which cameto exercise the role of the older general assembly ofcitizens. In the thirteenth century the cities and townsof the Crown of Aragon also developed the instrumentsof self-government, such as a small council that sup-planted a larger council of all the citizens. In Barce-lona, for example, five councilors chosen yearly werecharged with the oversight of day-to-day affairs whilea consell de cent or council of one hundred also chosenannually met when the need required. A council orcabildo in Aragon consisting of several jurados orsworn men was elected annually to manage affairs; inValencia six jurats performed a similar function. InCatalonia the king’s vicar often supervised and regu-lated the activities of the towns; the royal justicia or

31

zalmedina did likewise in Aragon and Valencia. Whilethe towns increasingly lost internal autonomy as a con-sequence of royal intervention, further losses were in-curred in the fifteenth century as many towns werehanded over in lordship to nobles whose favor the kingwished to purchase or retain.

Fernando and Isabel, whose marriage united thekingdoms of Castile and Aragon, and Joao II of Portu-gal adopted several measures intended to give themgreater control over the territorial administration oftheir respective kingdoms. The Catholic Kings re-placed the adelantados and merinos mayores with al-caldes mayores, responsible for the major subdivisionsof the crown of Castile—namely, Castile, Leon, Anda-lucıa, Murcia, and Granada. Asturias and Galicia con-tinued to be administered by merinos mayores and Ca-zorla by an adelantado mayor. The territorialadministration of the Crown of Aragon remained sub-stantially unchanged. In Alava the crown was now rep-resented by a diputado general and in Vizcaya andGuipuzcoa by a corregidor. In addition, Fernando andIsabel deprived the municipalities of the last vestigesof autonomy by dispatching corregidores to them allafter 1480. Joao II also sent corregidores to assumeresponsibility for the administration of the Portuguesetowns. His successor, Manoel I (1495–1521) under-took a review of all municipal charters, with the pur-pose of standardizing their obligations.

One of the major accomplishments of both Fer-nando and Isabel and Joao II in restoring the power andprestige of the monarchy was the recovery of alienatedcrown lands and the subordination of lordships to royalauthority. With papal approval Fernando and Isabeltook control of the lordships of the military Ordersof Calatrava (1489), Santiago (1493), and Alcantara(1494), placing their general administration in thehands of the Consejo de las Ordenes. The lands ofthe orders were divided into eighteen districts, eachadministered by a gobernador or alcalde. Similarly,Joao II and Manoel I administered the lordships of themilitary orders of Avis and Christ, which were incor-porated into the crown in 1551. As the medieval eracame to a close in both Spain and Portugal the crownwas taking steps to gain more effective control of terri-torial and municipal administration.


Bibliography

Gama Barros, H. da. Historia de administracao publica emPortugal nos seculos XII a XV. 11 vols. 2d ed. Lisbon,1945–54.

Garcıa de Valdeavellano, L.Curso de historia de las instituc-iones Despanolas: De los orıgenes al final de la EdadMedia. Madrid, 1968.



Perez Bustamante, R. El gobierno y la administracion terri-torial de Castilla (1230–1474). 2 vols. Madrid, 1976.

ADMINISTRATION, TERRITORIAL, MUSLIMAl-Andalus was divided into ten “climates” (Arabicaqalım, sing. iqlım, does not translate the same as theEnglish “climate”; rather, it designates areas or re-gions). There is some confusion as to the term, for inAndalusian Arabic the Berber term kura (pl. kuwar)was used for “districts” and rastaq (pl. rasatıq) for“province.” There were ten of these regions: Aljarafe(al-Sharaf), the present province of Huelva; Albuhera,the present province of Cadiz (apparently the districtcalled Takurunna in some Arabic sources), includingGibraltar, Algeciras, Tarifa, Cadiz, Rota, Jerez, andArcos de la Frontera; Sidonia, which is a problem, andmay refer to the Seville region, according to Saavedra,but this is unlikely and seems instead to be Shaduna, orMedina Sidonia; Campania, the province of Cordoba,including Ecija, Baena, Lucena, and others; Osuna,which included sections of Estepa, Osuna, and Moron;Reya, the present province of Malaga, except forRonda, and including parts of Cordoba and Granada;Elvira, the present province of Granada, excluding Al-hama, Baza, and Huescar (this region is variously re-ferred to also as jabal shulayr or jabal al-thalj; i.e.,the Sierra Nevada); Pechina, which only Al-Idrısı men-tions as a region, including the area of Almerıa; andFerreira, the present area of Baza, Huescar, and others.(Idrısı also mentions al-Busharrat, as including thekingdom of Jaen.)

Some Muslim sources refer also to “marches”(thughur; sing. thaghr) in the northern valleys of theEbro and Tagus, with the upper capital at Zaragozaand the lower at Toledo, but this is as problematicas the so-called march in Christian geography. ThePyrenees were referred to romantically as the “templeof Venus” (haykal al-zuhara), or more prosaically as“mountains of the ports” (jibal al-burt). Each of thesekuwar, or provinces, was administered by a governor(walı) who resided in the provincial capital.

The Muslim government in Spain was highly or-ganized, becoming more bureaucratic during the estab-lished caliphal period. The primary official was thehajib, often unhelpfully translated as “chamberlain,”who in fact was the prime minister and often the mili-tary commander (interestingly, the word derives froma root that means “veil, conceal”; cf. hijab, a veil).Originally, it is true, his function was to guard theentrance to the caliph, but in fact the office was farmore important. After the fall of the caliphate, theta’ifa rulers often used the title hajib to refer to them-

32

selves. Under the Almohads, the title seemed no longerto be known.

The wazır, next in importance, was usually incharge of a particular department of the dıwan (chan-cellery), but the title was also given to those who wereprivileged to sit in council with the ruler. If one ofthese was also an administrator or other kind of officer,he held the title dhu-l-wazartayn (“master of two of-fices”), such as we find for the Jew Samuel Ibn Na-ghrillah in the ta’ifa kingdom of Granada, who wasprime minister and also commander-in-chief.

The khatib was a secretary; there were increasingnumbers of these, and they had to be highly skilled incaligraphy and styles of Arabic correspondence. Somewere high-ranking administrators, such as the katib al-rasa’il, in charge of the whole chancellery. Next inimportance was the kitabat al-dhimam, or “secretariatof protected minorities.” Although al-Maqqarı makesit sound as if this office was literally concerned primar-ily with the “protection” of Christians and Jews, it isclear from what he writes that it was the equivalent ofthe khatib al-jihbadhah, or tax officer, in other Muslimlands, and that its primary purpose was the collectionof taxes from the dhimmis.

Other minor officials included the sahib al-shur-tah, a magistrate of morality and other civil crimes inat least the major cities (several Jews had this titlealso, including the famous scholar Abraham bar H. iyya,known in Latin as Savasorda, and Moses Ibn Ezra, therenowned poet of Granada). Others were the sahib al-madına, an official responsible for municipal services,the muh. tabib, supervisor of markets, and others (in-cluding that of the very efficient mail service).

Administrative orders were issued to the prov-inces through the secretariat, and most importantlytaxes were imposed on the provinces, particularly forthe support of the army. The expenses of the lattermust have been enormous, for the Muslim army wasnearly as organized and bureaucratic as a modern one.Salaries and expenses had to be paid also for the mili-tary doctors, masons, carpenters, and builders of siegemachines, as well as the maintenance of a vast arrayof weapons. Taxes for these came not only from theMuslims, but also the dhimmis (Christians and Jews)of the provinces.

The ta’ifa kingdoms, themselves roughly equiva-lent to the provinces, administered correspondinglysmaller territories, of course (the kingdom of Granadabeing the largest) but maintained essentially the sametype of government.

The Almoravids and the Almohads of the twelfthand early thirteenth centuries essentially appear to havemaintained the original territorial or provincial divi-sions (or at least as many of them as applied to the

AFONSO HENRIQUES, OR AFONSO I

lands they were able to hold) and utilized the basicgovernment offices already long established in al-An-dalus, with some changes in titles. Finally, the nas.rıdynasty of the last surviving Muslim kingdom, that ofGranada, simply divided its kingdom into kuwar (noless than thirty-three of them) that were administeredin much the same manner.

An important subject that remains to be studiedis what influence, if any, Muslim government adminis-tration had upon the Christians in Spain.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Arie, R. Espana musulmana. Barcelona, 1982. 60–68,84–88.

Al-Maqqarı. Analectes sur l’histoire et la litterature des Ar-abes d’Espagne. 2 vols., ed. R. P. Dozy et al. Leiden,1855–61.

Al-Muqadası. Description de l’occident musulman auIVe–Xe siecle, ed. and trans. Charles Pellat. Alger,1950.

Saavedra, E. La geografıa de Espana del Edrisı. Madrid,1881; reprt. in A. Ubieto Arteta, ed., Geografıa de Es-pana. Valencia, 1974.

Al-Maqqarı. The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties inSpain. 2 vols., trans. Pascual de Gayangos. London,1840–43.

ADOPTIONISM See CHURCH; HERESY; THEOLOGY

AESOP See ANIMAL FABLES; YSOPETE YSTORIADO

AFONSO HENRIQUES, OR AFONSO ICount of Portugal from 1128, king of the Portuguesefrom 1140, conqueror of Lisbon in 1147, and forebearof all three Portuguese dynasties, Burgundian, Avis,and Braganca. Afonso’s mother was the illegitimatedaughter of Emperor Alfonso VI of Leon and XimenaMoniz of the Bierzo. The emperor had awarded Portu-gal with Galicia to his heiress Urraca on her marriageto Count Raymond of Burgundy, but when Raymondfailed before Lisbon in 1094, he detached Portugal andCoimbra and gave them to Teresa on her marriage toCount Henri, Raymond’s cousin. They were installedat Guimarais, where their son Afonso was born, proba-bly in 1109, the year of the emperor’s death. Teresaused the title of “queen,” despite Urraca’s disapproval.Henry was killed while claiming Zamora in May 1112,leaving Afonso and two daughters. Teresa entrustedthe defense of Coimbra to the Galician count FernandoPeres of Trava, and endured the attempts of Gelmırez,first archbishop of Santiago, to overthrow the ancientprimacy of Braga. Afonso appears in her documents

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from 1120. He was educated by barons of the Douro,who in 1128 removed Teresa and Trava in the battleof Sao Mamede, near Guimarais. Urraca’s son AlfonsoVII had been knighted at Santiago, and Afonso Hen-riques armed himself knight at Zamora in 1126. Henow defied his cousin, with varying success, but didnot appear when Alfonso VII assumed the title of em-peror in 1135. A clash at Cerneja was averted by aMuslim attack on Coimbra. Afonso assumed the titleof king in 1140, probably following the death of theaged Gelmırez. The miraculous victory of Ourique,once considered a proof of divine approval, is undocu-mented. In 1143 he reached agreement with his cousinat Zamora, and obtained the consent of Rome. Afonsomarried Mafalda, daughter of the Count of Savoy andMaurtienlle, in 1145 or 1146 and in March 1147 re-covered Santarem (lost in 1111) in a surprise attack.St. Bernard’s preaching of the Second Crusade broughta large contingent of 164 ships from England, the LowCountries, and southern Germany that participated inthe conquest of Lisbon. An English priest, Gilbert ofHastings, became the first bishop of the restored dio-cese. Sintra and Palmela also capitulated, almost dou-bling Afonso’s territories. His own wealth and author-ity were greatly increased, rendering secure thecontinuity of his house. He installed the military ordersin castles to defend the line of the Tagus, while theCistercians undertook the cultivation and settlement oflargely abandoned frontier areas, from their headquar-ters at Alcobaca, founded in 1153. His usual capitalwas Coimbra, where the monastery of Santa Cruz Al-cobaca served as his scriptorium and treasury. QueenMafalda died there in 1157, having given him threesons and four daughters.

Although Afonso’s daughter Urraca married Fer-nando II of Leon, now separated from Castile, the fron-tier beyond the Tagus was disputed. Afonso supportedthe adventurer Geraldo Sem Pavor who from Evoraseized Badajoz, where in 1169 Afonso was woundedand captured, peace was later made at Pontevedra.Afonso remained incapacitated, and shared his militaryresponsibilities with his heir, Sancho, born at Coimbrain 1154. Although Alcacer do Sal was taken in 1158,much of the lower Alentejo was overrun in the greatAlmohad invasion of 1171. Afonso Henriques ob-tained full recognition as an independent monarchfrom Pope Alexander III in 1179. He died at Coimbraon 8 December 1185 and is buried at Santa Cruz, thepresent monument having been erected by King Ma-noel. Afonso’s qualities of boldness, persistence, andastuteness firmly established the Portuguese mon-archy, free from the entanglements that had frustratedhis mother.

AFONSO HENRIQUES, OR AFONSO I

The documents of Afonso Henriques are excel-lently edited by R. P. de Azevedo; see the Documentosmedievais portugueses (Lisbon, 1958).

H. V. LIVERMORE

Bibliography

Livermore, H. V. A New History of Portugal. Cambridge,U.K., 1976.

Marques, H. Oliveira. A History of Portugal. 2 vols. NewYork, 1972. I.

Searrao, Joaquim Verissimo. Historia de Portugal. 3rd ed.2 vols. Lisbon, 1979–80. I.

AFONSO II, KING OF PORTUGALAfonso II, Portugal’s third monarch, was born inCoimbra in 1185, son and successor of King SanchoI and his Aragonese wife, Queen Dulce. Rarely in goodhealth, Afonso was obese and most probably died ofadvanced leprosy on 25 March 1223. In 1208 he mar-ried Urraca, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile.Afonso II took over the kingship of Portugal at the endof March 1211.

Though his reign was relatively short, it was farfrom uneventful. Afonso II did much to consolidatethe various gains of his predecessors, particularly byseeking to augment royal power. In 1211 Afonso IIpromulgated the first corpus of Portuguese law. Thislegislation had four chief purposes: (1) to guaranteethe rights of royal as well as private property, (2) toregularize the administration of civil justice, (3) to de-fend the material interests of the crown, and (4) toeliminate abuses by both the clergy and the nobility.Afonso II also developed two institutions to strengthenroyal prerogatives: the inquiricoes gerais (general in-quiries) to investigate the legitimacy of earlier grants,and the confirmacoes (confirmations). He sent teamsof investigators out into the country to check on thelegitimacy of claims and grants, and to take testimony.Sometimes the inquiries resulted in an annulment ofgrants and loss of property or privileges. Predictably,this action to improve public administration and tostrengthen royal control caused some turmoil, resentedas it was by the higher clergy and nobles, jealous oftheir prerogatives and immunities. Serious disruptionsoften limited the scope of the inquiries. However, theinvestigations did improve public administration andwere a model for future kings of Portugal, especiallyAfonso III and Dinis.

In his will, Sancho I had left part of the royalpatrimony to Afonso II’s brothers and sisters. AfonsoII deemed this a challenge to his sovereignty. He ar-gued that the royal patrimony was indivisible and thathe should have jurisdiction over all crown properties.

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Rather than face the restrictions that their brother, theking, was putting on their goods and persons, Afonso’sbrothers left the kingdom for voluntary exile. How-ever, the king’s sisters, two of whom (Teresa and Ma-falda) had been queens in Castile, refused to acceptAfonso II’s authority over their grants. When Afonsoapplied force to get his way, the princesses protestedto Pope Innocent III, who reacted in August 1212 byplacing Portugal under an interdict that lasted for ayear and a half. In the meantime, Afonso paid the popethe annual tribute, which had been in arrears since San-cho I’s lump-sum payment late in the preceding cen-tury. Finally, a papal bull published by Innocent III in1216 provided the foundations for a settlement to thequarrel. It asserted that Sancho I had intended that hisdaughters have the revenue from, but not jurisdictionover, the towns he had willed them. But because of anew conflict involving Afonso II—this time with thearchbishop of Braga—that resulted in the king’s ex-communication, the issue of the royal patrimony wasnot definitively settled until the beginning of SanchoII’s reign in 1223.

In the process of investigating the grants that wereclaimed by the Church in Portugal, Afonso II annulleda number of them. Estevao Soares da Silva, the arch-bishop of Braga, convoked an assembly of clergy andcondemned the actions of the king, accusing him notonly of abuses against the Church, but of living anadulterous life. The king redoubled his efforts againstthe Church in northern Portugal. When the archbishopexcommunicated Afonso and his chief advisers andput Portugal under interdict, the monarch ordered hisforces to destroy the properties of the archbishop, in-cluding his granaries, vineyards, and orchards. Thearchbishop then appealed to Rome, and Pope HonoriusIII intervened. Afonso II, with an heir only twelveyears old and faced with a papal threat of deposition,began negotiations with the archbishop of Braga. Butbefore they were concluded, the king died, an excom-municate.

When Afonso II assumed power in 1211, Portu-gal’s independence was fairly well established, al-though there still were occasional threats from neigh-boring Christian kingdoms. In 1212 Alfonso IX ofLeon used the clash between the Portuguese king andhis brothers and sisters as an excuse to invade northernPortugal. With help from some Portuguese nobles, in-cluding one of Afonso II’s brothers, the Leonese de-feated the supporters of Afonso II at the Battle of Val-devez. Fortunately for the Portuguese, the threat ofhostilities with Alfonso VIII of Castile forced theLeonese king to withdraw from Portugal and AfonsoII was able to recover the occupied territory.

AFONSO III, KING OF PORTUGAL

There was relatively little fighting against theMuslims on Portugal’s borders during the reign ofAfonso II. The Portuguese monarch did, however, sendtroops to aid his father-in-law, Alfonso VIII of Castile,in the famous Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212, inwhich the Christians decisively defeated the Almohadforces. Las Navas de Tolosa was the gateway to Anda-lucıa, and the Almohads never recovered from this de-feat. The Portuguese distinguished themselves by theirbravery in this encounter, the outcome of which is con-sidered by many to be the greatest Christian victoryof the Reconquest.

Five years later, when Afonso II was at Coimbra,the bishop of Lisbon convinced knights from the FifthCrusade to aid the Portuguese in an attempt to regainthe important stronghold of Alcacer do Sal. The cru-saders, together with the Templars, Hospitalers, andknights of Santiago, captured Alcacer after a two-month siege. The victory opened up the Sado Riverbasin to Portuguese settlement and commerce.

FRANCIS A. DUTRA

Bibliography

Livermore, H. V. A History of Portugal. Cambridge, U.K.,1947.

Serrao, J. V. Historia de Portugal. Lisbon, vol. 1. 1977.

AFONSO III, KING OF PORTUGALThe second son of Afonso II and Uracca of Castile,Afonso III was born in Coimbra on 5 May 1210. Thefifth king of Portugal, he succeeded his brother SanchoII and reigned from early in 1248 to his death on 16February 1279.

Before becoming king, Afonso lived first in Den-mark and then in France, where in 1238 or 1239 hemarried the wealthy widow Matilda, heiress of theCount of Boulogne. Afonso was influential at the courtof his maternal aunt, Queen Blanche, widow of LouisVIII and mother of Louis IX. While in France he be-came involved in Portuguese internal affairs, where hisolder brother was under attack by clergy and nobles.Pope Innocent IV, in a bull of 24 July 1245, effectivelydeposed Sancho II by reducing him to king in nameonly and by turning over the government to hisyounger brother, Afonso, Count of Boulogne. InnocentIV instructed the Portuguese to receive and obeyAfonso as soon as he arrived in Portugal and to ignorethe orders of Sancho II. After the pope issued his bull,a delegation of Portuguese—a number of whom hadtestified against Sancho II at the Council ofLyons—visited Paris, where they swore obedience toAfonso. They also exacted a series of promises fromthe future monarch to respect the Church, to honor the

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privileges and customs of Portugal, and to promotejustice.

Arriving in Portugal in early 1246, Afonso tookpart in the civil war against supporters of the king.After Sancho II died in Toledo in January 1248,Afonso III was crowned king. The new monarch re-newed the policies of Portugal’s earlier monarchs byasserting authority wherever possible and by taking ahard line with the privileged classes when their im-munities and prerogatives interfered with the royaltreasury or administration. Early in his reign, AfonsoIII took up the task of driving the Muslims from theirisolated strongholds in southwestern Portugal. Thetime was propitious for such a move. Fernando III ofCastile, with the aid of the Portuguese military ordersand some Portuguese nobles, had been campaigningsuccessfully against the Muslim kingdoms in Anda-lucıa. Seville would fall to Christian forces in Novem-ber 1248. Afonso II personally led the drive to oust theMuslims from the Algarve. In March 1249 he capturedFaro. Soon, Albufeira and Silves, along with a numberof lesser towns and fortresses, fell to the Portuguese.This completed the ouster of Muslim military forcesfrom what was to be the limits of modern Portugal. In1251 Afonso II continued his campaign—this time tothe east of the Guadiana River in territory that the Cas-tilians regarded as their preserve. Castile, in the mean-time, claimed parts of the Algarve. Armed conflictsoon broke out between Portugal and Castile over thesedisputed territories.

In 1252 Alfonso X “el Sabio” (the Wise) ascendedthe Castilian throne. A year later, a truce was arrangedbetween the two kings. It was resolved that Afonso IIIwould marry Beatriz of Castile, the illegitimate daugh-ter of Alfonso X. The marriage took place in 1253. Inaddition, it was decided that the administration of thenewly conquered kingdom of the Algarve and the landseast of the Guadiana would be Portugal’s but the usu-fruct of these territories would remain in the hands ofAlfonso X until the firstborn son of the marriage be-tween Afonso III and Beatriz reached the age of seven.

Unfortunately, there were a number of difficultiesin implementing this marriage arrangement. Beatrizwas very young and was related to Afonso III withinthe fourth degree of consanguinity. But most impor-tantly, Afonso III was already married to Matilda,Countess of Boulogne, who was living in France. SoonMatilda was complaining to the pope about her hus-band’s bigamous marriage. Although Pope AlexanderIV placed under interdict those parts of Portugal wherethe king was residing, he was unable to persuadeAfonso III to leave his young bride.

Matilda’s death in 1258 helped resolve some ofthe Portuguese monarch’s difficulties. But papal oppo-

AFONSO III, KING OF PORTUGAL

sition to the marriage continued, as did the interdict.The bishops and cathedral chapters of Portugal cameto the king’s defense. In 1260—by which time Beatrizhad already borne two children to Afonso—theypleaded with Pope Urban IV to lift the interdict andlegitimize the children. They argued that the abandon-ment of Beatriz by Afonso would lead to war withCastile, and they claimed that ecclesiastical penaltieswere causing spiritual harm and scandal in Portugal.Finally, in 1263, after a visit to Rome by a delegationof Portuguese bishops, and after much lobbying byEuropean leaders such as Louis IX of France and theDuke of Anjou, the request for the necessary dispensa-tions and legitimizations was granted.

The birth in 1261 of Dinis, Afonso III’s third childby Beatriz (the first was a girl, the second a boy whodied in infancy), provided the necessary ingredient forthe resolution of the controversy between Castile andPortugal. By the Treaty of Badajoz in 1267 AlfonsoX of Castile renounced his rights to the kingdom ofthe Algarve, while Afonso III gave up Portugueseclaims to the territories between the Guadiana andGuadalquivir Rivers. Portugal, however, would haveauthority over the territory to the west of the mouthof the Guadiana and its confluence with the Caia River.

In addition to the reconquest of the Algarve andthe resolution of Portugal’s boundaries with Castile,several other major accomplishments marked AfonsoIII’s reign. Afonso promoted greater participation bytowns and their officials in Portuguese national life.At Leiria in 1254, for the first time in the nation’shistory, representatives of the cities participated in thecortes (parliament) along with the nobility and thehigher clergy. Laws were also enacted to protect com-moners from abuse at the hands of the privilegedclasses. Furthermore, Afonso III restructured the coun-try’s monetary system. Charters issued during his reignshow that a moneyed economy was replacing barter.Fixed monetary taxes replaced the custom of payingin kind. At the cortes of Coimbra in 1261, Afonso IIIagreed to devalue the currency only once during a reigninstead of every seven years, as was becoming thepractice. The monarch favored Lisbon over Coimbraas the kingdom’s chief commercial and administrativecenter, and he increased the royal treasury by promot-ing the country’s economy.

Afonso III continued his predecessors’ policy ofstrengthening royal prerogatives. This was accom-plished chiefly through the use of the inquiricoes ger-ais (general inquiries) and confirmacoes (confirma-tions). In 1258, in response to complaints from royalofficials as well as commoners, the crown sent investi-gative teams into the comarcas (districts) of EntreDouro e Minho, Tras-os-Montes, and Beira Alta to

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examine titles to lands claimed by nobility and clergy.Sworn testimony was taken to determine if the rightsof the crown were being respected. Afonso III wasanxious to curb the power of the old nobility and thehigher clergy, especially those in the comarca of EntreDouro e Minho, the oldest and most populous regionof Portugal. These investigations revealed a wide rangeof violations, including the usurpation of the royal pa-trimony, evasion of taxes, and abuses of commonersby the privileged estates, both secular and clerical.Laws were promulgated to deal with these infractionsand they soon sparked fresh opposition from clergyand nobility.

In 1267 a number of Portuguese prelates traveledto Rome and presented Pope Clement IV with an ex-tensive list of grievances. They accused Afonso III ofcondoning, even encouraging, violence in civil admin-istration, of using unfair practices in his business deal-ings, and of infringing on ecclesiastical liberties. ThePortuguese monarch answered these charges with testi-monials from the towns of the kingdom that defendedhis actions and praised his administration. In addition,in 1273, during the meeting of the cortes at Santarem,Afonso III established a commission to investigate hisacts and those of his officials. But the papacy was notimpressed by the results of this investigation, whichmaintained that there had been little wrongdoing. In1275 Pope Gregory X ordered that the king correctabuses and promise not to repeat them under pain ofa series of penalties. These penalties would be invokedin stages, beginning in 1277, and would progress fromlocal interdict, to excommunication, to a general inter-dict for the kingdom, to freeing the Portuguese fromobedience to their king. And, indeed, by the end of1277, Afonso III had been excommunicated and thekingdom placed under interdict. Soon, minor revoltsbroke out against the king in which Afonso III’s sonand successor, Dinis, took part. In January 1279, amonth before his death, Afonso III made his peacewith the Church and with his son.

FRANCIS A. DUTRA

Bibliography


Serrao, J. V. Historia de Portugal. Lisbon, vol. 1 1977.Mattoso, J. (ed.) Historia de Portugal, Lisbon, vol. 2 1993.

AFONSO IV, KING OF PORTUGALThe seventh king of Portugal, Afonso IV, was the onlyson of King Dinis and his Aragonese queen, Isabel(later St. Isabel of Aragon). Afonso was born in Lisbonon 8 February 1291 and died in the same city on 28

AFONSO V

May 1357. In 1309 he married Beatriz of Castile; hereigned from 1325 to 1357.

An austere ruler, Afonso IV continued his father’spolicies of augmenting the crown’s patrimony,strengthening royal authority, and promoting justice.His reign, however, was marked by numerous internalrevolts, conflicts with Castile, and dislocations in thewake of the Black Death.

During the early part of his reign, Afonso IV waspreoccupied with the struggle against his illegitimatehalf-brother, Afonso Sanches. After the latter’s deathin 1329, Portugal became embroiled in a conflict withCastile over Afonso IV’s daughter Maria, wife of Al-fonso XI of Castile (reigned 1312–1350). After Al-fonso XI abandoned her, Portugal gave its support toInfante Juan Manuel, Alfonso XI’s cousin and a per-petual thorn in the Castilian monarch’s side, and toothers who contested Alfonso XI’s power. In fact,Afonso IV married off his son and heir, Pedro, toConstanza, daughter of Infante Juan Manuel. AlfonsoXI then refused to allow Constanza to leave Castile;Portugal, in alliance with Aragon, invaded Castile in1336.

These disputes among the Christian kingdomsgave the Muslims the opportunity to recover some ofthe territory they had earlier lost to the Christians. TheMarınids were in the ascendancy in North Africa andallied with the Muslims in Granada. Gibraltar wasseized in 1333. In 1340 the Marınids invaded the Iber-ian Peninsula after destroying an Aragonese and Cas-tilian fleet in the Strait of Gibraltar. Castile and Portu-gal temporarily put their differences aside and signeda peace treaty at Seville in July 1340. A Portuguese,Genoese, and Castilian armada was organized near theStrait of Gibraltar, but storms scattered it. Portugueseforces, led by Afonso IV and accompanied by the arch-bishop of Braga, the bishop of Evora, and knights fromthe Portuguese military orders, however, played an im-portant role in the victory at Salado (30 October 1340),a major event in the Christian reconquest of the IberianPeninsula. In the 1340s Afonso IV sponsored voyagesto the Canary Islands.

The Black Death struck Portugal late in September1348 and continued its devastation for the remainderof the year. The pestilence claimed at least one-third ofPortugal’s population. Some villages and small townscompletely disappeared, while others became greatlydepopulated. There was an exodus to the cities bymany of the survivors, which further aggravated theproblem of rural depopulation. Because the epidemicoften wiped out entire families, some shifts occurredwithin the social strata as distant relatives and the poorcame into vast sums of money or substantial properties.The Church also benefited greatly from the many

37

deathbed grants of estates and goods. A shortage oflabor led to higher wages and prices. Famine and foodshortages became regular occurrences in many partsof the kingdom as the Black Death was followed bynew plagues and epidemics. There were frequent de-valuations. Abandoned agricultural lands were turnedinto vineyards, olive groves, pasturage, or hunting pre-serves. Social instability and famine led to discontent,unrest, and an increasing number of riots. Afonso IVand his successors used iron-handed methods to try tocontrol these upheavals. They fixed wages, crackeddown on vagrancy, and bound workers to their tradi-tional occupations. The cortes (parliament) was con-vened in 1352 and 1361 in hopes of solving some ofthe problems.

Meanwhile, Prince Pedro’s wife, Constanza, whohad arrived in Portugal in 1340, gave birth to threechildren, including Fernando, the future king of Portu-gal. Pedro, however, had fallen in love with Ines deCastro, his wife’s lady-in-waiting and a member of apowerful Galician family. Although Afonso IV ban-ished Ines from his kingdom, she returned to Portugalafter Constanza’s death in 1345 and gave birth to fourillegitimate children by Pedro. Afonso IV believed thathis son Pedro was setting a bad example, neglectinghis royal duties and compromising Portugal’s securityby falling under the influence of Galician and Castiliannobles, headed by Ines’s brothers. In 1355, apparentlyat Afonso IV’s orders, Ines was murdered. PrincePedro, aided by Castilian forces led by the brothers ofInes de Castro, mounted a full-scale revolt against hisfather, but in 1356 peace returned.

FRANCIS A. DUTRA

Bibliography


Serrao, J. V. Historia de Portugal, Lisbon, vol. 1. 1977.

AFONSO VTwelfth king of Portugal and third of the house of Avis,1438–1481, sometimes called “the African” becauseof his crusading expeditions in the Maghrib. He wasborn at Sintra on 15 January 1432, the eldest son ofKing Duarte and Queen Leonor, and acceded at theage of six. His father’s will appointed his mother re-gent, but she was opposed as a woman and a foreigner(a Castilian, though called “of Aragon”), and lackingconsent of the cortes (parliament). His father’syounger brother Dom Pedro was backed by the towns,and after an unsuccessful dual regency, Leonor fled toCastile, apparently to her relatives. Pedro assumed thesole regency, and fended off threats of Castilian inter-

AFONSO V

vention, but formed an alliance with the warlord Alv-aro de Luna. Pedro arranged the marriage of AfonsoV to his daughter Isabel, and appointed his son, alsoPedro, constable. Afonso came of age at fourteen, andprolonged Pedro’s authority. Pedro’s costly interven-tion in Castile lost him support, and the intrigues ofthe Duke of Braganca, who claimed that the con-stableship was hereditary in his family, forced Pedroto resign. He was provoked into rebellion and killedat Alfarrobeira. Afonso V refused to put away Isabel,but could do little to curb the Bragancas. In 1455 hisheir Prince Joao was born, Queen Isabel died, and therewas a reconciliation. The Portuguese voyages of explo-ration to West Africa under Prince Henrique had beenactively pursued under Pedro, but Afonso V respondedto the loss of Constantinople and the appeals of PopeCalixtus III by organizing a large crusading expeditionthat took al-Qas.r as.’ aghir (Alcacer Seguer) on 23 Oc-tober 1458. It was hoped it would relieve the isolationof Ceuta, but the new conquest suffered several sieges,and then Afonso returned to Africa in 1464; he wassaved from capture only by the sacrifice of Duarte deMeneses.

These costly military campaigns delayed the voy-ages of discovery, which had reached Serra Leoa(Sierra Leone), when Prince Henrique died in Novem-ber 1460. Afonso entrusted the voyages to his youngerbrother Fernando, but until 1468 the main activity wasin trading, with little further exploration. In 1469Afonso awarded a monopoly of trade to Diogo Gomes,a Lisbon merchant, with the obligation to pursue thediscoveries, and after the death of Fernando in 1470,the enterprise passed under the control of Prince Joao.By 1474, the Cape Verde Islands, the Equatorial islesand the African coast almost as far as the mouth ofthe Congo were made known.

Afonso was a liberal patron moved by religiousidealism and somewhat outmoded notions of chivalry.His African illusions were crowned in 1471 when heled a vast fleet to take Arcila, and Tangier was aban-doned without a fight. These conquests had to be sup-plied by sea, at considerable expense, but contributedsomething to the security of the seaways. Madeira,with about one thousand settlers, provided cereals andinitial sugar production. The Azores, settled with somecontribution from Flanders (where Afonso’s aunt hadmarried Philip the Good), produced cereals and dye-stuffs. Afonso’s aristocracy, drawn mainly from fami-lies that had supported his grandfather Joao I, were hispensioners, drawing moradias at court according torank. He resided at Lisbon, Sintra, Santarem, andEvora. He convened cortes on twenty occasions, usu-ally at one of these places, never in the north or southof Evora. This centralizing system strengthened the

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class of letrados emerging from the single universityat Lisbon.

The Cape Verde Islands were claimed, but not yetsettled. Guinea gold was obtained from Gambia fromabout 1458, but the supply attained large proportionswith the foundation of the factory at Mina in 1481.

Afonso’s personal inclination was to emulate hisgreat-grandfather Joao I, whose conquest of Ceuta hecommissioned Azurara to narrate. His sister Leonormarried Emperor Frederick III and was the mother ofMaximilian. His brother-in-law Pedro claimed to beking of Aragon (1464–1466). In 1455 his youngestsister Joana became the wife of Enrique IV of Castile,she gave birth to a princess, also Joana, whose succes-sion was contested upon the death of Enrique in 1474,by Fernando of Aragon on behalf of his wife Isabel,Henry’s sister. Supporters of Joana appealed to AfonsoV, who accepted the challenge, and prepared to marryhis niece and lead her partisans. He occupied the townsof Zamora and Toro, claiming the throne of Castile.He informed Louis XI, his ally, also hostile to the Ara-gonese, and entrusted Portugal to his son, Joao II. Fer-nando took Zamora, and after the battle of Toro (2March 1476), Afonso decided to go to France to appealto Louis, who received him at Tours and put him offwith words. Afonso visited Paris and mainly soughthelp in Lorraine. He then decided to abdicate and goto Palestine, but changed his mind and returned to Por-tugal just as his son had begun to govern. He resumedhis reign, but left Joao to rule. Since Fernando andIsabel were now entrenched, Joao concluded theTreaty of Alcacovas (4 September 1479), by whichJoana’s claim was canceled, and Afonso retired to Sin-tra, where he died on 15 August 1481.

H. V. LIVERMORE

Bibliography

Livermore, H. V. A New History of Portugal. Cambridge,U.K., 1976.

Marques, H. Oliveira. A History of Portugal. 2 vols. NewYork, 1972. I.

Searrao, Joaquim Verissimo. Historia de Portugal. 3rd ed.2 vols. Lisbon, 1979–80. I.

AFONSO, COUNT OF BARCELOS AND DUKEOF BRAGANCAIllegitimate son of Dom Joao, master of Avis, whobecame king of Portugal (1385) as Joao I, and InesPires, was probably born in the castle of Veiros inAlentejo, southern Portugal (ca. 1380). He was broughtup in Leiria and legitimized by his father on 20 October1391. Dom Afonso fought alongside Joao I in the eigh-teen-year-old war against Castile. In the siege of Tuy

AGRICULTURE

in Galicia, he was knighted by the king on 25 July1398, after the town had surrendered. On 8 November1401, he married Dona Beatriz Pereira de Alvim(1378–14l2), the daughter of Nun’ Alvares Pereira, thewealthiest nobleman in the realm, and Dona Leonorde Alvim. He received by his marriage large donationsin land and property, which made up the foundationof the House of Braganca in 1442. He was the eighthCount of Barcelos and the first Duke of Braganca.

Joao I and the queen, Philippa of Lancaster, heldhim in high esteem. He visited the court frequentlyand was a member of the Privy Council, taking partin all affairs of state even when Duarte I succeededhis father Joao I to the throne. Afonso had great ambi-tions for his family, and though he was extremely richand enjoyed great prestige at court, he craved politicalpower. He believed his opportunity had come whenDuarte died, leaving a six-year-old son, Afonso. ButDuarte’s brother, Pedro, was elected regent (1440–1446) by the cortes (parliament) held in Lisbon (1439),one year after the young Afonso V had been crowned.The Count of Barcelos in 1443 headed the aristocraticfaction that wanted to strenghten personal privilege,and led a campaign against Pedro that led to his deathat the battle of Alfarrobeira (1449). Afonso died in1461.

LUIS REBELO

Bibliography

Montalvao Machado, J. T. Dom Afonso, Primeiro Duque deBraganca, Sua Vida e Obra. Lisbon, 1964.

AGRICULTURE

Introduction

Both Christians and Muslims practiced styles ofagriculture that were distinctively Mediterranean instyle and were equally based in the classical “Mediter-ranean triad” of wheat, olives, and grapes. On thisfoundation, the Arabs superimposed, particularly in thegreat periurban huertas of southern and eastern Spain,a roster of irrigated crops characteristic of “Indian agri-culture” (filaha hindiyya) which had the effect ofbroadening the nutritional base of the urban Islamicpopulation. As with all aspects of material culture inmedieval Spain it is important to track continuity orchange over the key cultural transitions: that of lateRoman times to the early middle ages, both Christianand Islamic, and that of the eleventh through thirteenthcenturies, from Islamic to Christian society.

Agriculture in medieval Iberia was strongly condi-tioned by its Mediterranean climate (except for the

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more “continental” peninsular northwest) and by ahigh degree of continuity with Roman agriculture. Ar-cheological evidence from Islamic sites in Castellonreveals virtually no change in the pattern of cultivarsfrom Roman through Islamic times. However, this evi-dence is from rural dry farming and microscale irri-gated huertas (gardens) that do not reflect the morecosmopolitan “Indian”-style agriculture of the irri-gated huertas of the major cities of al-Andalus.

Thus, Butzer has found that to the Roman reper-tory of spring wheat, millet, a dozen species of orchardtrees, and a great variety of fodder and vegetable crops,the Arabs (in Castellon) added only sorghum, four fruittrees, and some crops that were important commer-cially but which had no influence on the practice ofthe majority of the peasantry.

The case for the Arabic “green revolution” is madeby Watson, who stresses the other side of medievalagriculture: that of the great urban huertas where cropsintroduced from the east made an entrance, these wererice, sugarcane, cotton, a number of citrus varieties notcultivated by the Romans, the banana, watermelon, anumber of important new vegetables (spinach, arti-choke, and eggplant), and hard wheat. The heart ofWatson’s argument lies in his conception of how andwhen these crops were deployed, namely in the processof economic regionalization that resulted from thebreakup of the caliphate into more economically coher-ent entities, reflected in the political organization of the“party kingdoms.” The most precise cultural marker, inany case, is less the roster of crops grown by differentcultural groups than the balance struck among cerealfarming, irrigation, arboriculture, and stock herding.

Agriculture in Al-Andalus

The most salient aspect of Islamic irrigation inSpain was its association with the distinctive form ofrural social organization, namely the complexes of cas-tles and hamlets (alquerıas), that had been establishedthroughout many rural districts, especially Valencia,Murcia, Almerıa, and Malaga. Such systems were ofIslamic foundation and (following Butzer’s typology)were either microsystems (based on tanks fed fromwells or small springs) or mesosystems (from largesprings or small streams). The latter used a variety ofwater conduction techniques, including filtration gal-leries or surface canals. Both micro- and mesoscaleirrigation were associated with terracing, an exampleof which is the terraced agriculture of Banyalbufar,Mallorca, a replication of the Arabian ma�jil regimewhose introduction from Yemen in the tenth centuryis documented. The mesosystems of southeasternSpain and Granada are institutionally similar to oasis-

AGRICULTURE

style irrigation systems of southern Arabia and the Sa-hara. The periurban macrosystems of the huertas ofMurcia and Valencia are most likely Islamic expan-sions of preexisting Roman canal systems, but theirexistence in Islamic times has not been precisely docu-mented.

The agricultural heartland of al-Andalus, that isthe campina (open country) of Cordoba and the theGuadalquivir Valley generally, had in the past consti-tuted the wheat-producing area of Roman Baetica, oneof the three breadbaskets (along with Sicily and Tuni-sia) of Rome. Although the data is inferential at best,we can presume that the Muslims grew less wheat thanthe Roman occupants of the same area had. Eventhough the lower Guadalquivir was in general not irri-gated in Islamic times, much of the unirrigated landwas put into tree crops, notably olives. Nevertheless,the Cordoban campina and various places with thename Fahs (plain), such as Fahs al-Ballut to the northof Cordoba and Fahs Qamara, near Colmenar, werefamous for their wheat. The Arabs introduced hardwheat (Triticum durum) into Europe: in al-Andalus itwas called darmaq (in Castilian, adargama). Millet,which had been the staple of the Roman workingclasses, was replaced by sorghum (Arabic dhura; al-dora in medieval Castilian) which the Berbers broughtfrom the Sudan. Sorghum played the same social anddietary role as was played in Christian Spain (and Eu-rope generally) by rye; the Muslims also cultivatedrye, which they called by its Romance name, shanti-yya. The Muslim reshuffling of the cards of cereal cul-ture was no doubt climatically motivated: hard wheatis much more resistant to heat and drought than werethe soft varieties it replaced, and sorghum was wellsuited to the Mediterranean climatic regime of springrains, followed by a hot, dry summer.

Cereals and irrigated field crops were comple-mented by vineyards and orchards. The Quranic prohi-bition of wine drinking did little to stifle the growingof grapes, although some repartimientos (land grants)indicate that vineyards were not as widespread in areasof southern Spain, such as Seville, which were laterknown for their wines. The Christian and Jewish mi-norities, of course, constituted a continuing market forwine, and Muslims not only used grapes and raisinsin their cuisine, but many drank wine as well. Malagangrapes were greatly admired, as was the qanbanı vari-ety from the Cordoban campina.

Roman Spain had been an exporter of olive oil,so the Muslims were by no means innovators in thisarea. But Andalusi cuisine was almost wholly depen-dent on olive oil, to the exclusion of animal fats, andthe universality of the use of olive oil and olives no

40

doubt explains why they are known by Ara-bisms—aceite, aceituna, from al-zait and al-zai-tuna—while the tree has a Romance name, olivo. TheAljarafe region to the west of Seville was so denselyplanted in olive and fig trees that it could be traversedin the shade, and repartimientos suggest that there weretwo and a half million olive trees in the present prov-ince of Seville at the time of the conquest from theMuslims and that it produced five million kilos of ol-ives annually.

Figs were noteworthy for the great number of vari-eties grown in al-Andalus, including the rayyı or Ma-laga fig the doneqal, the qutiya (Gothic), and so forth.The repartimiento of Malaga records equal numbersof fig and pomegranate trees, then a second line group-ing of plum, apple, quince, lemon, and apricot, and infewer numbers, lime, orange, peach, and pear. Al-monds were also widely grown, due to the universaluse of their flour as a thickener in Andalusi cooking.(Andalusi cookbooks, incidentally, are a valuablesource of information about what foodstuffs wereavailable in markets; more recipes have survived fromal-Andalus than from any other medieval society.)

We know few specifics of stock raising in al-Andalus. Berber mountaineers practiced a mainly pas-toral economy, along with arboriculture, and Berbersintroduced the merino sheep from Morocco sometimebefore the fourteenth century.

Early Christian Agriculture

Tenth-century colonization in the Christian king-doms produced a network of aldeas, which became thecharacteristic unit of peasant settlement. These wereorganized in two roughly concentric circles, in com-mon with the morphology of villages all over westernEurope. The inner circle was comprised of houses andclosed parcels (solares) for private domestic agricul-tural exploitation. Surrounding this nucleus was anouter circle of fields, forest, or pasture. With the pas-sage of time, the primitive aldeas became compacted,due to economic or demographic pressure, with thehouses more tightly packed together and the huertasbetween houses in many cases squeezed out. Surround-ing cereal fields and vineyards were also pressed to-gether and something resembling the western Euro-pean “open field” system emerged, with communaltwo-course, biennial rotations (ano y vez) alternatingplantings of winter wheat with fallowness. In areaswhere local stock raising was particularly strong, afurther adaptation was made in the form of cultivo altercio, which freed more space for fallow grazing.

AGRICULTURE

Three-course rotations, with a spring sowing, couldnot be introduced under conditions of semiaridity onlight soils where the Roman plow was used. The heavyplow, said to have been introduced by the Suevi, wasknown only in Galicia. Cereal yields were accordinglyvery low, three to one and four to one for wheat andbarley, respectively, which compares unfavorably withtypical northern European yields of five to one andnine to one. Oats were planted increasingly in Cata-lonia from the first half of the eleventh century. Boththe military and agricultural use of horses were directlylinked to the incidence of oat cultivation.

Cereal cultivation was complemented by vine-yards, arboriculture, and herding. The diffusion of thegrape was linked to monasticism and demand for wineresulted in the progressive conversion of wasteland andcereal land into vineyards until the end of the twelfthcentury. Grapevines became ubiquitous and, in Cata-lonia, terraced vineyards invaded hill country at theexpense of rough pasture. Fruit trees provided an im-portant component of a diet based on inadequate cerealstores. The Basques were associated with the appletree; as they migrated southward the apple went withthem. Figs, pears, cherries, peaches, and plums werealso widely grown and, where possible, irrigated. Theolive was not widely grown in Christian Spain beforethe tenth century and only in climatically appropriatezones, such as Catalonia, thereafter.

Irrigation was also widely developed in the Chris-tian kingdoms. Wherever water was diverted for themilling of grain—which was practically every-where—the diversion channels could be pressed intoservice for irrigating small gardens. In the early phasesof settlement of sparsely populated plains such as theDuero Valley or the Plain of Vic, water as well as landwas available for appropriation (presura). In the greatage of monastic expansion (the ninth through eleventhcenturies), monasteries sought riparian land both formilling and for irrigating domestic gardens. In general,vegetables grown on irrigated parcels were not com-mercialized in the northern kingdoms to the extent theywere in al-Andalus, although by the early eleventh cen-tury, Barcelona was surrounded by hortos subreqaneosthat produced vegetables and fruits for the urbanmarket.

As more land was cleared for grain fields, vine-yards, or orchards, less was available for the grazingof local herds. Seignorial herds tended to becometranshumant while villagers were increasingly ex-cluded from this sector. Monasteries in particularowned large herds—including the Cistercians, who ateno meat. Full transhumance did not emerge until thetwelfth century when Catalan monasteries established

41

summer pastures in Cerdana and when, after the cap-ture of Toledo in 1085, the Tajo Valley was openedto northern herds.

The Later Middle Ages

The process by which a feudalized agriculturalsystem replaced the existing Islamic regimes as theconquest of al-Andalus proceeded has been imper-fectly understood until recently. In part this was be-cause the social organization of rural al-Andalus hadbeen so neglected by historians. Now that such organi-zation has been conceptualized, it is possible to makesome generalizations concerning the agricultural tran-sition, particularly in the thirteenth century. First,Christian settlement and political control radically al-tered the alquerıa networks or destroyed them com-pletely. In Islamic society, alquerıas were minimallysubdivided and were farmed by collectivities of indi-viduals—extended families or their successors. Chris-tians did not understand this kind of property regime.When mudejars (Muslims living under Christian rule)remained in their alquerıas there was pressure to estab-lish metes and bounds and to reduce collective holdsinto individual ones. When Muslims were replaced byChristian settlers, a completely different tenure systemwas introduced. Peasant settlers were given an allot-ment, generally no more than nine hectares, which gen-erally included a mixture of cereal land, huerta, andvineyard parcels. Given the extremely high mobilityof frontier society and Christian inheritance rules, ittook only a few decades to completely transform theagricultural landscape, giving rise to a regime charac-terized by dispersion of parcels. Cereal cultivation andvineyards were privileged. Feudal rents were typicallycollected in kind, in grain and in vine. The productsof small huertas fell outside this fiscal system and per-force led to an expansion of grain production. That didnot mean, however, that irrigation systems fell intodesuetude. In general, in places like Valencia, Murcia,and Andalucıa, the Muslim systems were kept going,care being taken to learn the distribution and allocationarrangements directly from Muslim irrigators. It wasprobably as a result of Christian settlement that thehuerta macrosystems were formed by a process of thelinking up of previously unconnected small alquerıachannels. This process is documented, for example, inthe post-Conquest Ribera del Jucar. Prior to the Con-quest alquerıas at some distance from the river hadbeen irrigated by springs and small streams. As theriver was tapped (Acequia Real del Jucar of the latethirteenth century) and canals dug and extended, thenew unified system encompassed the dispersed ele-ments of older alquerıa systems. A similar process took

AGRICULTURE

place in the plain of Castellon, where, prior to the Con-quest, only Borriana and a number of separate al-querıas had been irrigated; it may also have taken placein Valencia and Murcia, at least insofar as the exten-sion of those huertas was concerned.

It is interesting to note that, with irrigation, theChristian settlers did not much alter their habitual waysof farming. It became possible, in Valencia for exam-ple, to introduce a three-course rotation, with a courseof spring crops (oats, peas, beans, and barley). Withirrigation it was possible to increase yields of cerealsso as to enhance consumption, as well as produce thesurplus needed to pay feudal dues. (Once such a sur-plus was generated, commercialization of the crops inquestion was inevitably stimulated.) Grapevines werealso irrigated in medieval Valencia for the same rea-sons.

What specific elements of Muslim agriculture didthe Christians adopt? In general terms, both the reper-tory of cultivation techniques and the roster of cropswere broadened. Examples of the former are the usein southern Spain of the Berber plow with moldboard(a variant of the standard Roman plow), and the diffu-sion of most elements of modern harnessing (except forthe padded horse collar) from Tripolitania into Europethrough Spain and Italy. An example of the latter is therise of rice as a staple grain, which was only possible inclimatically appropriate areas with extensive irriga-tion.

THOMAS F. GLICK

Bibliography

El agua en zonas aridas: Arqueologıa e historia. 3 vols.Almerıa, 1989.

Al-Mudayna. Historia de los regadıos en Espana. Madrid,1991.

Baroelo, M., et al. Les aigues cercades (Els qanats) de l’illade Mallorca. Palma, 1986.

Bulliet, R. W. The Camel and the Wheel. Cambridge, Mass.,1975.

Butzer, H., et al. “Irrigation Agrosystems in Eastern Spain:Roman or Islamic Origins?” Annals of the Associationof American Geographers 75 (1985), 479–509.

Garcıa de Cortazar, J. A. (ed.) Organizacion social del es-pacio en la Espana medieval. Barcelona, 1985.

Garcıa Fernandez, J. “Campos abiertos y campos ceradosen Castilla La Vieja,” in Homenaje a Amando Melony Ruiz de Gordejuela. Zaragoza, 1966. 117–31.

Glick, T. F. Irrigation and Society in Medieval Valencia.Cambridge, Mass., 1970.

MMM. Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early MiddleAges. Princeton, N.J., 1979.

Watson, A. M. Agricultural Innovation in the Early IslamicWorld. New York, 1983.

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ALANS See GERMANIC INVASIONS

ALARCOS, BATTLE OFThe battle of Alarcos (19 July 1195) was a decisivevictory for the Almohad caliph Ya�qub al-Mans.ur overthe Castilian king Alfonso VIII. Al-Mans.ur hadmounted expeditions against Portugal in 1190 in retal-iation for Portuguese expansion in the Algarve andCastilian expansion into al-Andalus. Castile thensought treaties with Al-Mans.ur, but after they expiredthe Castilians began campaigning around Seville. Inretaliation, Al-Mans.ur crossed into Spain at Tarifa inJune 1195 and took his army on the road to Toledo,camping in the lands around Calatrava.

Prior to the battle of Alarcos, Alfonso VIII hadunfriendly relations with the neighboring kingdom ofLeon and its king, his cousin Alfonso IX; in 1194, theTreaty of Tordehumos created an alliance between thetwo kingdoms. But when Alfonso VIII heard of Al-Mans.ur’s advance, he decided not to wait for reinforce-ments from Leon. Instead, he rushed from Toledo tothe fortress of Alarcos, an unfinished fortification inthe vicinity of Calatrava, located to the west of themodern Ciudad Real.

Alfonso engaged the Almohad army prematurely,and the king and a portion of the army were forced toflee to Toledo. Diego Lopez de Haro covered theking’s retreat and surrendered the castle of Alarcos toAl-Mans.ur. The Almohads also captured the castle ofCalatrava and other fortresses along the road to Toledo.After the battle, though, Al-Mans.ur returned to Sevilleand did not continue his advance toward Toledo. Con-tingents of the Almohad army raided around Toledoand its hinterlands; this stopped when Alfonso enteredinto a five-year treaty with Al-Mans.ur in 1197.

Battle losses are hard to estimate. Muslim sourcesprovide figures ranging from 30,000 to 300,000 Chris-tian dead versus 500 to 20,000 Muslim dead. TheOrder of Santiago lost nineteen friars, and numerousassociates. The Order of Calatrava lost its home for-tress. The bishops of Avila, Segovia, and Siguenzawere killed.

The blame for the defeat has been assigned to var-ious people: to Pedro Fernandez de Castro for betray-ing Alfonso VIII by turning over his contingent to Al-Mans.ur; to Arabs within the Christian population; andeven to divine retribution for a fictional affair betweenAlfonso VIII and a Jewish woman in Toledo. But itseems reasonable to assign the blame for the debacleto Alfonso VIII himself. Alfonso apparently seriouslyunderestimated the number of troops he needed, aswell as Al-Mans.ur’s abilities, and he engaged Al-Mans.ur before the Leonese reinforcements arrived.

ALBIGENSIAN CRUSADE, THE

The battle of Alarcos was the last great Almohadvictory in Spain, and marks the height of Almohadpower in the Iberian Peninsula. Alarcos weakened Cas-tile, and its relations with other Iberian kingdoms weredamaged when Leon and Navarre temporarily alliedwith the Almohads. Al-Mans.ur, however, did not fol-low up on his opportunity to pursue Alfonso VIII andto recapture territory. Castile recovered, and AlfonsoVIII reversed the defeat of Alarcos at the battle of LasNavas de Tolosa seventeen years later.

THERESA M. VANN

Bibliography

Huici Miranda, A. Las grandes batallas de la reconquistadurante las invasiones africanas. Madrid, 1956.

Martinez Val, J. M. “La batalla de Alarcos.” Cuadernos deEstudios Manchegos 12 (1962), 89–128.

ALBALAT, PERE DEAlbalat died July 1251. Bishop of Lerida 1236–1238,archbishop of Tarragona 1238–1251. A churchmannotable for his dedication to the implementation in theCrown of Aragon of the reform program of the FourthLateran Council (1215), Albalat summoned eight pro-vincial assemblies during his fourteen years as arch-bishop and caused diocesan synods to be held by hissuffragans, at which attention was given to legislationconcerning clerical concubinage and pluralism, thesacraments (especially matrimony), and the enforce-ment of monastic discipline. He collaborated withRamon de Penyafort and was closely attached to theCistercian house of Poblet. During his pontificate Cis-tercian and Dominican influences predominated in theAragonese hierarchy (between 1243 and 1248 fivemendicant bishops were appointed); his first provincialcouncil ordered the solemn celebration of the feastdays of St. Francis, St. Dominic, and St. Anthony ofPadua. His other principal mentor was Cardinal Jeand’Abbeville, legate to the peninsula 1228–1229, withwhom he maintained contact into the 1230s. The so-called Summa septem sacramentorum, which he com-piled, was based on the statutes attributed to Eudes deSully, bishop of Paris (d. 1208). First promulgated byhim at Barcelona in 1241, the Summa was an unsophis-ticated work of practical guidance for the clergy thatenjoyed considerable influence throughout the prov-ince for the remainder of the century. Another side ofhim was revealed in the course of the Ordinatio eccle-sie Valentine, the bitter struggle in which he engagedwith Archbishop Rodrigo of Toledo for jurisdictionover the recently restored church of Valencia, and inthe sometimes uneasy relationship which he main-tained with King Jaime I, the “Conqueror.”

PETER LINEHAN

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Bibliography

Linehan, P. “Pedro de Albalat, arzobispo de Tarragona, ysu ‘Summa septem sacramentorum.’ ” Hispania Sacra11, no. 1 (1969), 9–30.

MMM. The Spanish Church and the Papacy in the Thir-teenth Century. Cambridge, 1971.

ALBIGENSIAN CRUSADE, THEOn the morning of 14 January 1208, just north of Arles,where the Rhone River divides, Pierre of Caste-lnau—virulent Cistercian denouncer of the Cathar her-esy and the papal legate who, less than a year earlier,had excommunicated Raymond VI, count of Tou-louse—was brutally murdered by a swiftly thrownlance puncturing his back. The killer was an anony-mous horseman who escaped to nearby Beaucaire.Pierre’s quick death was the immediate cause oftwenty-one years of intermittent warfare and bloodyconquest known as the Albigensian Crusade.

Pope Innocent III immediately accused RaimondVI of Pierre of Castelnau’s murder, and then autho-rized a crusade, with the same indulgences as an expe-dition to Palestine, against Raymond and the Cathar(or Albigensian) heretics the count was accused of sup-porting. Raymond may have been tolerant toward theCathar holy men and women, known as perfecti andperfectae, and he may have expropriated some churchproperty, but he was also intelligent enough not tojeopardize his power in Languedoc by the impetuouskilling of an apostolic legate.

The king of France, Philip Augustus, displayed noapparent interest in the papal holy war—despite thepersonal entreaties of Innocent III. Philip did, never-theless, allow five hundred knights to take the cross.Raymond VI endeavored to stop the crusaders by re-conciling himself with the Church on 18 June 1209;unfortunately, the crusading army was already on itsway, under the leadership of Arnau Amalric, abbot ofCıteaux and head of the Cistercian Order. Four dayslater Raymond took the cross himself and helped redi-rect the crusaders toward the lands of the Trencavels,vassals of Pedro II of Aragon. The town of Bezierswas captured easily, and the entire population alleg-edly massacred. Apparently reflecting upon such indis-criminate killing, Arnau Amalric is reported to havesaid, “God will know his own.” Carcassonne, the Tren-cavel capital, surrendered on 15 August and its vis-count, Raymond-Roger, was imprisoned. The crusad-ers, ignoring the claims of Raymond-Roger’s youngson and the feudal authority of the Aragonese crown,appointed Simon de Montfort, a baron from the Ile-de-France and titular Earl of Leicester, as ruler of Car-cassonne.

ALBIGENSIAN CRUSADE, THE

Raymond VI left the crusading army after Car-cassonne, but his excommunication was renewed ina series of Church councils (1209–1211). The papallegates would not listen to any of Raymond’s attemptsto reconcile himself; the crusade could now continueinto the territories of the Count of Toulouse. At thispoint, in 1212, Pedro II of Aragon, Raymond’s brother-in-law and the recent victor over the Muslims at LasNavas de Tolosa, placed Toulouse under his protec-tion. On 12 September 1213 the combined armies ofPedro and Raymond, as well as the counts of Foixand Comminges, met Simon de Montfort’s little armyoutside the fortified village of Muret. Simon was victo-rious and Pedro died in the battle (with his five-year-old son son Jaime, the future king of Aragon, heldcaptive by Simon until April 1214).

In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council deprived Rai-mond VI of all his lands. The marquessate of Provencewas held in trust for the future Raymond VII, whileeverything conquered by the crusaders was to be ruledby Simon de Montfort (including the county of Com-minges). Despite all this, the war went on for anotherthirteen years as Raymond VI and his son struggledto regain their lost domains. Eventually, after Simon deMontfort died while besieging Toulouse in 1218—hishead crushed by a stone from a catapult worked byyoung girls and married women—the two Raimondsslowly succeeded in their reconquest. Throughoutthese years, Philip Augustus remained indifferent tothe plight of Simon’s son, Amaury. However, afterRaymond VII, Raymond-Roger of Foix, and RaymondTrencavel were all excommunicated in November1225, Philip’s son, Louis VIII, undertook a royal cru-sade into Languedoc. The king captured Avignon in1226 and then proceeded to march toward Toulouse.Louis effortlessly occupied the possessions of theTrencavels along the Aude River, but before he couldstrengthen his position, the king died on 8 November1226.

Raymond VII, in the lull after the death of LouisVIII, was offered the chance for peace and he gladlytook it in 1229. On 12 April 1229 the Treaty of Parisofficially ended the Albigensian Crusade. Yet the spir-itual and secular conquest of Languedoc, unleashed somany years earlier by the murder of a papal legate,would continue for at least another four decades. Thetreaty’s insistence on the pursuit of heresy led not onlyto the founding of the university in Toulouse but alsoto the formation of the medieval inquisition. The treatyalso stressed that Raymond was now a vassal of thenorthern French king—emphasized by the obligationof the count’s nine-year-old daughter and heir, Jeanne,to marry a brother of the king—and that the traditionalterritorial claims of the kings of Aragon within Lan-

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guedoc, as well as the right to interfere in southernFrench affairs, would no longer be acceptable. TheAragonese crown finally renounced all ambitions be-yond the Pyrennees with the Treaty of Corbeil in 1258between the French king Louis IX and (the son ofPedro II captured by Simon de Montfort after the battleof Muret almost forty years earlier), Jaime I.

MARK GREGORY PEGG

Bibliography

Evans, A. P. “The Albigensian Crusade,” in A History ofthe Crusades II: The Later Crusades, 1189–1311. Ed.K. M. Setton, R. L. Wolff, and H. W. Hazard. Philadel-phia, 1962. 277–324.

Lambert, M. Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from theGregorian Reform to the Reformation. Oxford, 1992.97–146.

Mundy, J. H. The Repression of Catharism at Toulouse.Toronto, 1985. 18–26.

Roquebert, M. L’Epopee Cathare I: L’Invasion. Toulouse,1970.

Strayer, J. The Albigensian Crusades. Ann Arbor, Mich.1992.

Sumption, J. The Albigensian Crusade. London, 1978.Wakefield, W. L. Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in South-

ern France, 1100–1250 London, 1974.

ALBO, JOSEPHAragonese rabbi of the fifteenth century, Albo repre-sented the Jewish community of Daroca at the famousTortosa Disputation (1413–1414), although he playedapparently a minor role and was somewhat inconsistentin his statements. He was a student of the renownedleader of Aragonese-Catalan Jewry, Hasdai Crescas,and as such was certainly greatly influenced by hisphilosophical magnum opus, Or Adonai (Light of theLord) and also by his small polemical treatise againstChristianity.

Taking his cue from these works, Albo wrote alarge work, Sefer ha-Ciqarim (Book of the Principles)on the fundamentals of revealed religion, specifically,of the Jewish religion. Critical of Maimonides for notgiving the basis for his own enumeration of thirteenprinciples of “faith,” Albo reduced these to three: exis-tence of God, belief in revelation, and the doctrine ofdivine retribution. Yet he similarly failed to prove abasis for these dogmas. Notably lacking is a belief increation, especially ex nihilo, which Albo held to bea necessary religious belief but not a fundamentaldogma. A lack of belief in “dogmas” as supposedlyfound in the Bible, or an incorrect interpretation of theBible, did not render one a heretic (as, apparently, diddenial of the three fundamentals).

The belief in the messiah, which at the Disputationhe had appeared to question altogether, is not to be

ALBORNOZ, GIL ALVAREZ CARRILLO DE

considered a fundamental principle but only a bindingbelief (which nevertheless could not logically be de-duced from any of the fundamentals). A major thrustof his argument is anti-Christian polemic. While theo-retically admitting the possibility of a plurality of re-vealed religions, he in fact limited such revelations tothose pre-Mosaic figures such as Adam, Noah, andAbraham. Christianity could not be recognized as alegitimate revealed religion because of its denial of theessential unity of God.

Nevertheless, his position on divine attributes, ac-ceptance of positive attributes (in contrast to Maimon-ides), was directly influenced by Thomas Aquinas.Thus, ironically, Aquinas, who was himself influencedby Maimonides on other matters, became a source forthis later Jewish work attacking both Maimonides andChristianity.

In actuality, there is little either original or of pro-found interest in Albo’s work.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Albo, J. Sefer ha-ikkarim. Ed. and trans. I. Huskik. Philadel-phia, 1930.

Guttmann, J. Philosophies of Judaism. New York, 1964.

ALBORNOZ, GIL ALVAREZ CARRILLO DEGil de Albornoz was one of the most eminent Spanishchurchmen of the fourteenth century. He was born atCuenca (ca. 1295) and was the son of Garcıa de Albor-noz and Teresa de Luna. Albornoz was educated inZaragoza under the watchful eye of his influentialuncle, Jimeno, who at the time was archbishop there,and under the tutelage of Pedro Egidio, who wouldlater become a deacon at Cuenca and come to adminis-ter Albornoz’s household. In 1316 to 1317, Gil de Al-bornoz enrolled at the University of Toulouse, wherehe remained for a decade and from where before 1325he was awarded a doctorate in decretals and canon law.While at Toulouse, he doubtless came into contact withStephan Aubert.

Gil de Albornoz’s life can be divided into twophases, an early Iberian one and a later Italian periodfollowing the accession of Pedro I to the crown ofCastile and Albornoz’s voluntary departure from theIberian Peninsula. Since Albornoz’s exploits in Italyare more amply known and readily accessible in manysources, greater attention will be given here to hisachievements in Spain.

Upon returning to Castile from Toulouse in 1327,Gil de Albornoz joined the circle of Alfonso XI and,in addition to his ecclesiastical benefices at Cuenca,held the title of counselor to the king and archdeaconof Calatrava. By 1335 he had participated in an em-

45

bassy to the king of Aragon and was actively engagedin the political life of Castile. In 1338, he was namedarchbishop of Toledo to succeed his uncle Jimeno, whoheld that position when he died. Albornoz was subse-quently given the secular title of canciller de Castilla.It is at this point that he began to intervene vigorouslyin reforming the kingdom’s judicial administration andin the organization of the armed forces. His active par-ticipation in the cortes (parliament) of Castile showhim to be a dynamic force in all manner of affairsconcerning the governance of the realm. AlthoughAlbornoz’s influence in the adoption of the Ordena-miento de Alcala in 1348 has not been carefully stud-ied, he was doubtless a major participant in draftingand promulgating the new legal code. At the sametime, Albornoz is known to have been energeticallyengaged in Alfonso XI’s military exploits against theMuslims in the south and was named comisario de lacruzada for his efforts. Albornoz was at Alfonso’s sideat the Battle of the Salado River (1340), at the siegeand capture of Algeciras (1342–1344), and at the siegeof Gibraltar until the king’s untimely death from theplague in 1350.

Albornoz’s activity in the Spanish Church was noless forceful than his involvement in secular govern-ment. The synods and councils of Toledo in 1339 and1345 show him to have been especially preoccupiedwith the moral life of his diocese, attempting to imposeorder upon the disposition of ecclesiastical propertyand benefices, the cura pastoralis and administrationof the sacraments by the rectors of churches and par-ishes, and the general reform of the clergy, which wasdeemed to be in a lamentable state of decadence. Cleri-cal simony and concubinage were two lapses that espe-cially caught Albornoz’s attention, and orders againstthese practices went out under his name. It is becauseof this that Albornoz is often associated with JuanRuiz, the putative author of the Libro de buen amor,whom the Salamanca manuscript of the latter attestswas jailed by the bishop for his carnal failings. Quiteaside from reputedly policing the celibacy of the clergyin the diocese of Toledo, Albornoz was deeply con-cerned with the level of their culture, learning, andeducation. He began his reign as archbishop by ensur-ing that the edicts of the Council of Valladolid (1322)be strictly observed and that one out of every ten cler-gymen in every deaconry be commissioned to studytheology and canon law, prohibiting the ordination ofall who could not demonstrate an adequate level ofclerical education, “ut nullus nisi litteratus ad clerica-tum promovetur” (unless literate, do not make him acleric), according to the Council of Toledo of 1339.Albornoz’s own fidelity to his vows and the require-ments of ordination were said by all to have been ex-emplary.

ALBORNOZ, GIL ALVAREZ CARRILLO DE

The death of Alfonso XI led Albornoz to fear dis-grace at the hands of Pedro I, the king’s successor. Asa result, he withdrew to the papal court at Avignon,where he was made a cardinal in December 1350. Hiscareer in the curia was as successful as it had been atthe Court of Castile. He was made papal legate andvicar general of the Papal States, helping Pope Inno-cent VI to control firmly their administration and domi-nate central Italy politically. Between 1353 and 1360Albornoz attempted to revive the Angevin-Guelph alli-ance of the 1320s to counter the power of the lords ofLombardy but, after great sacrifice and expenditure, hefailed to pacify the Italian peninsula because of Frenchinability to provide continued support.

Throughout his life Albornoz remained firmlycommitted to the education of the clergy. He was espe-cially concerned with their preparation in canon lawand ecclesiastical administration. As a result, hefounded the Collegio di San Clemente, known as theSpanish College, at the University of Bologna. In thewill he signed in 1364, he created the foundation toestablish the college as the universal heir to his fortuneand, in a codicil added in 1368, again made provisionsfor the disposition of his inheritance, which was to goin its entirety to support twenty-four Spanish studentsin the course of their studies at the university. By 1369,two years after Albornoz’s death at Viterbo, the Col-lege of San Clemente received its first group of stu-dents, many of whom went on to become distinguishedjurists upon completion of their studies and their returnto the Iberian Peninsula. Albornoz’s foundation of theSpanish College at Bologna served as a model for thesubsequent development of the colegios mayores inSpanish universities.

E. MICHAEL GERLI

Bibliography

Beneyto Perez, J. El cardenal Albornoz, canciller de Castillay caudillo de Italia. Madrid, 1950.

MMM. El cardenal Albornoz: Hombre de iglesia y de es-tado en Castilla y en Italia. Madrid, 1986.

Colliva, P. Il cardinale Albornoz, lo Stato della Chiesa, leConstitutiones Aegidianae (1353–1357). Bologna,1977.

Martı, B. M. The Spanish College at Bologna in the Four-teenth Century. New York, 1966.

Verdera y Tuells, E. El cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio deEspana. Bologna, 1972.

ALBURQUERQUE, JUAN ALFONSO, LORDOFA Portuguese aristocrat, born to an illegitimate sonof King Dinis (1325), Juan Alfonso de Alburquerquearrived in Castile in 1328 as chief chamberlain toMarıa, his second cousin, the Portuguese princess who

46

married Alfonso XI of Castile that same year. He spentmost of the rest of his life in Castile. Because of hisconnections and a most suitable marriage to Isabel deMeneses, whose family was one of Castile’s wealthiestand most influential, he became a formidable presencein the politics of the kingdom.

As chamberlain to Pedro, Alfonso XI’s andMarıa’s only surviving child, Alburquerque oversawthe education of the heir and wielded considerable in-fluence over the young prince. Alburquerque was ap-pointed chief chancellor when Pedro, at sixteen, be-came king following his father’s death from the plaguein 1350 during the Castilian siege of Gibraltar. For thenext two years, Alburquerque as first minister was thechief architect of the crown’s policies, many of whichcontributed to the king’s future reputation and his so-briquet “the Cruel.”

One policy attributable to Alburquerque’s influ-ence was the imprisonment and death of Leonor deGuzman, Alfonso XI’s favorite and mother of the fu-ture Trastamara dynasty. The elimination of Leonorcaused the enmity of her numerous children, amongthem Enrique de Trastamara, and marked the begin-ning of Pedro’s difficulties that culminated in the Cas-tilian civil war of 1366–1369. Alburquerque presidedover the defeat of Alfonso Fernandez Coronel, a for-mer vassal of Alfonso XI who opposed Aburquerque’spolicies. When Coronel surrendered in 1353 after atwo-year siege, he spoke to Alburquerque in wordsthat foreshadowed the first minister’s own fate: “Thisis Castile, Lord Juan Alfonso; it makes men only towaste them.”

The most costly of his policies, however, was hisdecision, along with Queen Marıa’s, to negotiate themarriage between Pedro and the French princess,Blanche de Borbon. When Pedro abandoned her twodays after the wedding in 1353, likely because of theprincess’ inability to pay the agreed-upon dowry, thefirst minister failed to persuade the king to return toher side. While the marriage was intended to promotegood relations between Castile and France, Pedro’srejection of Blanche served to alienate the Frenchcrown, whose participation in Castilian affairs led toPedro’s eventual defeat by Enrique de Trastamara. Itwas also in Alburquerque’s household that Pedro metand fell in love with Marıa de Padilla in 1352, a lastingattachment that might also have contributed to Pedro’sreluctance to cohabit with Blanche.

Pedro’s behavior caused considerable turmoil andopposition and unified his enemies. Queen Marıa andAlburquerque were unable to convince him to resumenormal relations with Blanche, which served to alien-ate them from the king. At the same time, the minister’sinfluence had begun to wane as Marıa de Padilla’s

ALCALA DE HENARES, ORDENAMIENTO OF

relatives gained ascendancy with Pedro. Alburquerquefled to Portugal and refused to return to Castile evenafter Pedro summoned him. When he returned, he didso as the ally of Enrique and Fadrique, Pedro’s half-brothers who had temporarily made peace with theking and had been sent in pursuit of the minister. Al-burquerque and his pursuers decided to make peaceamong themselves and march against Pedro instead.On 28 September 1354, Juan Alfonso de Albur-querque, while on campaign, died under mysteriouscircumstances; it was believed that he was poisonedby an Italian physician in Pedro’s employ. Albur-querque’s allies, who continued their rebellion againstPedro, added the minister’s death to their list of griev-ances against the king and adopted his corpse as theirstandard, pledging to parade the body until they couldproclaim victory. At this stage of his reign, however,Pedro was able to defeat the conspiracy against himand the rebels eventually disbanded.

Alburquerque and his wife Isabel de Meneses hadone son, Martın Gil, whose death in 1365 marked theend of the family line.

CLARA ESTOW

Bibliography

Lopez de Ayala, P. Cronica del rey don Pedro. Madrid,1956.

Suarez Fernandez, L. Historia de Espana antigua y media.Vol. 2. Madrid, 1976.

ALCAZOVAS, TREATIES OFWhen Enrique IV of Castile died (11 December 1474),his sister Isabel and her husband Fernando were pro-claimed as rulers of Castile, but a faction among thenobility, with the help of Afonso V of Portugal, upheldthe rights to the succession of Juana, the daughter ofEnrique and Juana of Portugal. The adherence of theCastilian nobility and of the cities, as well as militaryvictories (Toro, l March 1476, La Albufera, 24 Febru-ary 1479), secured the throne for Isabel and Fernando.Afonso V, urged by his son and heir, Joao, and by themajority opinion among his courtiers, had to begin thenegotiations for peace that culminated in the four Trea-ties of Alcazovas (4 September 1479). They confirmedthe peace of Almeirim (27 January 1432) in all itsclauses, promising the mutual restoration of conquestsand prisoners and reserving zones of influence in theAtlantic: the Canary Islands for Castile, the Azoresand Madeira for Portugal. The Portuguese would havethe exclusive right to navigate and occupy lands southof Cape Bojador on the route to Guinea, and the rightof conquest in the emirate of Fez, except on the sliverof coastline between Capes Nun and Bojador reserved

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for Castile. Juana’s situation was also resolved, as shepreferred to enter a convent, although during her novi-tiate year she could still choose another solu-tion—namely, to marry Prince Juan of Castile, the sonand heir of Isabel and Fernando; she did not do so.The future marriage of Infanta Isabel, a daughter ofthe Castilian monarchs, with Afonso, the son and heirof Prince Joao of Portugal was also proposed. The In-fanta would have a dowry of 106,000 doblas. Both sheand Juana would remain in the fortress of Moura fortwo years, as a guarantee that the treaties would becarried out. Juana then made her profession as a nun inthe convent of Santa Clara of Coimbra (15 November1480). Finally, those Castilians who still followedAfonso V were assured of pardon and restitution ofproperty and offices. Thus the war was brought to anend and a very solid plan for friendly relations betweenPortugal and Castile was outlined.

MIGUEL-ANGEL LADERO QUESADA

Bibliography

Suarez Fernandez, L. Los Reyes Catolicos: La conquista deltrono. Madrid, 1989.

ALCALA DE HENARES, ORDENAMIENTOOFAlfonso XI determined to try to bring order to the legalchaos of his kingdom and to the widespread anarchyand outrages against justice being committed, and in1348 at the cortes (parliament) of Alcala de Henaresthe new ordenamiento (ordinance; legal compilation)was adopted for uniform use throughout the kingdom.Unlike the Siete Partidas composed by jurists for Al-fonso X, the Ordenamiento de Alcala de Henares wasintended to be not a theoretical treatise on law but apractical application for the use of jurists. The codedrew upon previous legislation: the Ordenamiento ofVilla Real in 1346, and that of Segovia (still unpub-lished) in 1347, both of which determined primarilyjudicial procedures for civil and criminal matters, andincluded also the laws of Alfonso VIII at the cortes ofNajera in 1138, with regard to the rights and duties ofthe nobility, judges, treason, and so on. The ordena-miento was confirmed by all successive monarchs andcontinued to play a prominent role in the legislationof the Catholic Monarchs and even beyond.

Various unsatisfactory efforts have been made toidentify the legal advisers responsible for the text, withJuan Manuel being a likely candidate and Cardinal Gilde Albornoz a less likely one.

The Ordenamiento is also important in the historyof the Jews in Spain, for it was the first attempt inCastile to severely restrict their economic activity, not

ALCALA DE HENARES, ORDENAMIENTO OF

only with regard to lending money on interest (of im-portance here is also the so-called pseudo Ordena-miento of Alcala, said to be merely the preliminarysection of the Leyes Nuevas, but in fact it is not; rather,it purports to be a law of Alfonso XI concerning usury),but also in that while recognizing the right of Jews tobuy and sell property in the kingdom it sought to im-pose geographic restrictions on such property as wellas restrictions on its value. It may easily be shown thatthese efforts were without any significant or lastingresult, however.

The text of the Ordenamiento has been frequentlypublished; see, for example, Cortes de los antiguosreinos de Leon y Castilla, volume I, and Codigos es-panoles, volume 1.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Gonzalez Herrero, M. “El Ordenamiento de Segovia de1347,” Estudios segovianos 18 (1966), 205–28.

Sanchez, G. “Sobre el Ordenamiento de Alcala y sus fuen-tes,” Revista de derecho privado 9 (1922), 353–68.

ALCANICES, TREATY OFThe Treaty of Alcanices (12 September 1297) estab-lished the border between Castile and Portugal. Duringthe minority of Fernando IV of Castile (1295–1312),Dinis of Portugal (1279–1325) allied with Jaime II ofAragon (1291–1327) to invade Leon-Castile and todivide it between Infante Juan and Alfonso de la Cerda.Jaime II planned to take Murcia, and Dinis hoped toexpand Portugal’s frontiers into Castile. At the sametime Muh.ammad II of Granada (1273–1302) besiegedTarifa.

The invasion took place in 1296 and succeededalmost according to plan. Jaime successfully capturedthe major cities in Murcia, and both Juan and Alfonsowere proclaimed kings, the former of Leon, the latterof Castile. However, Tarifa withstood the siege andDinis, facing a rebellion by his younger brotherAfonso, made a separate treaty with Castile in 1297.Under this treaty of Alcanices Castile ceded variousvillages and castles in the Riba Coa: Sabugal, CasteloRodrigo, Vila Maior, Castelo Bom, Almeida, CasteloMelhor, Monforte, Olivenca, Ouguela, Campo Maior,and San Felix, and received in return Aroche and Ara-cena. The treaty also arranged for the marriage of Fer-nando IV with Constanca, daughter of Dinis, and ofDinis’s son, the future Afonso IV (1325–1357), withFernando’s sister Beatriz. The signing of the treatybroke the coalition between Portugal and Aragon, per-mitting Castile to defeat Aragon and to establish Fer-nando on the throne. The delineation of the border

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between Castile and Portugal is considered one of theachievements of Dinis’s reign.

THERESA M. VANN

Bibliography

Livermore, H. V. A New History of Portugal. Cambridge,1976.

O’Callaghan, Joseph F. A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca,N.Y., 1975.

ALCANTARA, ORDER OF See MILITARY ORDERS

ALCHEMYThe history of alchemy in medieval Spain parallels inmany respects the development of alchemical theoryand practices in the rest of Europe, with two notabledifferences: (1) alchemy was practiced in the Arabiccultures of al-Andalus long before its introduction intothe rest of Europe, and (2) most of the alchemical textswere translated from Arabic to Latin in Toledo in thetwelfth and thirteenth centuries. It is possible the trans-lators had contact with known Arabic experts, and themedieval practitioners in Hispanic regions may havebeen influenced even later by direct contact with Mus-lim adepts native to the Iberian Peninsula. Toledo andSalamanca became well-known in medieval Europe ascenters for the study of magic and occult arts.

Alchemical theory was developed by Hellenisticscholars who lived, wrote, and experimented mainlyin Alexandria. Alchemical writings described a hodge-podge of attempts to create false metals, experimentswith the properties of metals, and theories of transmu-tations of the metals that had been elaborated fromvarious elements of Aristotelian science. The theoryof the transmutations of the metals in a hierarchicalscheme in which a metal of a lower order was trans-formed into one of higher order was an innovation ofAlexandrian scientists, whose writings were, throughthe Arabic translations, to be the basis of chemical andalchemical ideas well into the eighteenth century. Incontrast, Latin writers, such as Pliny and Isidore ofSeville, assumed gold was simply a metal depositedin the earth.

Alchemy introduced an alternative idea by whichthe metals were conceived of in a biological metaphorof growth and decay through which in a natural processin the earth the metals grew slowly as plants from thebasest metal (lead) through the other metals to the mostprecious (gold). The laboratory alchemist simply triedto accelerate this process in a chemical flask. Alchemywas not only a scheme for achieving great wealthquickly, but it also became the established scientific

ALFARROBEIRA, BATTLE OF

explanation for the formation of metals in the earth. Oflesser importance in the Middle Ages were the spiritualinitiations and purifications that the adept needed toundergo for the completion of the great work.

The medical and scientific research of late Greekculture became the basis of Arabic scientific research.The translation of Greek texts into Arabic in the eighthand ninth centuries was followed by intense activityamong adepts in Islamic nations, which has lasted untilthe present day. Records show alchemical practitionersflourished in al-Andalus during the reign of Al-H. akamII (961–967). Especially noteworthy among the writersin medieval Spain was the astronomer Maslamah IbnAhmad al-Majrıtı (first half of eleventh century), towhom an alchemical treatise, The Sage’s Steps, wasattributed. His treatise on magic was translated in 1256and circulated in Europe as Picatrix. His disciple IbnBishrun also practiced alchemy.

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Toledo be-came one of the most important centers for the transla-tion and diffusion of Arabic scientific and medicalwritings to Christian Europe. Numerous scholars camefrom northern Europe to translate the texts from Arabicto Latin. This cultural bridge to the rest of Europe madeSpain noteworthy as a center for the study of occultsciences.

The two names most often associated with al-chemy in medieval Spain are the Catalans RaimonLlull (ca. 1232–1315) and Arnau de Vilanova(1235?–1313). That either of these prolific writers wasthe author of the symbolical alchemical treatises attrib-uted them is still doubted. Llull, who in his authenticworks denies the possibility of transforming one metalinto another, is a specially difficult case, since his greatworks on science, designed to convert Arabs to Christi-anity, became the basis of magic and alchemicalthought in the Renaissance and later. The most impor-tant treatises ascribed to Llull are the Clavicula (LittleKey) and Testamentum. A host of treatises have beenattributed to Arnau de Vilanova, the most influentialbeing Semita Semitae (The Path of Paths) and Rosar-ium philosophorum (The Rosary of the Philosophers).

In Castile, important figures associated with al-chemy were Alfonso el Sabio, and in the fifteenth cen-tury Enrique de Villena, and Alfonso Carrillo, Arch-bishop of Toledo. Attributed to Alfonso el Sabio is theLibro del Tesoro (Book of Treasure) and to Enriquede Villena the answer to the Carta de los veinte sabioscordoveses (Letter from the Twenty Sages of Cordoba);both texts in Luanco’s La Alquimia en Espana. Al-fonso Carrillo left no writings, but his obsession withalchemy was reported by Hernando de Pulgar.

Possibly writers ascribed their alchemical treatisesto various famous medieval figures such as Llull, Al-

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fonso el Sabio, Arnau de Vilanova, and St. ThomasAquinas to avoid prosecution by the Church, whichhad taken an active role in prohibiting alchemicaltransmutations. Even though the attributions of manyof the Spanish treatises are of doubtful authenticity,the treatises themselves were well read and very influ-ential. The numerous medieval alchemical texts foundin Spain describe the secret processes and recipes withthe same types of highly symbolic and coded languagetypical of alchemical treatises in the rest of Europe.

DANIEL L. HEIPLE

Bibliography

Garcıa Font, J. Historia de la alquimia en Espana. Madrid,1976.

Luanco, J. R. de. La Alquimia en Espana. 2 vols. Barcelona,1889; rprt. Madrid, 1980.

ALEXANDER OF MACEDONIA See LIBRO DE AL-

EXANDRE

ALFAQUI See LAW, MUSLIM

ALFARROBEIRA, BATTLE OFIn which the former regent of Portugal, Dom Pedro,Duke of Coimbra, met his death at the hands of theroyal army of the boy-king Afonso V, manipulated byPedro’s half-brother Afonso, Duke of Braganca. TheAlfarrobeira is a stream near Alverca twenty milesnorth of Lisbon, and the battle was fought on 20 May1449. Dom Pedro’s brother King Duarte had died inSeptember 1438, his heir Afonso V being only sixyears old. The regency of his widow was abrogated asa woman and a Castilian, and when Pedro replaced herwith the consent of the cortes (parliament), she fledto Castile and appealed to her family. Pedro’s costlyintervention in Castile lost him the support of thetowns, and the marriage of his daughter to the kingand appointment of his son, also Pedro, to the con-stableship, which Braganca regarded as hereditary inhis family, the most powerful in Portugal. WhenAfonso V reached his majority in January 1448, heprolonged his regency, but was at length obliged torelinquish it. When the crown demanded a review ofrewards by and to Pedro, the former regent was facedwith the choice between resistence and spoliation. Hiscounselors, meeting at Coimbra, favored conciliation,but his long-time crony Alvaro Dıaz de Almada, Countof Avranches, recommended a heroic defense of honor.They may have hoped for support from Lisbon, towardwhich they marched. They faced overwhelming odds,

ALFARROBEIRA, BATTLE OF

and Pedro was killed bv an arrow to the heart,Avranches dying soon after.

The case is analyzed in great detail by H. VaqueroMoreno in A Batalha de Alfarrobeira, which showsthat Pedro’s 480 known supporters were adherentsfrom the duchy of Coimbra and his forty-five nobles,disposing of the supposition that he had remained theleader of the bourgeoisie. His tragic end arose fromhis chivalrous ideals and from the influence of AlvaroDıaz, who mistakenly thought that he could and shouldexercise the authority of his powerful father, Juan I.

H. V. LIVERMORE

Bibliography

Baquero Moreno, H. A Batalha de Alfarrobeira. Coimbira,1979.

Livermore. H. V. A New History of Portugal. Cambridge,1976.

O’Callaghan, Joseph F. A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca,N.Y., 1975

ALFONSO DE LA CERDAAlfonso de la Cerda, (1271–1334?) oldest son of Fer-nando de la Cerda and Blanche of France, grandsonof Alfonso X (1252–1284), became Alfonso X’s legalheir when his father died suddenly in August 1275.Alfonso X acknowledged his second son, Sancho, ashis heir in the cortes (parliament) of 1276, but a factionled by Juan Nunez de Lara supported Alfonso de laCerda’s claim. In January 1277 Blanche and QueenViolante brought Alfonso and his younger brother Fer-nando, known as the Infantes de la Cerda, to Aragonfor safety. Violante’s brother, Pedro III of Aragon(1276–1285), later imprisoned the two boys at San-cho’s request. Alfonso X disinherited Sancho in 1282and recognized Alfonso de la Cerda as his heir, butSancho seized the entire kingdom when the king diedin 1284. Four years later Alfonso III of Aragon(1285–1291) released Alfonso de la Cerda and hadhim proclaimed king of Castile in Jaca. The Aragoneseinvaded Castile to support Alfonso and to obtain Mur-cia, but when this failed Alfonso went to France in afutile attempt to seek aid there. Not until Sancho diedin 1295, leaving as king a technically illegitimateminor (Fernando IV, 1295–1312) did Alfonso’s claimseem feasible to foreign monarchs. Alfonso invadedCastile with Aragonese help and was crowned king ofCastile at Jaen in 1296, but the Aragonese withdrewand the papal declaration of Fernando’s legitimacy in1301 forced Alfonso to quit his claims. Alfonso unsuc-cessfully reasserted his rights again when Fernando IVdied in 1312. He finally renounced his claims in 1331,when he took an oath of fealty to Alfonso XI of Castile(1312–1350) and received several lordships in return.

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Alfonso de la Cerda married Mafalda de Narbona.Their children were Luis de la Cerda, Juan Alfonso dela Cerda, Alfonso de Espana, Margarita de la Cerda,Ines de la Cerda, and Maria de la Cerda. Alfonso’sdate of death is uncertain; it was either 1333 or 1334.He and his wife were buried in the monastery of Nues-tra Senora del Carmen, which they founded in the townof Gibraleon.

THERESA M. VANN

Bibliography

Ballesteros Beretta, A. Alfonso X, El Sabio. Barcelona, 1984.Benavides, A. Memorias de D. Fernando IV de Castilla.

Madrid, 1860.Benito Ruano, E. “El problema sucesorio de la corona de

Castilla a la muerte de Don Fernando de la Cerda,” inVII Centenario del Infante Don Fernando de la Cerda:Jornadas de Estudio Ciudad Real, Abril 1975. Madrid,1976. 217–25.

Dıaz-Madronero, C., and Lopez de Pablos. “El problemasucesorio a la muerte de Don Fernando de la Cerda,” inVII Centenario del infante Don Fernando de la Cerda.Jornadas de Estudio Ciudad Real, Abril 1975. Madrid,1976. 227–36.

Hillgarth, J. N. The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516. 2 vols.Oxford, 1976.

O’Callaghan, J. F. A History of Medieval Spain. Ithaca, N.Y.,1975.

ALFONSO DE TOLEDOMid-fifteenth-century author of the Invencionario, acatalog of discoverers finished around 1467 and dedi-cated to Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo. Ac-cording to autobiographical references gleaned fromthe Invencionaro, the author was born in Toledo, re-sided in Cuenca, held the degree of Bachiller en De-cretos, and had earlier compiled an Espejo de las His-torias (now lost) for the Bishop of Cuenca.

The Invencionario is evidently the earliest exam-ple of heuremata literature in any of the medieval ver-nacular languages of western Europe. In two books often titulos each, Alfonso de Toledo purports to list thediscoverers (inventores) of things necessary for hu-mankind’s well-being, temporal (book 1) as well asspiritual (book 2). Book 1 discusses the discoverersof letters; kingdoms and kings; laws; cities; marriage;bread, wine, and meat; clothing; arms and martial arts;music and games; medicine; astrology; and other arts.Book 2 deals with the remedies for original sin; faith;prayer; offerings; fasting; priests and sacrifices; feastdays; martyrs and religions; places of worship; andpenance. There are frequent (and often interesting) am-plifications and digressions.

The Invencionario is written in the Latinate stylewidely cultivated in fifteenth-century Castilian prose.

ALFONSO II, KING OF ARAGON

In its intent and organizational plan it resembles theEtymoloqiae of Isidore of Seville (one of Alfonso’sprimary auctoritates). The author also drew exten-sively from the writings of church historians, biblicalcommentarists, and specialists in canon law, docu-menting his sources with particular care.

Though now nearly forgotten, the work must havecirculated widely in its time; at least fourteen manu-script versions survived to the eighteenth century, andtwelve are extant today.

PHILIP O. GERICKE

Bibliography

Alfonso de Toledo. Invencionario. Ed. P. O. Gericke. Span-ish Series No. 75. Madison, Wisc., 1992.

Gericke, P. O. “El ‘Invencionario’ de Alfonso de Toledo,”Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos 74 (1967),25–73.

Piero, R. A. del. “Sobre el autor y fecha del Invencionario,”Hispanic Review 30 (1962), 12–20.

ALFONSO I, KING OF ARAGONAlfonso I of Aragon, el Batallador, was born (ca. 1073)to Sancho Ramırez, king of Aragon (reigned1064–1094), and Felicia of Roucy. He established areputation for military prowess, commanding the Ara-gonese vanguard at the Battle of Alcoraz (1096) andfighting alongside El Cid in the Battle of Bairen(1097). After his brother’s unexpected death withoutdescent in 1104, he continued the Aragonese offensiveagainst the Muslims with substantial success. WhenAlfonso VI of Castile, having lost his only son in battle,sought a husband for his daughter, the heiress Urraca,his choice fell upon Alfonso of Aragon as the mostable candidate.

Alfonso VI of Castile died 30 June 1109, and Ur-raca and Alfonso of Aragon were married in the au-tumn of the same year. The marriage conditions pro-vided for joint rule of the realms of each, and providedfor the succession of their descent to the united realms.The arrangement might have led to an early unificationof Christian Spain, but there were many opponents tothe marriage and little compatibility between the royalcouple. Alfonso fought to establish his authority bothover the lands of Leon-Castile and his wife, but finallyabandoned his efforts. In about 1114, he repudiatedUrraca and turned his attention increasingly to Ara-gonese affairs and the work of reconquest.

Gathering many French friends and relatives tohis cause, he laid siege to Zaragoza, which capitulatedon 18 December 1118. Tudela followed in February1119, and Tarazona shortly after. Alfonso thenmarched on Calatayud and decisively defeated the

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Muslims in the battle of Cutanda, 17 June 1120. Hethen devoted himself to the difficult task of organizingand populating the extensive territories he had ac-quired. From September 1124 to about May 1125, heundertook a massive raid through Valencia, Murcia,Cordoba, and Granada, and succeeded in leading alarge number of Mozarabs back to Aragon. In June1127, he concluded a treaty with Alfonso VII of Leon-Castile at Tamara, recognizing the young king’s hered-itary rights and freeing himself for new conquests.

He conquered Molina in December 1128 and at-tacked Valencia in spring 1129, at which time he de-feated the Muslims in the battle of Cullera. From Octo-ber 1130 to October 1131, he engaged in anunexplained and unsuccessful siege of Bayonne, wherehe issued his testament, leaving his realms to the cru-sading orders of the Temple, Hospital, and Holy Se-pulcher. He undertook the siege of Fraga in the summerof 1133, and suffered a disastrous defeat there on 17July 1134. Alfonso survived the battle and attemptedto regroup his forces, but to no avail. He fell ill, diedon 7 September 1134, and was buried at Montearagon,near Huesca. His brother, Ramiro el Monje, was imme-diately proclaimed king, and the kingdom that Alfonsohad built began to disintegrate.

Alfonso’s accomplishments were many. Hegreatly increased Aragon’s power, expanded its territo-ries, populated its lands, and inspired its armies withthe spirit of the Crusade. Many refused to believe thathe had died, and legends soon sprang up that he wouldreturn someday to lead the Aragonese to victoriesagain.

LYNN H. NELSON

Bibliography

Arco y Garay, R. del. “Notas biograficas del rey Alfonso Iel Batallador,” Boletın de la Real Academia de la His-toria 133 (1953), 111–209.

Lacarra, J. M. Vida de Alfonso el Batallador. Zaragoza,1971.

ALFONSO II, KING OF ARAGONThe future Alfonso II of Aragon (Alfons I of Catalonia)known as “el Casto,” was born in March 1157 toRamon Berenguer IV, Count of Barcelona(1131–1162), and Petronilla, heiress to the kingdomof Aragon. His father died on 7 August 1162, and Al-fonso was proclaimed Count of Barcelona on 24 Feb-ruary 1163. Petronilla renounced her royal dignity infavor of her son on 18 June 1164, and Alfonso wascrowned king of Aragon at Zaragoza on 11 November1164. The Crown of Aragon was formally establishedwith this union of Aragon and Catalonia. Although by

ALFONSO II, KING OF ARAGON

the terms of his father’s will Alfonso was under theguardianship of Henry II of England, effective admin-istration of the realm was in the able hands of GuillemRamon de Moncada and Guillem Torroja.

With the death of Ramon Berenguer III, Count ofProvence, in 1166, the Aragonese leaders seized theopportunity to reclaim for the main branch of theHouse of Barcelona sovereignty over Provence. By sodoing they entered into conflict with Raymond V,Count of Toulouse, husband of the heiress of Provence.Alfonso was to remain embroiled in the tumultuouspolitics of the Midi for the next thirty years. Theseconcerns generally dictated Alfonso’s peninsular poli-cies, and some historians would argue that he sacri-ficed advantages in the peninsula in order to advancehis trans-Pyrenean interests.

In late 1173, Guillem de Moncada and Petronilladied, and Alfonso began to rule directly. In January1174, he married Sancha of Castile and began to con-template the conquest of the Muslim kingdom of Va-lencia. This venture was frustrated by war with SanchoIV of Navarre, however, and Alfonso began to draweven closer to Castile. In March 1179, Alfonso of Ara-gon and Alfonso VIII of Castile met at Cazorla andentered into a treaty in which they allied against Na-varre and in which Alfonso of Aragon agreed that Mur-cia should be part of the Castilian zone of reconquest.By 1185, his peninsular frontiers were reasonably se-cure, and he undertook the solidification of his positionin the Midi. He took Provence under his direct rule,and brought Bearne, Beziers, Bigorre, and Carcassoneinto alliance or vassalage.

In 1189, his situation changed unfavorably. Al-fonso of Castile entered into an alliance with FrederickBarbarossa, who contemplated returning the county ofProvence to direct homage to the Holy Roman Empire,a policy that was to continue under Emperor HenryVI. Alfonso of Aragon broke with Castile and, by1191, had brought Navarre, Leon, and Portugal intoan anti-Castilian alliance. The Almohad invasion andthe defeat of Castilian forces in the Battle of Alarcos(1195) prompted the pope to appeal for Christian unityin the face of this perceived new Muslim menace. Dur-ing a celebrated pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela(late 1195–early 1196), Alfonso brought about suchunity and laid plans for a crusade against the invaders.His design failed, however. While traveling to his pos-sessions in the Midi, he fell ill, and died at Perpignan25 April 1096 at the age of forty.

During the reign of Alfonso II, the union of Ara-gon and Catalonia was established, and the institutionsof the Crown of Aragon developed. At the time of hisdeath, the Crown of Aragon was close to becoming aPyrennean state, interposed between the great powers

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of France and Castile. In the Iberian Peninsula, it hadbegun to exercise a role of real leadership among theChristian states. These were substantial accomplish-ments, but they vanished in the aftermath of the inter-vention of Pedro II in the Albigensian Crusade and hisdefeat and death in the Battle of Muret (1213). Thereputation of Alfonso II has suffered by the squander-ing of the opportunities he created.

LYNN H. NELSON

Bibliography

Cabestany, J. “Alfons el Cast,” in Els primers comtes-reis.Barcelona, 1960. 55–99.

Ventura, J. Alfons el Cast: El primer comte-rei. Barcelona,1961.

ALFONSO III, KING OF ARAGONKing of Aragon and Valencia (born, 1236; ruled1285–1291), son of Pedro III “the Great” andConstanza of Hohenstaufen, Alfonso spent most of hisshort reign contending, largely successfully, with thepolitical implications of the territorial expansion of thecrown begun during the reign of his grandfather, JaimeI (1213–1276), and continued by his father. He inher-ited not only the peninsular Aragonese territories ofAragon, Catalonia, and Valencia but also papal censureresulting from the seizure of Sicily, his mother’s leg-acy, which his brother and successor, Jaime, inheritedand ruled. As if this were not enough, he also inheriteddisgruntled barons who complained that Pedro’s royal-ist reforms had fundamentally changed the constitutionof Aragonese government. Alfonso came to the throneat a moment of political instability. He was in Mallorcaat his father’s death, in the process of completing theannexation of Mallorca to the Aragonese crown (Ibizaand Minorca followed soon after), and immediatelyupon his return, in April 1286, was crowned in Zara-goza. His first concern was to pacify the coalition ofnobles, newly united with key towns, who had receivedconcessions from Pedro III in 1283 and were deter-mined to negotiate a greater role in royal government.Rather than risk civil war, and believing that Mediter-ranean expansion mattered more than royal preroga-tives, Alfonso made peace with his subjects. In 1287he granted them the privilege of convoking an annualassembly and pledged to uphold certain key legal pro-tections. He then turned his attention to the problemof Sicily and faced a formidable alliance of hostileAngevins—led by Charles of Valois, who had beendeprived of Sicily and in retaliation was designatedpapal candidate for the Aragonese throne—and theirallies, Pope Martin IV and King Philippe IV of France.The political situation, already complicated, worsened

ALFONSO IV, KING OF ARAGON

after 1288 when King Sancho IV of Castile allied withFrance against Alfonso; the Infantes de la Cerda (Cas-tilian princes) from Sancho’s first marriage, andCharles of Salerno, the king of Naples and son ofCharles of Valois, were caught in the middle of thefracas and taken as hostages. Warfare erupted alongthe border between Castile and Aragon. Alfonso real-ized the necessity of detaching Aragonese interestsfrom direct involvement in Sicily and agreed at Taras-con, mediated by Edward I of England, to make peacewith the Angevins, the pope, and the French. Bothsides compromised: the pope agreed to lift his censureand revoke his donation of the kingdom to Charles ofValois; in return, Alfonso agreed to withdraw all sup-port for his brother in Sicily and pledge loyalty to thepope. As part of an alliance with England, Alfonsoagreed to marry Edward’s daughter Eleanor, but hisdeath just a few months later, in June 1291, renderedboth that marriage and the treaty inoperative. He leftno heirs, although he may have had an illegitimate son,and it was therefore up to his resourceful brother andsuccessor, Jaime II, to resolve the matter.

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Bibliography

Bisson, T. The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History.Oxford, 1986.

Martınez F. J. E., S. Sobreques i Vidal, and E. Bague. Elsdescendents de Pere el Gran: Alfons del Franc, JaumeII, Alfonso el Benigne. Barcelona, 1957.

Muntaner, R. The Chronicle of Muntaner. 2 vols. Trans.Henrietta Goodenough. London, 1920–21.

Zurita, G. Anales de la Corona de Aragon. 8 vols. Ed. A.Canellas Lopez. Books 4–6. Zaragoza, 1967–77.

ALFONSO III, KING OF ASTURIASThe long reign of Alfonso III (866–910) marks themost brilliant period of the Asturian realm. Taking ad-vantage of the contemporary weakness of Muslim An-dalusia, Alfonso continued the work of his father, Or-dono I (850–866), in the repopulation of the northernhalf of the Duero River basin, founding Zamora andToro on its banks. Farther east, Burgos was foundedin 884 and control over Alava was maintained despiteBasque revolts. On the western frontier, the Christianrepopulation was pushed south from southern Galiciawith foundations at Braga, Oporto, Viseu, and evenCoimbra. The king raided as far south as the lands ofBadajoz and Merida.

All of this growth occurred despite serious internalstress at one time or another. At the very beginning ofhis reign Alfonso had had to take refuge in Castilewhen a Count Froila of Galicia had briefly claimed tosucceed Ordono. He also had to face a conspiracy of

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his brother, Vermudo, who was taken and blinded butnevertheless subsequently staged a rebellion in As-torga that endured for roughly seven years and at-tracted Muslim support.

In fact, Alfonso’s successes were such that heseems to have inspired his own, official history. Aswe now have them, there are three chronicles of thecycle of Alfonso III. One of them derives from Oviedoand the other two from the Navarrese see of Roda andthe Navarrese monastery of Albelda; all of them standin the same tradition; that is, they make the monarchyof Asturias the lineal descendant of the vanished Visi-gothic kingdom of the sixth and seventh centurieswhose destiny it is to reclaim Iberia from the Muslims.In fact, these chronicles are also quite closely associ-ated with those materials jointly described as the Pro-phetic Chronicle. The latter predicted the complete ex-pulsion of the Muslims to occur in 884. Thesetraditions likely antedate the reign of Alfonso himself,but the extent of his achievement and recognition isindicated by their association with him.

Certainly the king himself promoted such tradi-tions, if he did not actually compose the earliest versionof the chronicles, as has been asserted. He took painsto reassociate the kingdom with the growing shrinechurch of Santiago at Compostela. There he had theold church of Alfonso II (791–842) razed and a moresplendid one erected. He built a new palace in the royalcity of Oviedo. The king also commissioned a distinc-tive art in architecture and jewelry, the latter beingrepresented by the magnificent “Cross of Victory” ofOviedo.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Collins, R. Early Medieval Spain. New York, 1983.Cotarelo Valledor, A. Alfonso III el Magno. Madrid, 1933.Gil Fernandez, J., J. L. Moralejo, and J. I. Ruiz de la Pena,

eds. Cronicas asturianas. Oviedo, 1985.

ALFONSO IV, KING OF ARAGONKing Alfonso IV of Aragon and Valencia (born 1299;ruled 1327–1336), known as “the Benign,” was thesecond son of Jaime II and Blanca of Naples. He wasnamed his father’s successor when his elder brotherJaime repudiated his bride on his wedding day, ren-ounced his right to succession, and joined a monasticmilitary order. Alfonso was an able replacement, how-ever, and well suited for governance. In 1322, as ayoung prince, his father sent him to Sardinia with aforce of roughly fifteen thousand Catalans and Ara-gonese to bring the island under Aragonese control.He successfully fended off opposition from the Geno-ese, but the threat continued for decades and thwarted

ALFONSO IV, KING OF ARAGON

his plans to annex Corsica. His personal reign beganwith abundant optimism and an opulent coronation onEaster Sunday 1328, and he gained his reputation forbenevolence partly from his good sense in remainingoutside the chaotic fray of politics on the Iberian Penin-sula and focusing his attentions on protecting the fron-tiers, aiding Castile in the defense of the Strait of Gi-braltar, and protecting Aragonese privileges inSardinia. Nevertheless, all of this was overshadowedby his own ill health and the long-term consequencesof the death of his first wife, Teresa d’Entenca, justbefore the death of his father. In 1329 he marriedLeonor of Castile, the woman spurned by his elderbrother Jaime. The marriage was intended to cementan alliance of Castile and Aragon in order to fight theMuslims in Granada, but it resulted in an intense andbitter rivalry between his eldest son and heir, Pedro(later Pedro IV, the Ceremonious), and Leonor overher desire to endow her own sons, Fernando and Juan,at the expense of Pedro. To please his wife, Alfonsowas obliged to sidestep the act of union, enacted at thecortes (parliament) of Tarragona in 1319, that prohib-ited alienation of royal patrimony. He created the mar-quisate of Tortosa for Fernando, and later added Ali-cante, Elche, Orihuela, Albarracın, and other towns inValencia, an action that enraged the Valencians, whovociferously protested the partition of the realms, argu-ing that it left them vulnerable to attack from Castile.He later revoked this act, noting that such royal high-handedness was not in keeping with Aragonese king-ship and governance. Both the conflict with Castileand bitter antagonism between Leonor and Pedro con-tinued beyond Alfonso’s death in 1336, however, andended with Pedro ordering the execution of Fernandoin 1363.

THERESA EARENFIGHT

Bibliography

Bisson, T. The Medieval Crown of Aragon: A Short History.Oxford, 1986.

Hillgarth, M., and J. N. Hillgarth (trans.). Chronicle ofPedro, King of Aragon. Toronto, 1980.

Martınez Ferrando, J. E., S. Sobreques i Vidal, and E. Bague.Els descendents de Pere el Gran: Alfons del Franc,Jaume II, Alfonso el Benigne. Barcelona, 1954.

Muntaner, R. The Chronicle of Muntaner. 2 vols. Trans. H.Goodenough. London, 1920–21.

ALFONSO IX, KING OF LEONSon of Fernando II and the Portuguese infanta (prin-cess) Urraca, daughter of Afonso I Henriques, whosemarriage had subsequently been annulled by papal au-thority. The seventeen-year-old heir acceded to thethrone in January 1088. Threatened on the one side by

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the claims of his stepmother, Urraca Lopez de Haro,for her own child, and on the other by the ambitionsof his cousin, Alfonso VIII of Castile (1158–1214),Alfonso took the novel step of summoning to the royalcuria in Leon in April 1188 not only the usual prelatesand nobles but also men chosen by some of the townsof the kingdom to speak in their behalf. The cortes(parliament) of Leon that resulted are usually credited,therefore, as being the first known medieval parlia-ment. In that meeting in return for its support, Alfonsoagreed not to make war or peace without consultationand to himself obey the laws of the realm. In subse-quent cortes at Benavente in 1202 he agreed not toissue a new coinage for a period of seven years inreturn for a grant in aid.

While immediately provoked by the successioncrisis of 1188, the novel inclusion of burgher represen-tatives of the towns in the cortes of the realm is ameasure of the stature they had achieved in the courseof the twelfth century. Overseas trade in importantquantities was now reaching the northern coast ofIberia through Gijon and La Coruna. The new kingwould find almost constant occupation in the adjudica-tion of conflicts between town councils and bishopsor abbots in Sahagun, in Lugo, and in Tuy. He wasalso to be kept busy reworking or granting fueros (priv-iliges) to town councils in Castroverde, Sanabria, Man-silla, Oviedo, Zamora, and Toro in the north and toSalamanca, Caceres, and Alcantara in the south. In1204 cortes at Leon made town councils responsiblefor the maintenance of public order in their surround-ing countryside.

But despite the support of the cortes in 1188, Al-fonso found himself forced to attend his uncle’s curiaat Carrion de los Condes in June 1188 where AlfonsoVIII personally knighted his cousin and exacted hishomage in return. The new king determined to escapefrom this subjection and in 1191 found an ally in San-cho I of Portugal (1185–1211) whose daughter, Te-resa, he married that same year. The two kings thenjoined further with Alfonso II of Aragon-Barcelona(1162–1196) in a general anti-Castilian alliance, Al-fonso IX going so far as to conclude a truce with theMuslim Muwahhid. The papacy reacted stronglyagainst the ensuing war of Christian against Christianin the Iberian Peninsula and the papal legate CardinalGregory forced Alfonso to separate from his cousin,Teresa of Portugal. The kings of Castile and Leon thenagreed in 1194 to a treaty at Tordehumos by whichLeon would be reunited with Castile if Alfonso IXshould die without heirs.

When in July 1195 Alfonso VIII of Castile wasdefeated in a great battle at Alarcos by the Muwahhidcaliph, Abu Yusuf Ya’qub, Alfonso of Leon reacted

ALFONSO V, KING OF ARAGON, THE MAGNANIMOUS

in 1196 by invading Castile with the aid of some troopsfurnished by the Muslim. Pope Celestine III excom-municated him. Nevertheless, a solution was providedby Eleanor, wife of Alfonso VIII, who arranged themarriage of their daughter, Berenguela, to Alfonso IXof Leon in Valladolid in 1197. With the bride, asdowry, went the border territories in dispute betweenthe two monarchs. However, this new marriage be-tween cousins would also be declared null and the prin-cipals excommunicated by Pope Innocent III. Never-theless, the royal match was maintained until 1204 inthe face of papal objections. By that time it had pro-duced four children, including the Fernando, whowould succeed first to Castile (1217–1252) and thento Leon as well (1230–1252).

The dissolution of the marriage reopened the bor-der question between Leon and Castile and kept badfeeling alive amid marching and countermarching in-terspersed with truces. The result was that Leon wouldremain aloof from the great Castilian victory thatwould lead to the eventual fall of the Muwahhid Em-pire in Iberia at Las Navas de Tolosa in July 1212.Alfonso IX was busy on the Portuguese border, wherehe defeated the forces of their new king, Afonso II(1211–1223), at Valdevez in 1211. During the Castil-ian campaign itself the Leonese king seized severalborder fortresses while the Castilians were occupiedin the south. Only in November 1212 did the kings ofCastile, Leon, and Portugal sign a truce at Coimbra bywhich they agreed to cooperate against the Muslims.In the following year Alfonso IX proceeded to the de-finitive reconquest of Alcantara.

In 1214 Alfonso VIII died, leaving an eleven-year-old son, Enrique, as heir. The next three years saw acontinuing struggle to manipulate his person and gov-ernment in which the contestants were his older sister,Berenguela; Count Alvaro Nunez de Lara; and AlfonsoIX of Leon. No faction managed to gain a decisiveadvantage, and then the young king died in a domesticaccident in 1217. Before Alfonso IX could learn ofEnrique’s death, agents of Berenguela traveled to thecourt of the Leonese king and secured the latter’s per-mission to allow his own son by Berenguela, Fernando,to travel to Castile to visit his mother and his cousin.Once Fernando reached Castile, Berenguela hastily ar-ranged a cortes in Valladolid in July 1217, in whichshe ceded her own rights to the throne in favor of herson. Fernando III (1217–1252) was accepted there asthe new king of Castile and a tardy invasion by AlfonsoIX was unable to overturn that settlement. Neverthe-less, skirmishes and conspiracies continued until defin-itive peace was established in 1220 between theLeonese and the Castilians. A peace was also agreedduring that same year between Leon and Portugal,

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which had been struggling along the line of the MinoRiver.

Without threat or great prospects in the north, Al-fonso IX was now to turn his attentions to the re-conquest. There the Order of Alcantara took Valenciade Alcantara south of the Tajo in 1221, from whichposition in the northwest they could threaten the wholevalley of the Middle Guadiana River from Merida toBadajoz. Beginning in 1222 Alfonso IX began annualattacks on Caceres, whose control led the approachfrom the northeast to those two cities. Each year hereturned to the attack but failed to meet his objective.Then, in January 1224, the Muwahhid caliph al-Mus-tans.ir died and Muslim power in al-Andalus becameincreasingly fragmented as one contender after anothersought control in Iberia or Morocco. Finally, in 1227,Caceres fell to Alfonso IX. By 1230 that king wasready for a siege of Merida. That undertaking calledforth a relief army led by Ibn Hud, former governorof Murcia and then the leader of the Muslim south,but it was defeated soundly at Alange, southeast of thecity, and Merida surrendered in March. The victoriousarmy now moved downstream, where Badajozpromptly surrendered to it as well.

The whole of the upper and middle valleys of theGuadiana was now in Christian hands, but Alfonso IXdied on 24 September 1230 while on his way to San-tiago de Compostela to offer thanks for his late victo-ries. He was interred in that cathedral. When FernandoIII of Castile heard of his father’s death he assertedhis claim to the kingdom of Leon. His two half-sisters,born of Alfonso’s first marriage to Teresa of Portugal,contested his claim but again his sister Berenguela ar-ranged a settlement with Teresa at Benavente (on 11December 1230), in which the infantas surrenderedtheir claims in return for generous pensions. As a re-sult, Leon and Castile were permanently reunited.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Gautier Dalche, J. Historia urbana de Leon y Castilla en laEdad Media: Siglos IX–XIII. Madrid, 1979.

Gonzalez, J. Alfonso IX. 2 vols. Madrid, 1944.Lomax, D. W. The Reconquest of Spain. New York, 1978.Procter, E. S. Curia and Cortes in Leon and Castile,

1072–1295. New York, 1980.

ALFONSO V, KING OF ARAGON, THEMAGNANIMOUSBorn 1396, the eldest son of Fernando of Antequeraand Leonor de Alburquerque, Alfonso V passed muchof his childhood in the court of his uncle, Enrique IIIof Castile. Fernando, Victor of Antequera (1410), core-

ALFONSO V, KING OF ARAGON, THE MAGNANIMOUS

gent of Castile from 1406, and from 1412 (Compro-mise of Caspe) King of Aragon, became the boy’s hero,a model of knightly prowess and kingly virtue. Anabiding thirst for adventure, deep piety, and a passionfor hunting all derived from that paternal source.

Fernando’s brief reign in Aragon (1412–1416),besides grounding Alfonso in the arts of government,introduced him to the constitutional pretensions andMediterranean concerns of his future subjects. Castileremained nonetheless a vital element in the family’sdynastic and political calculations, as evidenced by hismarriage to Marıa of Castile (1415), a match thatproved loveless and barren. Thrust by his father’s fatalillness (1415–1416) into the center of affairs, Alfonsofound himself confronting the antipope Benedict XIIIand Sigismund, King of the Romans, in a meetingcalled at Perpignan to end the Schism. In this, his firstgreat test of political judgment, he opted for the Coun-cil of Constance, yet took care to keep Benedict inreserve as a bargaining counter in dealings with therestored authority of Rome.

On 2 April 1416 Alfonso became King of Aragon.Looking around for warlike ventures that had hithertoeluded him, he saw Sicily and Sardinia restive underAragonese domination, Genoa challenging Catalan as-pirations in Corsica, and Castile chafing at the over-weening Antequera presence. His subjects, however,especially the Catalans and Valencians, opposed allforeign projects for they mistrusted their new Castiliandynasty and were resolved to bind it in constitutionalfetters. In the succeeding four-year contest of wills hewon the upper hand thanks largely to clerical and Cas-tilian subventions, then sailed in high spirits for Italianshores.

Touching first at Sardinia, he subdued that islandwithout difficulty, but in his next objective—Cor-sica—encountered a desperate Genovese defense.Frustrated there, he moved on to Naples in the guiseof champion and adopted heir of Giovanna II againstLouis III of Anjou whom Pope Martin V, suzerain ofthe kingdom, planned to install as successor to thechildless queen. Enthusiasm greeted his arrival (July1421), but the war against Louis soon embroiled him inintrigues that within two years left him totally isolated.Rescued by a Catalan fleet, he embarked for Spainin October 1423, having first sacked Naples; on thehomeward voyage he paused to burn Angevin Mar-seilles.

Spain presented its own problems: Catalan de-mands for curbs on royal authority, the consequencesof a breach with Rome over the Neapolitan investiture,and turmoil in Castile provoked by blind rivalry be-tween his brothers and Alvaro de Luna for control ofthat kingdom. Against his better judgment he allowed

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Juan and a party of Castilian nobles to maneuver himinto an intervention (1425) that freed another brother,Enrique, from captivity and briefly restored Antequeradominance. Within two years the brothers were againat odds, and Alfonso found himself once more drivento invade Castile. Alvaro Luna countered devastatinglyby throwing the Antequera estates to his wavering ad-herents; a mere handful stirred to support Alfonso, Cat-alonia denounced the operation, and rebellion threat-ened in Aragon. His frontiers menaced by vastlysuperior Castilian forces, Alfonso was compelled toseek a truce that left the Antequera hold upon Castilebroken and his own reputation battered. Small wonderthat he developed an aversion to further involvementin Castile and seized upon an invitation from the anti-Angevin faction in Naples to prepare another Italianexpedition. It cost many substantial concessions to theruling classes of Catalonia before he could sail againin 1432, leaving his wife and Juan as regents in thatprovince and Aragon, respectively.

Uncertain how matters stood in Naples, healighted first in Sicily, then essayed a punitive raidagainst Tunisia that demonstrated his naval power andcrusading credentials but deepened the hostility of thatMuslim state. An attempt to force the issue in Naplesby a show of strength at Ischia (1435) having come tonothing, he had to retire once again to Sicily and waitfor the unfolding of events. At this juncture pressurefrom his brothers threatened to draw him back to Spa,where renewed war loomed with Castile. Orders forreturn had already been given when news that firstLouis of Anjou, then Giovanna, had died transformedhis prospects. Supported by all his brothers, he madefor the mainland to claim his inheritance.

Yet again, Genoa’s fear of a Catalan strangleholdon the western Mediterranean snatched away appar-ently certain victory. In a battle off Ponza (5 August1435) its fleet not only destroyed an overconfidentenemy but took Alfonso, two brothers, and a host ofnobles as prisoners. Hauled, albeit courteously, to Mi-lan—Genoa’s overlord—Alfonso looked to all theworld a beaten man. Yet by a veritable coup de theatrehe transformed his captor, the volatile Visconti duke,into a devoted ally. Together they plotted a condomin-ium over Italy, and early in 1436 Alfonso was oncemore pursuing his conquest of Naples. Dogged opposi-tion from the papacy, Genoa, and Rene of Anjou de-layed victory for another six years until with the fallof the capital on 2 June 1442 all resistance crumbled.A great triumph had crowned decades of unremittingpersistence.

Alfonso now faced a choice between exploitinghis Italian victory and returning to Spain, where do-mestic problems and Castilian complications contin-

ALFONSO V, KING OF LEON

ued to fester. While always proclaiming his intentionto return, he chose instead to spend the rest of his lifein Italy, where he enjoyed more unfettered authority,alluring international opportunities, and a stimulatingcultural environment. Already he had gathered therehis three children—all illegitimate—and proclaimedhis only son, Ferdinando, heir to Naples. Wholeheart-edly he threw himself into the strife of Italy, seekingto establish a virtual protectorate over the papal states,reduce Genoa to subservience, make good his claimupon Corsica, and secure, despite Venice, a hold uponthe eastern shores of the Adriatic. Failure to find adependable ally frustrated all these ambitions in somemeasure. Most galling of all was the about-face of hisformer chancellor, Alfonso Borja, who, once plantedon the papal throne as Calixtus III (1455), turned fromservitor into implacable foe.

More successfully, Alfonso exploited the com-mercial potential of his conquest, encouraging Cata-lans and Valencians to follow royal example. FromFlanders to Alexandria royal vessels plied their tradeas he wove schemes to integrate his states into an eco-nomic community.

Art and learning also fascinated him. From earlyyouth he developed a taste for music and books; laterhe cultivated interests in architecture, painting, andsculpture. In his maturity these resulted in a library, amusical establishment, and a royal palace (Castelnu-ovo, Naples) to rival any in Europe. Under his patron-age Italian and Spanish men of arts and letters broughtthe Renaissance to life in southern Italy and sowed itsseed in Spain.

Ambitious, inscrutable, politically shrewd, and anindefatigable administrator, Alfonso V devoted him-self conscientiously to his duty in the conviction thatroyal authority divinely ordained better served thecommon good than did the play of private interest.In war he displayed tenacity, courage, and a sense ofmission rather than brilliant generalship. Sobrietymarked his behavior as man and king, save for theoccasional display of magnificence, and his autumnalpassion for Lucrezia d’Alagno, a young Neapolitan.

He died on 27 June 1458, leaving Naples to hisson and his other dominions to his brother Juan.

ALAN RYDER

Bibliography

Ametller y Vinyas, J. Alfonso V de Aragon en Italia y lacrisis religiosa del siglo XV. 3 vols. Gerona,1903–1928.

Beccadelli, A. De dictis et factis Alphonsi regis Aragonumet Neapolis. Basel, 1538.

Pontieri, E. Alfonso il Magnanimo: Re di Napoli 1435–1458.Naples, 1975.

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Ryder, A. Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon, Na-ples and Sicily, 1396–1458. Oxford, 1990.

ALFONSO V, KING OF LEONWhen Vermudo II died in 999 he left his five-year-old son, Alfonso V (999–1028), in most difficult cir-cumstances. The great vizier of the Cordoban cali-phate, Al-Mans.ur, was at the height of his power. Hehad taken and sacked Barcelona in 987, Leon and Za-mora in 988, and most recently Santiago de Compos-tela in 997, destroying there the church built by Al-fonso III and carrying off its bells to decorate themosque in Cordoba. Vermudo II sought a five-yeartruce before he died, and Al-Mans.ur himself died in1002 but his son, �Abd al-Malik (reigned 1002–1008)kept up the policy of raids against the north until hisearly death.

That latter event coincided with the beginning ofthe personal rule of Alfonso V in 1008. His mother, thequeen mother Elvira, and the Galician count MenendoGonzalez had had to bear the brunt of the Muslim as-sault during his minority. The death of �Abd al-Malikalso precipitated the abrupt decline of the caliphate andMuslim Andalusia so that the threat from that quarterwas effectively removed. What would concern AlfonsoV most was the growing ascendancy of Sancho Garcıael mayor of Navarre (1000–1035).

Alfonso managed to maintain his own independ-ence of action during his lifetime but found it politic tomarry Urraca, the sister of the Navarrese King Sancho.Still, he was unable to forestall the increasing influenceof Sancho in Castile, traditionally a county of theLeonese kingdom. The Navarrese contrived his ownmarriage with the sister of its count, Garcıa Sanchez(1017–1029), and would claim the county for himselfafter the murder of the count in 1029.

The Leonese monarch would be chiefly remem-bered for the council of the realm held at Leon in 1017,which took measures to restore the regular governmentof the kingdom and of that rebuilt city. He did proveas well to be quite capable in taking advantage of thecontemporary Muslim weakness to restore the fortunesof Leon. In 1028 he was conducting a siege of MuslimViseu in the north of Portugal when he was killed byan arrow.

His early death left an eleven-year-old son, Ver-mudo III (reigned 1028–1037), to succeed him in arealm actually ruled by the queen mother Urraca, San-cho of Navarre’s sister.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Sanchez Candeira, A. El Regnum-Imperium leones hasta1037. Madrid, 1951.

ALFONSO VI, KING OF LEON-CASTILE

ALFONSO VI, KING OF LEON-CASTILEThe second son of Fernando I, King of Leon-Castile(1037–1065), he was born about 1037. On the deathof Fernando I the kingdom was divided between Al-fonso and his two brothers. Sancho, the eldest, receivedthe kingdom of Castile and the overlordship of thetributary Christian kingdom of Navarre as well as thatof the Muslim ta’ifa (party kingdom) of Zaragoza.Garcıa, the youngest, was awarded Galicia-Portugaland the tributary Muslim kingdom of Badajoz. To Al-fonso went Asturias, Leon, parts of the Bierzo and theSorian highlands, and the tributary ta’ifa of Toledo.The division did not last long. In 1071 Alfonso tookcontrol of the lands of Garcıa and in 1072 was himselfdefeated in battle and dispossessed briefly by hisbrother Sancho in 1072. After a short term of exilein Toledo, Alfonso returned after the assassination ofSancho, outside the walls of Zamora in September1072, and now became the ruler of the reconstitutedkingdom of his father. When Garcıa returned fromexile in Badajoz in 1073, Alfonso had him imprisoneduntil the former’s death in March 1090.

The kingdom of Leon-Castile grew under AlfonsoVI to be the greatest realm of the peninsula, Christianor Muslim. The major step in this process was theconquest of the ta’ifa of Toledo, which formally sur-rendered on 25 May 1085. With that success, the south-ern boundary of the kingdom was carried from thenorth bank of the Duero River to the north bank ofthe Tajo River. It enabled Alfonso to carry out therepopulation of the northern meseta (plateau) betweenthe Duero and the Guadarrama Mountains unhinderedand to begin that of the southern meseta between theGuadarrama and the Tajo. For a brief time the kingdomeven included the old Toledan lands south of the Tajoand north of the Sierra Morena. Moreover, on the as-sassination of the king of Navarre, his cousin SanchoGarcıa IV (1054–1076), Alfonso participated with theKing of Aragon, his cousin Sancho Ramırez I(1063–1094), in the partition of Navarre. Leon-Cas-tile’s share was most of the upper Rioja along the EbroRiver.

The surrender of Toledo to Alfonso VI in 1085was followed by his installation of the former Muslimruler there, Al-Qadir, in the ta’ifa of Valencia in theeast as his tributary. Since the other Muslim kings inIberia, from Zaragoza through Granada, Seville, andBadajoz, were also his tributaries, the Leonese wasvirtually master of the entire peninsula. Under the cir-cumstances, the Muslim rulers of the south appealedto the Murabit emir, Yusuf Ibn Tashfın of Morocco,for protection. The Murabit were a Berber fundamen-talist sect who from midcentury had been graduallyoverrunning Morocco and by this date controlled an

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empire stretching from the southern Sahara to the Med-iterranean with its capital at the newly built Marrakesh.

In 1086 in response to the appeal of the Muslimsof Andalusia, the Murabit crossed the Strait of Gibral-tar. They advanced to the neighborhood of Badajozwhere, with their Andalusian allies, they defeated thearmy of Alfonso VI at Zallaqah on 23 October 1086.Although Alfonso and much of his army escaped, hewas to spend the remainder of his life battling to defendhis realm against the Murabit.

In the aftermath of Zallaqah, the fundamentalistMurabit were to depose, one by one, the rulers of theIberian ta’ifas whom they considered unfaithful to theQur’an because of their imposition of illegal taxes onthe faithful; their use of alcohol, music, and poetry;and their payment of tribute to Alfonso VI, an infidel,above all. Gradually Muslim Iberia became the prov-ince of a North African empire. Yusuf annexed Gra-nada in 1090, Seville in 1091, and Badajoz in 1094.Valencia eluded him until 1102 when it was conqueredby the Castilian adventurer Rodrigo Dıaz de Vivar,usually called El Cid, who held it until his death in1099. Zaragoza remained independent until 1110, bywhich time both Alfonso VI and Yusuf Ibn Tashfınwere dead. The Leonese monarch was the major Mura-bit opponent in all of this and defended the independ-ence of the ta’ifas as best he could. Yet by his deathin 1109, he had been forced back to the line of theTajo and it was unclear if even the north bank of thatriver and the city of Toledo itself could be held.

At the same time, Leon-Castile was entering intoa much closer relationship with Europe north of thePyrenees. Fernando I had sealed a pact of friendshipwith the great Burgundian monastery of Cluny andagreed to subsidize that house in the amount of 1,000gold dinars per annum. Alfonso VI would double thatcensus and, in addition, begin the process of grantingpossession and authority over Leonese royal monaster-ies to the French house. By the end of his reign theCluniac province in his kingdom counted better thana half-dozen houses. This cooperation with Cluny wasjoined to a similar policy of close ties with the Romanchurch. At the urging of Pope Gregory VII, Alfonsoagreed to see that the Roman liturgical ritual replacedthe Mozarabic one. In return he received the supportof Rome for the restoration of the metropolitan seesof Braga and Toledo, the bishoprics of Salamanca,Segovia, Osma, Burgos, and Coimbra, and the recogni-tion of the older royal creation at Oviedo. The formerCluniac monk Bernard was recognized by Pope UrbanII as archbishop of Toledo in 1088, and that archbishopand his king and patron would fill up most of the newsees created with reforming French Cluniac monks.

ALFONSO VII, KING OF LEON-CASTILE

These processes were accompanied by a rapidgrowth of the pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Jamesat Santiago de Compostela by the peoples of westernEurope. This also meant the infusion of the new Ro-manesque art, the Carolingian script, a more rigorousLatin, and a variety of other French manners into Leon-Castile. The great Romanesque cathedral at Santiagode Compostela, begun in 1076, is the most monumen-tal example of this phenomenon. Most larger towns,even Toledo in the extreme south, would come to havetheir barrio (quarter) of French artisans and merchantsas a side effect of the pilgrimage but there was nosignificant immigration of French nobles such aswould shortly take place in Aragon.

In that respect, the most significant developmentwas the marriage by Alfonso VI to a succession offoreign brides for his queens as he sought both a maleheir and the prestige of an international match for itseffect in the peninsula. Ines of Aquitaine (1074–1077),Constance of Burgundy (1078–1093), Berta of Lom-bardy (1095–1100), Elizabeth of France (1100–1106),and Beatrice of France (1108–1109) were such brides.On the other hand, Alfonso’s only known son, SanchoAlfonsez (1094?–1108), was the son of the Muslimconcubine Zaida, who became his wife in 1106 anddied shortly thereafter.

The Burgundian alliance was also to be reflectedin the marriage of Alfonso’s daughter by Constance,Urraca, to Count Raymond of Burgundy who becameCount of Galicia-Portugal and probably heir apparentin 1088. That match was followed by a similar mar-riage of a daughter by the Asturian noblewoman Ji-mena Munoz, Teresa, to Raymond’s cousin, CountHenri of Burgundy in 1096. Henri thus became Countof Portugal. The son of Raymond and Urraca was tobecome Alfonso VII of Leon-Castile (1126–1157).The son of Henri and Teresa was to become AfonsoI of Portugal (1128–1185). In the lifetime of AlfonsoVI the two counts were to become chief figures athis court and administrators and defenders of the westduring the campaigning season. Another daughter,Elvira, born of Jimena Munoz, was married to CountRaymond of Toulouse by 1094 and subsequently borehim a son in the Holy Land, Alfonso Jordan, who him-self later became count of Toulouse.

In the spring of 1108 Alfonso VI was still en-grossed in defending his realm from the attacks of theMurabit emirs of Morocco. On 29 May 1108 at thefortress of Ucles, about thirty kilometers south of theTajo, one of his armies was routed by the enemy andhis only son, Sancho Alfonsez, was killed. To solvethe succession crisis the king turned to his daughter,Urraca (1109–1126), whose husband Raymond ofBurgundy had died in November 1107. But he also

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provided for her future marriage to her cousin, AlfonsoI, el Batallador, of Aragon (1104–1134), so as to pro-vide for the military safety of the kingdom. AlfonsoVI himself was seeing to those defenses at Toledowhen he died on 1 July 1109, at the age of seventy-two. He was buried at the royal monastery of Sahagunon 21 July 1109.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Fletcher, R. A. The Quest for El Cid. New York, 1990.Gonzalez, J. Repoblacion de Castilla la Nueva. 2 vols. Mad-

rid, 1975–76.Lomax, D. W. The Reconquest of Spain. New York, 1978.Reilly, B. F. The Kingdom of Leon-Castilla under King Al-

fonso VI, 1065–1109. Princeton, N.J., 1988.

ALFONSO VII, KING OF LEON-CASTILEBorn on 1 March 1105 to the Infanta Urraca and CountHenri of Burgundy, the child was early to have a politi-cal influence. After his mother’s accession to thecrown of Leon-Castile the boy became a pawn in thehands of his powerful guardians, Bishop Diego Gelmı-rez of Santiago de Compostela and Count Pedro Froı-laz of Galicia, in their opposition to the queen’s poli-cies. That game was not ended until Urraca associatedher young son with herself in 1116, made him the titu-lar ruler of Toledo and the lands south of the DueroRiver, and largely separated him from his prior men-tors.

Upon his mother’s death on 8 March 1126, hebecame Alfonso VII but had to face a wide variety ofproblems in the early years of his reign. One of thesewas the emerging kingdom of Portugal. Once a frontiercounty of Leon-Castile, the territory had enjoyed prac-tical independence since the death of his grandfather,Alfonso VI (1065–1109). By 1126 his aunt, Teresa,who ruled there had adopted the title “queen” from1117. When Teresa’s own son, Afonso Henriques,forced her into exile in 1128, he affected the title “In-fans” initially but by 1140 had come to call himself“Rex Portugalensis.” His Leonese cousin fought twoborder wars with him in 1137 and 1140–1141 to fore-stall what was happening, but after the second of themthe latter had to recognize Afonso I of Portugal(1128–1185) as king, if a vassal of Leon-Castile.

A second problem was to establish himself athome against the nobility of the realm. The chief threatwas furnished by the house of the Lara counts of Cas-tile and Asturias de Santillana, under Pedro and Ro-drigo Gonzalez, respectively. Count Pedro had beenthe third husband of Queen Urraca and the father ofat least two children by her. The Lara thus represented

ALFONSO VII, KING OF LEON-CASTILE

a real threat and the Lara counts fomented a series ofconspiracies and finally a rebellion in 1130 before theirpower was broken in that year. The same year hadalso seen an independent revolt by the magnate DiegoPelaez in Asturias de Oviedo that recurred intermit-tently until 1134, by which time all internal resistancewas at an end.

While coping with these two as best he could,Alfonso VII also had to deal with the problem of an-other stepfather, Alfonso I of Aragon (1104–1134).The Aragonese monarch had been married to QueenUrraca between 1109 and 1112. The marriage was con-sanguinous, foundered on the opposition of the papacy,the nobility of the realm, and its inability to producea child. But Alfonso I had fought a war with Urracabetween 1113 and 1116 to retain his title to Leon-Castile and still in 1126 held the Rioja, the Sorianhighlands, eastern Castile, and a salient reaching westinto Leon as far as Carrion de los Condes. Between1127 and 1131, Alfonso VII waged a series of cam-paigns against his stepfather that resulted in the libera-tion of all of this territory up to the borders of theRioja.

Alfonso I of Aragon had largely been preoccupiedby the consolidation of his hold on the lands of theta’ifa (party) kingdom of Zaragoza, which had fallento him in December 1118 and had roughly quadrupledhis prior realm in size and population. Now a Murabitcounterattack inflicted a crushing defeat on him atFraga on 17 July 1134, and Alfonso died on 7 Septem-ber 1134, probably of wounds suffered there. Themakeshift kingdom of Aragon now began to disinte-grate. Ramiro II of Aragon (1134–1137) never wasable to make his authority felt everywhere. To thenortheast, Garcıa Ramırez IV (1134–1150) resurrectedthe former kingdom of Navarre out of its ruins. AlfonsoVII seized the opportunity to reclaim the Rioja and theSorian highlands, and attempted to annex the districtaround Zaragoza and Tarazona on the Middle Ebro. Athree-cornered war erupted that lasted until 1142.

By 1137 Alfonso VII was forced to allow CountRamon Berenguer of Barcelona (1131–1162) to rulein Aragon and the territories of Zaragoza. The counthad been his brother-in-law since 1127, and had be-come the son-in-law of Ramiro II of Aragon in 1137by marriage to the latter’s daughter, Petronilla. NowRamon Berenguer became the ruler of the kingdom ofAragon-Catalonia, although he did homage to AlfonsoVII for Zaragoza. The Leonese king had also madepeace with Garcıa Ramırez of Navarre in 1140, andthat king did homage as well. With these rulers as hisvassals, Alfonso now arranged his own coronation as“emperor” in the city of Leon on Pentecost, 26 May1135.

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Although the details of his domestic policy are notwell understood, he kept a firm hand on the church ofthe realm. In the Council of Carrion in February 1130,for instance, he had the bishops of Leon, Oviedo, andSalamanca deposed and replaced by his own candi-dates. Alfonso also actively pursued the repopulationof the valley of the Tajo River at the same time ashe pushed its frontiers south against the weakeningMuslim foe. From the time when peace had beenachieved with Navarre and Portugal by 1142, AlfonsoVII’s policy was bent on securing a coalition of theChristian powers against the Murabit Empire in theIberian Peninsula. That Muslim empire was alreadybeing cannibalized in North Africa by the growing suc-cesses of the new, fundamentalist Muwahhid move-ment and was rife with revolt in Andalusia. In 1146,Alfonso laid siege to Cordoba itself and forced its rulerto become his vassal. The following year, at the head ofa force that included a fleet from Genoa, the Aragoneseunder Ramon Berenguer, and the the Navarrese underGarcıa Ramırez, Alfonso captured the Mediterraneanport of Almerıa in the southeast after overruning mostof Upper Andalusia.

Meanwhile, Afonso I of Portugal had taken San-tarem in a surprise attack that March and, joined by aFlemish and English fleet bound for Palestine and theSecond Crusade there, that monarch captured Lisbonin October 1147. Portions of that crusading armyjoined Ramon Berenguer and the Genoese fleet in 1148to take Tortosa. In 1149, the Aragonese king took Le-rida. In short, the northern coalition had permanentlyfreed the basin of the Tajo in Portugal, and that of theEbro in Aragon-Catalonia from the grip of Islam.

In subsequent years, Alfonso VII was unable tokeep his allies in the field against the growing powerof the Muwahhid Empire, which had now masteredall of Morocco and Algeria in North Africa and wasincreasingly active in Andalusia. While the Portugueseand the Aragonese-Catalonian kingdoms would retaintheir gains of the period, Alfonso VII himself wouldmeet his death from exhaustion at Las Fresnedas justnorth of the Sierra Morena on 21 August 1157. He wasreturning from an unsuccessful attempt to force thelifting of a Muwahhid siege of Almerıa. That townfell again into Muslim hands, as would all of UpperAndalusia eventually.

After his death, Alfonso’s Leon-Castile was di-vided into two kingdoms. His oldest son, Sancho III(1157–1158), would rule Old and New Castile, theRioja, and the Basque country. His younger son, Fer-nando II (1157–1188), obtained Leon, Galicia, and Es-tremadura.

BERNARD F. REILLY

ALFONSO VIII, KING OF CASTILE

Bibliography

Gonzalez, J. Repoblacion de Castilla la Nueva. 2 vols. Ma-drid, 1975.

Recuero Astray, M. Alfonso VII, Emperador. Leon, 1979.Reilly, B. F. The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain:

1031–1157. Oxford, 1991.Sanchez Belda, L. (ed.) Chronica Adefonsi Imperatoris.

Madrid, 1950.

ALFONSO VIII, KING OF CASTILEAlfonso VIII (1155–1214; king of Castile,1158–1214) was the son of Sancho III of Castile andBlanche of Navarre, grandson of Alfonso VII of Leon-Castile. Among the main points of Alfonso’s longreign are the battles of Alarcos (1195) and Las Navasde Tolosa (1212); the siege of Cuenca (1177) and thegranting of its fuero (privileges); and, together withhis consort, Eleanor, the foundation of the monasteryof Las Huelgas.

Alfonso’s Minority

Alfonso’s reign began inauspiciously. Orphanedby the death of his father, Alfonso’s minority wasmarked by unrest and civil war. In his will Sancho IIIhad divided the regency and the tutelage of the kingbetween the noble families of Lara and Castro. TheLaras forced the Castros to surrender Alfonso to them,and a civil war broke out between the two families.The Castros invited Alfonso’s uncle, Fernando II ofLeon, to intervene in the matter. Fernando II garri-soned his troops in Toledo and collected its revenuesuntil 1166. He acted as Alfonso’s tutor, although henever gained custody of Alfonso himself. In 1166 theCastilian bishops intervened and threw their supportbehind Alfonso VIII and the Laras. Alfonso and hisregent regained Toledo and defeated the Castros in aseries of campaigns that lasted from 1166 until 1168.

Alfonso’s Reign

The end of Alfonso’s minority in 1169 wasmarked by a curia in Burgos, which reviewed Castile’salliances with the other peninsular kingdoms. Alfon-so’s relations with other kings in the Iberian Peninsulavaried, depending upon the relative strengths andweaknesses of the peninsular kingdoms. He main-tained peaceful relations with his uncle, Fernando II,and he established friendly relations with Alfonso IIof Aragon, making a pact with him in Sahagun in 1168.Sancho VI of Navarre, however, had invaded the Riojaand issued fueros there in 1164. Seeking an allianceoutside the peninsula in order to regain these territor-

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ies, the young king held a curia in Burgos in1169–1170 that selected Eleanor, daughter of HenryII and Eleanor of Aquitaine, as a prospective consortfor the king. The marriage took place in 1170. Eleanorhad been chosen as a prospective spouse in order togain Henry II’s support for the recovery of Castilianlands from Navarre; portions of Eleanor’s dower con-sisted of the parts of Castile occupied by Sancho VI.Castile began to recover its lands in the Rioja in1170–1179, and went to war with Navarre in 1173.Alfonso VIII and Sancho IV agreed to arbitration be-fore Henry II in 1176–1179, who found in favor ofAlfonso VIII.

Relations with the Almohads

The Almohads had occupied most of the townsof al-Andalus in the 1160s, and by 1172 they werecampaigning in the vicinity of Toledo, harassing Hueteand Talavera. During this period Alfonso VIII en-trusted most of the defense and resettlement of theToledo frontier to the military religious orders of San-tiago and Calatrava. In 1177 Castile, Leon, and Aragonagreed to the Treaty of Tarazona, in which theyplanned their campaigns against the Muslims. As aconsequence of this treaty, Alfonso undertook thesiege of Cuenca, a naturally fortified city east of To-ledo located on Castile’s border with Valencia. Al-though no contemporary narrative account of the siegesurvives, other evidence suggests that the siege sappedthe resources of both Alfonso and the Castilian nobil-ity. Alfonso captured the city of Cuenca, marking hisfirst major military victory. He established a bishopricthere, and Cuenca formed Castile’s nucleus of repopu-lation for the La Mancha area. The major legal devel-opment of Alfonso VIII’s reign was the implementa-tion and granting of the Fuero of Cuenca, a systematicmunicipal law that became a model for later fueros.

Prelude to Alarcos

With the Treaty of Cazorla (1179), Alfonso VIIIand Alfonso II agreed upon a division of the Muslimterritories in the peninsula between Castile and Ara-gon. Aragon would expand in the territories to itssouth: Valencia, Jativa, Biar, Denia, and Calpe; Castilehad free play in all the lands beyond. But after Cazorla,relations cooled between Castile and Aragon, and in1190 Alfonso II joined forces with Sancho VI of Na-varre against Castile. Meanwhile, Fernando II of Leondied in 1188, and Alfonso VIII tried to gain ascendancyover the new king, his cousin Alfonso IX. At the Curiaof Carrion (1188), Alfonso VIII knighted Alfonso IX,who in return paid him homage and fealty. This act

ALFONSO VIII, KING OF CASTILE

ultimately caused Alfonso IX to resent Alfonso VIII.Leon joined with Aragon and Portugal in a pact againstAlfonso VIII, although the Treaty of Tordehumos(1194) patched up a temporary peace between Leonand Castile.

Alarcos

Al-Mans.ur, the Almohad caliph, proclaimed aholy war in retaliation against the Christians in June1195. That summer he arrived in the vicinity ofAlarcos, where Alfonso VIII rushed to meet him. Thefortress of Alarcos was still uncompleted, and Alfonsoinitiated the engagement before expected Leonese re-inforcements arrived. His impetuosity lost the battle;Alarcos was a major victory for the Almohads. AlfonsoVIII fled with the remnants of his army to Toledo,while Al-Mans.ur captured the fortresses on the roadto Toledo, including Calatrava, and ravaged Toledo’shinterlands. He did not, however, pursue his victory,and returned to Seville. Alfonso VIII obtained a treatyfrom the Almohads in 1197.

Aftermath of Alarcos

The defeat at Alarcos caused a crisis in ChristianSpain. Alfonso II of Aragon attempted to promotepeace among the Christian kings against the Almo-hads, but he died in 1196. Sancho VII of Navarre re-sumed attacks upon the Rioja, and Alfonso IX contin-ued to attack Castile, claiming certain castles on theCastilian-Leonese border. Alfonso VIII’s wife,Eleanor, proposed a marriage alliance between Al-fonso IX and her daughter, Berenguela. The marriagetook place in 1197, and the disputed castles were set-tled on Berenguela. But since the couple were cousinsthe pope forced them to separate, and they did so in1204. The Treaty of Cabreros (1206) ended the mar-riage between Alfonso IX and Berenguela but recog-nized their son, Fernando, as Alfonso IX’s heir. Beren-guela and her two sons returned to Alfonso VIII’scourt. The Treaty of Valladolid (1209) settled the prop-erty issues raised by the annulment of the marriage.

Northern Campaigns

The treaty with the Almohads and the alliancewith Leon enabled Alfonso to concentrate on the Na-varrese incursions and to campaign in the Basque prov-inces of Guipuzcoa and Alava. He sought assistancefrom his brother-in-law, John of England, in 1199, andin 1200 he and Eleanor agreed to the marriage of theirsecond daughter, Blanche, to Philip Augustus’s heir,the future Louis VIII, as part of the treaty betweenEngland and France. But John and Philip Augustus

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resumed their fight, and John made a treaty with San-cho VII of Navarre. In turn, Alfonso VIII and PhilipAugustus entered into alliance. Eventually, the kingsof Castile, Navarre, and Aragon entered into a concordin 1204, and Alfonso VIII obtained the lands disputedwith Navarre by treaty in 1207.

Gascony

Though Part of Eleanor’s dowry, John refused tosurrender Gascony after the death of Eleanor of Aqui-taine in 1204. At the risk of war with Navarre andEngland, Alfonso campaigned in Gascony, but despitesome initial success he was unable to secure Bayonne.Castile did not drop its claims to Gascony until themarriage of Eleanor of Castile to Edward I in 1254.

Prelude to Las Navas

Meanwhile, Pope Innocent III urged the bishopsof the Iberian Peninsula to encourage the monarchsthere to patch up their quarrels and resume the Re-conquest. Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada, archbishop of To-ledo, took a leading role in urging Alfonso to wagea crusade against the Almohads. The treaty with theAlmohads was running out, and Alfonso’s settlementof Moya in 1209 helped precipitate matters. Pedro IIof Aragon began capturing cities in Valencia, and Al-fonso VIII’s heir, Fernando, dedicated himself to cru-sade.

Las Navas

In response to Christian raids and incursions, theAlmohad caliph, Al-Nas.ir (called Miramamolın by theChristians), entered the peninsula and took the road toToledo in 1211. He besieged the castle of Salvatierra,the home of the Order of Calatrava after Alarcos. Thecastle did not surrender until the end of the summer,and Al-Nas.ir returned to Cordoba to resume his cam-paigns the following year. This gave the Christianstime to assemble an army in Toledo, consisting of Cas-tilians, Leonese, Navarrese, Aragonese, and Frenchtroops, who left after the recapture of Calatrava. Whenthe army set out it was led by three kings, AlfonsoVIII, Pedro II, and Sancho VII. The battle took placeon 16 July 1212, and it marked a major victory forthe Christian forces. Alfonso VIII and his daughter,Berenguela, sent reports of the battle to Innocent IIIand Blanche of Castile, and the trophies from the battlewere distributed over Christian Spain. The victory ofLas Navas destroyed Almohad power in Spain and en-abled the advance of the Christians in the thirteenthcentury.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON

Succession

Alfonso and Eleanor had ten children: Berenguela(1180–1246), who was proclaimed Alfonso’s heir atthe curia of Carrion in 1188 and who was first be-trothed to Conrad of Germany, but married her cousin,Alfonso IX of Leon; Sancho (1181); Sancha(1182–1184); Urraca (1186–1220), who married Al-fonso II of Portugal in 1208; Blanche (1188–1252),who married Louis VIII of France in 1199; Fernando(1189–1211); Mafalda (?–1204); Leonor (?–?), whowas briefly married to Jaime the Conqueror; Constanza(?–1243); and Enrique (1204–1215), later Enrique II.Despite his numerous progeny, Alfonso’s successionwas clouded by the death of his oldest surviving son,Fernando, during the campaigns prior to Las Navas.Fernando had been unmarried, and Alfonso’s othersurviving son, Enrique, was ten years old when Al-fonso died. Queen Eleanor, who had been named inAlfonso’s will as Enrique’s regent, only survived herspouse by one month. Enrique II’s minority, like hisfather’s, was marred by civil war. But Enrique died in1215, and the throne devolved to his sister, Alfonso’soldest daughter, Berenguela. Berenguela stood asidein favor of her son, Fernando III.

Burial

Alfonso VIII and Eleanor had jointly founded theCistercian monastery of Las Huelgas in Burgos andendowed it with numerous privileges and properties.The complex included a hospital and convent. It alsoserved as a royal necropolis, and the pair were buriedthere in a joint tomb.

THERESA M. VANN

Bibliography

Gonzalez, J. El reino de Castilla en la epoca de AlfonsoVIII. 3 vols. Madrid, 1960.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, ARTISTIC PATRONAGE, ART,MINIATURES, AND PORTRAITSAlfonso X’s artistic patronage, well documented in therealm of the illuminated manuscript book, is more un-certain in other areas. The research of Rafael ComezRamos is the necessary starting point of departure forthe study of Alfonso’s patronage of architecture, sculp-ture, and metalwork.

In the field of architecture, Alfonso’s patronageappears to have been extended to two great thirteenth-century cathedrals, at Burgos and Leon, but not to awell-documented degree. The king seems also to haveplayed a decisive role in the construction of the moremodest cathedral of Badajoz. His intervention in these

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projects cannot, however, be compared to that of theFrench monarchs who collaborated through their pa-tronage in the construction of the great cathedrals inand around Paris. The kings of France were bothanointed and buried in their immense cathedrals, suchas Saint-Denis, the first Gothic building in history, andReims, where they received the crown of the realmfrom princes of the Church. Alfonso, however, accord-ing to his two surviving wills and testaments, vacillatedbetween being interred in the Capilla Real of the Ca-thedral of Cordoba (which he had constructed ca.1263) and two other former mosques that had beenconverted into churches: Santa Marıa la Real of Mur-cia, and the Cathedral of Seville, where his parents,Fernando II and Beatriz of Swabia, had been buried.This indecision proved disagreeable to the bishops ofeach locale, who later allied themselves with the citiesand the aristocracy and threw their support to the In-fante don Sancho when he rebelled against his father.

Sancho IV, in his eponymous Privilegio rodadoe historiado, referred to himself as the vicar of Christin his kingdoms and forged an agreement with the bish-ops who aided him in the usurpation of the throne tobe buried in the Cathedral at Toledo, where he hadbeen crowned. At the same time, Alfonso X’s tendencytoward autocracy and absolutism, which, according toPeter Linehan, compelled the Vatican to investigate,also does not sit well with the notion of a patron wholooked kindly on the construction of great cathedrals,even though he may have made some tentative gesturesin this direction at the beginning of his reign. Thisnotwithstanding, a case may be made for an Alfonsineecclesiastical architecture in Andalusia, in the parishesof Cordoba, Jerez, and Seville, as well as for evidenceof patronage in civil works (palaces, some strongholds,and the Ataranzas of Seville).

The sculpture and images of the cathedrals ofBurgos and Leon have been the subject of recent care-ful scrutiny. The putative likenesses of Alfonso X andDona Violante at Burgos have been shown to be prob-lematic: they have been identified by Yarza as portraitsof Solomon and Queen Sab, in an iconographicalscheme much more attune to French traditions. Theyare additionally complicated by the fact that in all ex-tant Alfonsine miniatures the king never appears withhis consort. Alfonso’s supposed representation in astained glass window at Leon has been identified byDomınguez Rodrıguez as that of Sancho IV, who bearsan orb and scepter in his hands, symbols that closelyidentify Sancho with his ecclesiastical consecration,evidence of which cannot be found for Alfonso fromamong all his known manuscript portraits.

It is in the field of manuscript portraiture and illu-mination that Alfonso X’s artistic patronage excelled

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON

and cannot be doubted. Alfonso’s greatest labor in thisarea are the Cantigas de Santa Marıa, of which thereare two manuscripts that contain miniatures. The firstis the so-called Codice rico (Escorial T.I.1 and Biblio-teca Nazionale, Firenze Ms. B.R.20) and the Codiceprinceps, also referred to as de los musicos (EscorialB.I.2). The latter embraces forty-one miniatures, andalthough it is a work of secondary artistic merit hasgreat historical, archeological, and musicologicalvalue. The miniatures in it show musical instrumentsin great detail while the text offers musical annotationsthat have permitted the reconstruction of the instru-ments and the reproduction of the music in moderntimes.

In contrast to his contemporary French and En-glish monarchs, Alfonso did not occupy himself withthe decoration of religious and liturgical books andpsalters with miniatures, although some attempts havebeen made to tie his work to the Parisian tradition.While St. Louis was entirely compatible with theChurch, which heaped its blessings upon him, Alfonsowas much less so. The iconography of the Codice ricoof the Cantigas portrays the Spanish king in diverseguises and poses: as a troubadour, with Christ and theVirgin occupying in a manner unprecedented any-where a space normally reserved for saints or membersof the clergy, lecturing to followers, or reciting poetryin public. His scientific works (Lapidario, Libros delsaber de astronomıa, Manuscrito astrologico vati-cano) all have ties to pagan astrology, under interdic-tion by both the Church and the papacy, while his Librode ajedrez (Escorial T.I.6), which the king recom-mends in the prologue for both leisure and the sharpen-ing of wits, was proscribed by St. Louis in France.When compared to St. Louis, who publicly praised theBible Moralise, or the Bolognese Bibles based on theVulgate, all with moralized commentaries and inter-pretations, Alfonso sought a direct translation of theBible even from Hebrew sources. He sought to carryout more literal interpretations of it, too, when he in-corporated parts of it, along with classical and Arabicsources, into his General estoria.

The miniatures in Alfonso’s works have beencompared by Domınguez Rodrıguez with De arte ven-andi cum avibus and De balneis puteolanis from thesouth of Italy by King Manfred, the successor of Fred-erick II of Sicily. Both Manfred and Alfonso mostlikely found common ground in Byzantine and Islamicsources and antecedents. Gonzalo Menendez Pidal hasalso pointed out the similarity of many Alfonsine mini-atures to those from the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem,an observation that surely deserves further investiga-tion.

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Alfonso’s second greatest illuminated work afterthe Cantigas is his Lapidario. Each of these books wasdesigned to be exhibited on a book stand and theyare the only extant works comparable to the BiblesMoralises and the Bolognese Bibles, the greatest worksof miniatures of the thirteenth century in Europe. Theminiatures in the remaining Alfonsine books are oflesser quality and are not independent of the text, hav-ing been placed at the end of chapters as illustrationsof content. However, the Estoria de Espana (EscorialY.I.2) is of note for its portrayal of the heros and monu-ments of antiquity, done with a distinct sensibility thateschews the traditional Gothic way of representingthem. The manuscripts of Alfonso’s Primera partida(British Library Ms. Add. 20,787) and the Libro de losjuegos de ajedrez, dados y tablas (Escorial T.I.6) arealso of note for the number of miniatures they contain.In contrast, the Vatican manuscript of the General es-toria (Ms. Urb. Lat. 539), the fourth and only originalAlfonsine part of this work to be preserved, containsonly one miniature.

The sole surviving contemporary portraits of Al-fonso are the ones that appear in his illuminated manu-scripts, identified by their placement as frontispiecesor in the narrative prologues of the works. At the sametime, there are several portrayals of the king as a trou-badour or as the recipient of a miracle in the Cantigas.He is recognizable in the latter by means of his clothingand the heraldic images on it. Later images containedin works such as the later fourteenth-century Cartula-rio de Tojo Outos (Arch. Hist. Nacional, Ms. 1.302),where he appears with Dona Violante, cannot be con-sidered faithful images of the king. In the frontispiecesof his works, Alfonso is generally portrayed as an au-thor, sitting on his throne, right hand and index fingerextended upright, dictating to his scribes who are sit-ting on the floor around him as courtiers listen andobserve. These images imply the king’s active partici-pation in the creation of these works or their prologues.He is depicted in this way in the Cantigas, the Generalestoria, the Estoria de Espana, and the Libro de losjuegos. Aristotle, who appears as a bearded sage inoriental garb surrounded by his disciples, is portrayedas the author of the Lapidario. In the latter, an imageof Alfonso may be found in the first chapter receivingthe book from its kneeling translator. Finally, the man-uscript of the Primera partida offers three successiveportraits of the king: one as the legislating sovereignwith closed book in one hand and drawn sword in theother; another as a scholar dictating to his scribes; anda final one kneeling, looking up toward God in an actof reverence, with the book in his hands, an image thatsustains Alfonso’s absolutism and the notion that theking’s legislative power comes from on high.

ANA DOMINGUEZ RODRIGUEZ

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, HISTORICAL WORKS

Bibliography

Aita, N. “Miniature spagnole in un codie fiorentinol.” Ras-segna d’Arte 19 (1919), 149–55.

MMM. 0 codice fiorentino das Cantigas do Alfonso o sabio.Rio de Janeiro, 1922.

Alfonso X el Sabio. Cantigas de Santa Maria. Facsimile ed.2 vols. Madrid, 1979.

MMM. Libros de ajedrez, dados y tablas. Facsimile ed.Madrid, l987.

MMM. El Primer Lapidario de Alfonso X el Sabio. Facsim-ile ed. 2 vols. Madrid, 1982.

Burns, R. I., et al. Emperor of Culture: Alfonso X the Learnedof Castile and His Thirteenth-Century Renaissance.Baltimore, 1990.

Comez Ramos, R. Arquitectura alfonsı. Seville, 1974.MMM. Las empresas artısticas de Alfonso X el Sabio. Se-

ville, 1979.Domınguez Bardona, J. Manuscritos con pinturas: Notas

para un inventario des los conservados en coleccionespublicas y particulares de Espana. 2 vols. Madrid,1933.

MMM. “Miniatura,” Ars Hispaniae 17 (1962), 220–48.MMM. La miniatura Espanola. 2 vols. Barcelona, 1930.Dominguez Rodrıguez, A. Astrologıa y arte en el Lapidario

de Alfonso X el Sabio. Madrid, 1984.MMM. “Errores en la Exposicion de Alfonso X et Sabio,”

El Pais 27 (1984), 22.MMM. “Hercules en la miniatura de Alfonso X el Sabio,”

Anales de Historia del Arte 1 (1989), 91–103.MMM. “Iconografıa evangelica en las Cantigas de Santa

Maria.” Reales Sitios 80 (1984) 37–44.MMM. “Imagenes de presentacion de la miniatura alfonsı.”

Goya 131 (1976), 287–91.MMM. “Imagenes de un rey trovador de Santa Marıa (Al-

fonso X en las Cantigas).” In 24� Congreso Internacio-nal de Historia del Arte (Bologna, 1979), Il Medio Or-iente e l’Occidente nell’Arte del XIII secolo. Bologna,1982. 287–91.

MMM. “El Libro de los Juegos y la miniatura alfonsı.”Libros de ajederez, dados y tablas de Alfonso X elSabio. Madrid, 1987. 2: 31–121.

MMM. “El Officium Salomonis de Carlos V en El Escorial.Alfonso X y el planeta sol. Absolutismo monarquico yhermetismo,” Reales Sitios 83 (1985), 11–28.

MMM. “Pervivencia de la astrologıa islamica en las corteseuropeas de los siglos XIII al XVI.” 25� Congreso In-ternacional de Historia del Arte, 4–1 de septiembrede 1983. Europa und die Kunst des Islam. 15. bis 18.Jahrhundert. Ed. Oleg Grabar. Vienna, 1986. 109–92.

MMM. “Poder, ciencia y religiosidad en la miniatura deAlfonso X el Sabio. Una aproximacion,” Fragmentos2 (1984), 33–46.

MMM. “El testamento de Alfonso X y la catedral de To-ledo,” Reales Sitios 82 (1984), 73–75.

Greenia, G. “University Book Production and Courtly Pa-tronage in Thirteenth-Century France and Spain.” InMedieval Iberia: Essays on the Literature and History

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of Medieval Spain. Ed. D. J. Kagay and J. T. Snow.New York, 1997. 103–28.

Guerrero Lovillo, J. Las Cantigas. Estudio arqueologico desus miniaturas. Madrid, 1949.

Katz, I. J., and J. E. Keller (eds.) Studies on the “Cantigasde Santa Maria”: Art, Music, and Poetry. Proceedingsof the International Symposium on the “Cantigas deSanta Maria” of Alfonso X et Sabio (1221–1284) inCommemoration of Its 700th Anniversary Year 1981.Madison, Wisc., 1987.

Keller, J. E. “The Art of Illumination in the Books of AlfonsoX (Primarily in the Canticles of Holy Mary).” Thought60, no. 239 (1985), 388–406.

Keller, J. E., and R. P. Kinkade. Iconography in MedievalSpanish Literature. Lexington, Ky., 1984.

Linehan, P. La iglesia espanola y el papado en el siglo XIII.Salamanca, 1975.

MMM. “The Spanish Church Revisited: The EpiscopalGravamina.” In Authority and Power. Cambridge,1980.

Menendez-Pidal, G. La Espana del siglo XIII leıda en im-agenes. Madrid, 1986.

MMM. “Los manuscritos de las Cantigas. Como se elaborola miniatura alfonsı.” Boletın de la Real Academia dela Historia 150 (1962), 25–51.

Ramos, G. “Estudio complementario sobre las miniaturas.”In Primera Partida. Ed. J. A. Arias Bonet. Valladolid,1975.

Scarborough, C. L. “A Summary of Research on the Minia-tures of the CSM.” Bulletin of the Cantigueiros de SantaMaria 1 (1987), 41–50.

Solalinde, A. G. “El codice florentino de las Cantigas y surelacion con los demas manuscritos.” Revista de Filo-logıa Espanola 5 (1918), 143–79.

Yarza, J. “La Edad Media.” In Historia del arte hispanico.Vol. 2. Madrid, 1980.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, HISTORICAL WORKSIn 1274 the Alfonsine scriptorium abandoned work onthe Estoria de Espana, a project that had occupied itfor some years. By 1280 the same group had resumedwork on its other great historical project, the Generalestoria, and managed to carry the text to where it endsin the modern edition. Neither composition was evercompleted. The narrative of the General estoria runsup through the life of the Virgin Mary, while that ofthe Estoria de Espana, in its definitive form, goes onlyto about the year 800, although certain drafts and frag-ments do cover more recent periods. The unfinishedstate of the Spanish history may have something to dowith the fact that the royal patron, Alfonso, wasobliged to abandon his claim to the imperial throne:there is evidence that as the work was originallyplanned, he was to appear as the heir to both the Gothic

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, HISTORICAL WORKS

royal line and the imperial, and that when the claimfailed, the king had little desire to see the projectthrough. Both works are compilations, vast mosaics oftexts from older authors. In this sense the General es-toria and the Estoria de Espana are not greatly differ-ent from dozens of other historical productions of theMiddle Ages, both in Latin and in vernaculars. Whatsets the Alfonsine histories apart from their fellows,however, is the fact that the compilers modified andmanipulated their sources so as to give the definitivetext a distinctive shape, and to make it yield themesand emphases that were alien to this older material.To all appearances, the compilers’ work was done inthree stages. First, the source texts were translated en-tirely, Orosius’s Histories, Josephus’s Antiquities. Onesuch version has actually survived, a Castilian prosetranslation of Lucan’s Pharsalia. Second came the cut-ting and pasting: long stretches of text were planned,and it was determined that one bit of Eutropius wasto be placed here, and another of Orosius there. Finally,there was the polishing process. The prose style of theseparate bits was made uniform, the pieces themselveswere linked together logically, and incompatibilitiesbetween the source texts were in some cases resolved,but in others explained or simply pointed out. Thetranslations themselves often wound up amplifyingtheir originals heavily: this is a feature the two historieshave in common with other vernacular compilations,like the French Fet des romains or the Orose en fran-cais.

The organizing principle of the General estoriais, of course, chronology; this ground plan comes toit from the Chronici canones of Eusebius and Jerome, avirtual calendar of past events that coordinates biblicalhistory with the nonbiblical. Chronici canones consti-tutes the backbone of the General estoria, and the nar-ratives from other sources make up its other members.The work’s biblical history depends heavily on FlaviusJosephus’s Antiquities of the Jews and Comestor’s His-toria scholastica as well as the Bible itself, althoughcertain Qu�ranic elements are not absent. Nonbiblicalmaterial comes from an astonishing variety of sources,ancient and medieval texts as unlike as Lucan’s Phar-salia, covering the civil war, and a version of the His-toria de preliis for the story of Alexander the Great.A curiously demythologized and Euhemerized versionof Ovid’s Metamorphoses gives us much of the earlyhistory of the race. One should emphasize that the com-pilers make little distinction between biblical historyand nonbiblical: both seem to have the same status,and the pair join to form a master narrative that isuniformly authoritative.

The General estoria is a spectacular achievement,in many ways unique in the Middle Ages. Its scope is

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broad. Its early portions present a highly original ac-count of the progress of the human species from barba-rism to civilization, in civil life, in material culture, inlearning, and even in religion. Many of its conceptionsare built around two large themes that are by no meansuniquely Alfonsine: the translatio studii and thetranslatio imperii. The first as presented by the Gen-eral estoria tells of the patriarch Abraham, liberal art-ist, natural philosopher, and monotheist, who passeson his lore to the Egyptians, whence it in turn goes onto the Greeks, Romans, and Franks. The second themeinvolves a purely human Jupiter, first universal em-peror. Once again, Greeks, Romans, and Franks areseen as his successors; Frederick II, Alfonso’s immedi-ate predecessor on the imperial throne, is mentionedexplicitly in this connection. One should make it clearthat in forming all of these large conceptions the com-pilers are not wholly disrespectful of their sources.Hints, so to speak, in Josephus and others flower intothese astonishing patterns of thought in the new text.

The Estoria de Espana has its own characteristiclayout, quite different from that of the General estoria.We are given in succession an account of each of thedynasties and nations that ruled the Iberian Peninsula:Hercules and his successors, the “Almujuces,” barelyidentifiable; Carthaginians; Romans; various lesserGermanic tribes; and finally, the Goths. The Arabdomination, curiously, is seen as simply an episode inthe Gothic period. In this sense, the Alfonsines followa long line of earlier historians who present the kingsof the Reconquest as Goths, in the full and literal mean-ing of the word successors of Tulga and Reccesvinth.The sections of the Estoria de Espana that are mostfully developed are the Roman, and as we have seen,the Gothic. The former is divided into two parts, beforeand after Julius Caesar’s assumption of the office ofemperor (medievals generally regarded him as the firstin the line). The account of the Republican period con-sists largely of episodes in Roman history that beardirectly on Spain and its fortunes. The Second PunicWar, for example, is treated extensively. The climaxof the whole section is the long sequence on the rivalryand bloody war between Pompey and Julius Caesar.This text, heavily dependent on Lucan, figures largelyin the Estoria de Espana not only because of the largerole played by Spain in the history of the time, butbecause in the mind of the compilers it offers a lessonin statecraft: the community will not survive for if thereare two powerful leaders on the scene. One would addthat moral and political lessons are an important fea-ture of both Alfonsine histories. The second part ofthe Roman section is simply an imperial history, withlittle focus on Spain or Spanish things.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, LAW

In 1906, Ramon Menendez Pidal published a longtext he called Primera cronica general. Somethingmore than half of the work consists of the incompleteEstoria de Espana as I have described it. The rest isa narrative of Spanish history into the reign of Fer-dando III of Castile. This curious production containsthe provisional material mentioned above, the draftsand fragments that in one way or another are relatedto the original project of a general history of Spain.One feature of this text is that it includes prosifiedversions of Castilian cantares de gesta. Some of theseare important for the whole narrative in that they re-count episodes in the early history of Castile that do notappear in the Latin chronicles the compilers otherwisedepend on. The story of the formation of this large unitis too complicated to set forth in any detail. The oldestportions consist of two long sections that date from1289, that is to say, in the reign of Sancho IV. This isthe closest in time of composition to that of the Estoriade Espana, but even in this material there are strainsthat are patently un-Alfonsine. But as it happens, theredoes exist an independent chronicle that is nowadaysbelieved to be very early and to fairly well reflect theplans and intentions of the compilers of the Estoriade Espana—the Cronica de veinte reyes, a work thatcovers the long period from Fruela II to Fernando III.Different as it is (in varying degrees) from the Primeracronica, the general likeness of the two texts over longstretches assures us that the latter preserves no smallamount of Alfonsine substance. Primera cronica doesnot do badly. Certain of its episodes are fashioned withan art and wit that can properly be called Alfonsine.One is the narrative of the division of the kingdom byFernando I and the generation of warfare that follows.Another is the narrative of El Cid, down to the victoryover the Count of Barcelona.

Long stretches of the Estoria de Espana, in boththe completed part and the provisional, become tradi-tional from its own time down to the sixteenth century.It survives in dozens of differing recensions, furthercronicas generales, histories of the kings of Castile,and in particular chronicles of El Cid, Fernan Gonza-lez, and others.

CHARLES F. FRAKER

Bibliography

Alfonso X el Sabio. General estoria primera parte. Ed. A.Garcıa Solalinde. Madrid, 1930.

MMM. General estoria, segunda parte. 2 vols. Ed. A.Garcıa Solalinde, L. Kasten, and V Oelschlager. Mad-rid, Vol. 1:1957; Vol. 2, 1961.

MMM. Primera cronica de Espana. 2 vols. Ed. R. Menen-dez Pidal. Madrid, 1955.

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Catalan, D. De Alfonso X al conde de Barcelos: cuatro estud-ios sobre el nacimiento de la historiografıa romanceen Castilla y Portugal. Madrid, 1962.

Fraker, C. F. The Scope of History. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1994.Lida de Malkiel, M. R. “La General estoria: notas literarias

y filologicas,” Romance Philology 12 (1958–59),111–42.

Rico, Francisco. Alfonso el Sabio y la General estoria: treslecciones. Barcelona, 1972.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, LAWA major contribution to Hispanic civilization is thebody of law given form and organization during theearly years of Alfonso X’s reign (1252–1284). Theneed for new codification became apparent followingextensive territorial conquests under Alfonso VIII andFernando III and attendant political, demographic, andeconomic dislocations. Finding inspirational models inthe unitary character perceived in the kingdom of To-ledo and in Visigothic law, in the increasing contactwith new legal ideas from Italy (notably Bologna), infamiliarity with Justinian’s legislation, and in recentexamples (Valencia and Aragon) of a European trendtoward new codification, Fernando III and his son, Al-fonso X, conceived of a legislative plan that the fa-ther’s death left the son to complete and execute.

Royal legislation during Alfonso’s reign consistsof three codes of general legislation and categories ofspecial legislation. Of the codes, the Especulo (in five,possibly seven, books redacted 1252–1255) was ad-dressed to royal judges throughout Castile and containsthe first systematic, detailed Hispanic treatment of theroyal administration of justice. The Fuero Real (in fourbooks, 1252–1255) contained more simply stated dis-positions and was granted to specific municipalities(concejos) to whose needs it was directed. The SietePartidas (in seven books, 1256–1265) made up a com-prehensive code and veritable juridical encyclopedia.(The Setenario, self-described as an ethical guide pre-pared for educating heirs to the throne, at times hasbeen included, erroneously, among the codes.) Nomanuscript from the Alfonsine chancery containing thetext of these codes is known to exist, and the presenttitles are post-Alfonsine. These facts have led com-mentators to raise questions about textual accuracy,dating, completion, promulgation, and juridical rela-tionships. The Especulo probably was operative from1255 to 1272 (although some say it was never pro-mulga-ted); as did the Setenario, it served in the prepa-ration of the Siete Partidas. The Fuero Real was opera-tive in those municipalities from the date in the period1255–1272, when it was granted (in some cases peti-tion produced its abrogation by the king before the last

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, LAW

named date) and continued to be observed by sometowns after 1272; in 1348 it became a part of generalCastilian law. The Siete Partidas were first declaredoperative in 1348 as suppletory law, but the code’sinfluence grew rapidly, given impetus by the appear-ance (1555) of the printed Gregorio Lopez edition.

ROBERT A. MACDONALD

Bibliography

Craddock, J. R. The Legislative Works of Alfonso X, el Sabio:A Critical Bibliography. London, 1986.

MacDonald, R. A. “Laws and Politics: Alfonso’s Programof Political Reform.” In The Worlds of Alfonso theLearned and James the Conqueror: Intellect and Forcein the Middle Ages. Ed. Robert I. Burns. Princeton, N.J.,1985.

Perez Prendes, J. M. “Las leyes de Alfonso X.” Revista deOccidente 43 (1984), 67–84.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS OFCANTIGASThe Escorial Codex B.I.2 (or E1), also referred to asCodice de los musicos, contains the famous forty-oneminiatures preceding the musical notations of each ofalfonso’s cantigas de loor. They depict a total of sev-enty-eight instrumentalists (juglares, shown mainly inpairs, six of whom perform alone [nos. 100, 180, 200,290, 350, and 400]). Discounting duplications, the var-ied instruments they hold comprise thirty-five in num-ber and represent but a sampling of the wind, stringed,and percussion instruments that were in use at the time.It is reasonable to assume that they were among themore popular instruments known to the court artists.About half are of Arabic origin (see below, precededby an asterisk).

The largest group is the stringed instruments(chordophones), comprising fifteen distinct types fromamong the forty shown, drawn from (a) the lute family:baldosa (similar to the vihuela de mano; a seven-stringed long-necked lute)(120), cıtola (two-stringedlong-necked lute)(130), guitarra latina (four-stringedplucked) (1/r, 10/r, 150), *guitarra morisca (20/r,150), *laud (in Arabic, al ud)(30, 170/r), *rabe orrebec (three-stringed mandura or plucked rebec) (90),*rabe morisco or rebab (bowed two-stringed, Arabicrabab)(110, 170/l), vihuela de arco (fidula; bowed fid-dle)(1/l, 10/l, 20/l, 100), vihuela de penola (three-stringed long-necked lute, with plectrum) (140), *violaarabiga (bowed oval-shaped fiddle, shown with threeand four stringed its actual identity is problem-atic)(210), and zanfona (cinfonia, hurdy-gurdy; a

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three-stringed mechanically bowed fiddle) (160); (b)the zither family: *canon entero (Arabic qanun)(wing-shaped and rectangular (70 and 80, respectively), cedraor cıtara (290), *medio canon (trapezoidal)(50), and*rota medieval (triangular-shaped)(40); and (c) theharp family: arpa gotica (380).

Next follow the winds (aerophones), representingthirteen distinct types among the thirty-two depicted.These include (a) a natural horn: corneta curva (witha mouthpiece; perhaps with finger holes)(270); (b)trumpets: *trompa arabe, anafil or trompeta recta (Ar-abic, al-nafir)(320, 360); (c) single-reed instruments:

Cantiga de loor, no. 340: “Virgen madre groriosa,” from the«Codice rico» de las Cantigas de Alfonso X el Sablo (Ms.T.I.1 from the Library at El Escorial, Spain, Fol. 304C.)

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, MUSIC OF CANTIGAS

launeddas (from Sardinia; triple-piped, one pipe ofwhich functions as a drone)(60); (d) double-reed: *al-bogon (large shawm with extended bell)(300/l), cara-millo (small shawm)(340/l), *albogue (Arabic, al-buq)(shawm, forerunner of the dulzaina)(310, 330/l, 340/r, 390), chorus or choron (bladder pipe with chanter,shown with and without drones (250 and 230, respec-tively), gaita or cornamusa (bagpipe with chanter anddrone)(350), and odrecillo (small bagpipe with chan-ter, shown with and without drones)(280 and 260, re-spectively); (e) flutes: flauta travesera (transverseflute; it has been linked to the *axebaba morisca); (Ar-abic al-shabbaba) (240) and flautilla (three-holedwhistle-flageolet or pipe)(370); and (f) organ: organoportatil (portative organ with bellows)(200). The aero-phones exhibited in Cantigas de loor 220 and 360 areenigmatic. The former, described by some as a flautadoble or doble chirimıa, was studied by Torres, wholinked it with the launeddas and suggested that its sem-icircular portion functions as a bellows. The latter, ex-hibiting two instrumentalists, each blowing twostraight trumpets at the same time, appears somewhatquestionable.

Finally the percussion instruments constitute fourdistinct types among the eight depicted: (a) struck idio-phones: campanas or carillon (bell chimes, struck onrim and manipulated by internal clappers)(180 and400, respectively), *cımbalos or platillos (cymbals)(190), and tejoletas (a precursor of the castanets)(330/r); (b) membranophones: *tambor de doble cono (Ara-bic, darabukka; single-headed hour glass-shapeddrum)(300/r), and tamboril or tamborete (small cylin-drical drum), shown as played in conjunction with theflautillo (370). The combination of pipe and tabor canbe traced to the thirteenth century.

Among the more recent studies concerning B.I.2,Alvarez suggests that the musical miniatures weredrawn by seven distinct hands: (1) nos. 1–40; (2)60–80, 360–400; (3) 120–70, 290, 300, and 340; (4)210–250, 320, and 350; (5) 50, 90–110, 190–200, 280,and 330; (6) 180 and 310; and (7) 260 and 270. Martı-nez and Le Vot discuss the same miniatures from thestandpoint of their visual presentations (symmetry,parallelism, etc.), which may account for the inaccu-rate manner certain instruments were shown to beplayed; notice, for example, the hand positions amongthe wind players. In terms of detail, one must alsoconsider the artist’s personal familiarity with the in-struments he depicted, as well as his sense of perspec-tive and proportion.

Escorial Codex T.I.1 (or E2) duplicates ten of theaforementioned instruments, among which the vi-huelas de arco (Prologo, Cantigas 8 and 14, and Can-tiga de loor 120) and the anafiles (Cantigas 62, 165,

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and 185) play a prominent role. The *atabal (Ar. naqq-ara) (kettledrum), a pair of which can be seen in Can-tiga 165, is the only addition. A comparison of its Pro-logo with Cantiga de loor 1 (in B.I.2), reveals distinctartistic versions of the king supervising a rehearsal inprogress. In the former he is flanked on his right by ascribe and three juglares; on his left by a scribe andfour choristers. In the latter, to his right are four choris-ters and two juglares; to his left a scribe, three choris-ters, and two juglares. The latter miniature is signifi-cant in that one of the choristers is holding a text,implying the role of soloist. The juglares employed atthe court were indeed proficient musicians who notonly provided heterophonic accompaniments but werealso adept in adding improvised preludes, interludes,and postludes to the performances.

Codex T.I.1 also bears testimony to two other en-sembles that were utilized for performance: the first,distinctly Arabic (Cantiga de loor 100), comprising arabe morisco, laud, canon medio, rota medieval, andcımbalos, with what appears to be a chorus singingbehind them; the second, consisting of a vihuela dearco, albogue, rota medieval, and two canons (enteroand medio) includes dancers and possibly singers.

Many of the above instruments were includedamong the thirty-seven mentioned in the Libro de buenamor.

ISRAEL J. KATZ

Bibliography

Alvarez, R. “Los instrumentos musicales en los codices al-fonsinos: su tipologıa, su uso y su origen. Algunosproblemas iconograficas,” Revista de Musicologıa 10(1987), 67–95.

Martine, J., and G. Le Vot. “Notes sur la coherence formelledes miniatures a sujet musical du manuscrit b.I.2 de l’/Escorial,” Revista de Musicologıa 10 (1987), 105–16.

Perales de la Cal, R. “Organografıa medieval en la obra delArcipreste.” In El Arcipreste de Hita: El libro, el autor,la tierra, la epoca. Actas del I Congreso Internacionalsobre el Arcipreste de Hita. Ed. M. Criado de Val.Barcelona, 1973. 498–506.

Torres, J. “Interpretacion organologica de la miniatura delfolio 201-versus del codice b.I.2 escurialense,” Revistade Musicologıa 10 (1987), 117–35.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, MUSIC OF CANTIGASHiginio Angles’s monumental study and transcriptionof the Cantigas de Santa Maria (Barcelona,1943–1964) provided, for the first time, easy access tothe combined repertoires of the three musical codices(Toledo, T.I.1, and B.I.2), thus promoting worldwideinterest in their performance. Despite its shortcomings,

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, MUSIC OF CANTIGAS

this indispensable guide must be consulted for subse-quent research.

Of the various figures adduced by scholars for thetotal number of cantigas melodies (narratives and loorsalike), 413 is accurate and includes 403 tunes fromCodex B.I.2, plus ten additional tunes for the Fiestasde Jesucristo from the Toledo Codex. In Codex B.I.2,seven texts and tunes are repeated (165 � 395, 187� 394, 192 � 397, 267 � 373, 289 � 396, 295 �388, 349 � 397), while one cantiga and two Fiestasde loor de Santa Maria share their melodies with othercantigas (213 � 377, FSM 2 � 340 and FSM 6 �210, respectively). Lacking music are cantigas 298,365, 401 (Piticon), and 402. In the case of 401, itsmelody can be found in the Toledo and T.I.1 codices.Of the 193 Cantigas texts in Codex T.I.1, all but two(nos. 113 and 146) carry the same melodies as thosein B.I.2. The Toledo Codex comprises 128 melodies,104 and 118 of which are duplicated in T.I.1 and B.I.2,respectively. In the Toledo, only the refrains and singlestrophes bear musical notation, whereas additionalstrophes have been notated in the Escorial codices. TheFlorentine Codex, MS Banco Rari 20, was prepared toincorporate music, but unfortunately its musical stavesremained bare.

Two melodic styles can be readily identified fromthe notation: syllabic (basically one tone per textualsyllable) and neumatic (wherein compound and ligatedneumes feature prominently, comprising two to fivetones or more per textual syllable). The notational val-ues (longa–breve) of the Escorial Codices were halvedin the Toledo (breve–semibreve), considered by An-gles to be the least perfect of the three manuscripts.Whereas the neumes depict the melodic progressionsof each tune with great precision, it is their rhythmicinterpretation that has provoked much controversy,particularly those in the neumatic style. Angles consid-ered the Escorial Codices to be fully notated in men-sural notation, reflecting both strict modal (particularlytrochaic, iambic, and dactylic) and mixed modalrhythms. Among the nonmodal, he discovered that bi-nary rhythms surpass the ternary, and that combina-tions of both exist. In his view, the single neumes ofthe Toledo Codex carried mensural values, while thecompound and ligated neumes did not. With regard toAngles’s transcriptions, H. van der Werf found that headhered as often to the medieval rules of mensuralnotation as he departed from them and that the EscorialCodices were decidedly nonmensural. Furthermore,van der Werf suggested that the Cantigas should berendered in a declamatory rhythm to best reflect thetextual accents that were not fully articulated in An-gles’s transcriptions.

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Among the forms in the Cantigas repertory, therondel types (comprising the formes-fixes) of late me-dieval French poetry predominate. Of these the virelaiis most conspicuous. Angles listed its occurrence in368 instances (88 percent of the collection) and re-cently G. V. Huseby extended the count to 382 (92percent). The ballade and rondeau follow, with fiveoccurrences each. Inasmuch as Angles’s analysis ofthe remaining forms were somewhat questionable, amore recent accounting includes such genres as canci-ones (songs) with refrain, hymns, sequences, and acantiga de amigo (song of love).

The virelai’s primacy not only reflected the highesteem which it held at Alfonso’s court, but shows thatit was clearly intended as a vehicle for disseminatingthe Marian narratives and lyrical texts. Comprising anestribillo (refrain), mudanza (strophe), and vuelta(continuation of strophe sung to the melody of the re-frain), the virelai aptly suits a rendition alternating be-tween soloist and chorus, with the latter merely reiter-ating the refrain text. Although the virelais appear astripartite melodies (wherein repetition and contrast canbe depicted simply as ABA, and in such variant formsas AA BBAA, AB BBAB, AB CCAB, etc.), closer studyreveals that common melodic formulas were sharedby a number of them. Moreover, the mudanza wasnormally notated in a higher range than the estribillo,exhibiting an arch-like contour.

The predominance of the zajal’s (Sp. zejel) metri-cal form in association with the virelai (about 360 oc-currences) has led to two diametrically-opposed argu-ments concerning virelai’s origin—either from thesouth (Andalusia), from whence the zajal influencedthe northern form, or vice-versa. A mutually indepen-dent genesis has also been proposed. Still, the crucialfactor is the lack of musical documentation from Mus-lim sources.

The following diagram illustrates a fundamentaldifference between the virelai and zajal, musically(upper case) and metrically (rhyme scheme, lowercase):

Virelai Zajal (Cantiga 86)

A a A aEstribillo [Ar. Matla]

A a B a

B b A′ bMudanza

B b A′ b [Ar. Gusn]

A b A� bVuelta

A′ a B a [Ar. Simt]

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, POETRY

a) Cantiga de loor 340: “Virgen madre groriosa” (Angles1943, 2: 371), b) Giraut de Bornelh “Reis glorios . . .” (Fer-nandez de la Cuesta 1979, 169) and c) Cadenet “S’anc fuibela ni presada” (Fernandez de la Cuesta 1979, 548)

In the Cantigas corpus, musical counterparts for thezajal (like that in Cantiga 86, shown above) can alsobe found in Cantigas 61, 80, 96, 102, 111, 168, 299,and 320.

The melodic origins of the Cantigas have beentraced to three traditions: court (troubadouresque),popular, and liturgical. Nearly thirty of the tunes havebeen partially linked to preexistent melodies. Cantigade loor 340 (see fig. 1) furnishes an excellent exampleof a tune contrafact that can be traced to the famousalba “Reis glorios” by Giraut de Bornelh (ca.1173–1220) and upon which Cadenet (fl. 1204–1235)based his “S’ans fue belha ni presada.”

Other musicologists who have contributed signifi-cantly to Cantigas research are Ismael Fernandez dela Cuesta, Manuel P. Ferreira, Gerardo V. Huseby, JoseMarıa Llorens Cistero, and Zoltan Falvy.

ISRAEL J. KATZ

Bibliography

Angles, H. La musica de las Cantigas de Santa Marıa delRey Alfonso el Sabio. 3 vols. Barcelona, 1943–64.

Fernandez de la Cuesta, I. “Las Cantigas de Santa Marıa.Replanteamiento musicologico de la cuestion,” Revistade Musicologıa 10 (1987), 16–26.

Fernandez de la Cuesta, I., and R. Lafont. Las Cancons delstrobadors. Tolosa, 1979.

Huseby, G. V. “Musical Analysis and Poetic Structure in theCantigas de Santa Marıa.” In Florilegium Hispanicum:Medieval and Golden Age Studies Presented to DorothyClotelle Clarke. Ed. J. S. Geary et al. Madison, Wisc.,1983. 81–101.

Katz, I. J. “Higinio Angles and the Melodic Origins of theCantigas de Santa Maria.” In Alfonso of Castile theLearned King (1221–1284). Ed. F. Marquez-Vil-lanueva and C. A. Vega. Cambridge, Mass. 1990.46–75.

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van der Werf, H. “Accentuation and Duration in the Musicof the Cantigas de Santa Maria.” In Studies on the“Cantigas de Santa Maria”: Art, Music, and Poetry.Eds. I. J. Katz, J. E. Keller et al. Madison, Wisc. 1987.223–34.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, POETRYAlfonso X (1221–1284) spent his early years, like hisfather before him, in Galicia before going to court. Thedominant lyric voice in the western two-thirds of theIberian Peninsula for poets of all languages was Gali-cian-Portuguese from approximately 1180 to 1325. Al-fonso’s early years coincided with the Albigensian per-secutions in France, which increased the presence ofOccitan (or Provenzal) poets in the courts of Iberia.Thus, both Galician-Portuguese and Occitan poets (andmembers of their entourages) were frequently to beheard entertaining in the courts ruled over by AlfonsoVII, Alfonso VIII, Jaime I (Alfonso’s father-in-law),and Fernando III. Since Alfonso X was accustomed tosingers and composers all his life, and praised his fa-ther for these talents in his Setenario, it is not surpris-ing that this young prince, so drawn to letters in gen-eral, and remembered even now as an “emperor ofculture,” should have himself become a poet.

Alfonso is responsible, first, for a small body ofprofane poetry, some forty-six poems in all. From themain genres associated with Galician-Portuguese verse(cantigas d’escarnho e de maldizer; cantigas d’amor;cantigas d’amigo) almost all his production falls intothe first category of mostly satirical verse: there is onecomposition (“Senhora, por amor Deus”)—the onlyone in Castilian—that seems to be about love. Theremaining poems present a gallery of types, rich andvaried satires of cowards, prostitutes (he was one ofmany poets to extol the “virtues” of one Marıa Bal-teira), fops, bad poets, lascivious prelates, promisebreakers, and more. The language is direct, vivid, andunflinching in its realism. A small number of the com-positions (four) are tensons, dialogues between twopoetic personae, one created by Alfonso and one byanother poet. The tone established is nearly alwaysonly semiserious; the ludic, mocking voice pokes holesin the facade of well-known types (often individualsare named) while offering, at the same time, a celebra-tion of the poetic virtuosity on display in the medievalGalician-Portuguese cancioneiros.

Alfonso is best known, however, for his Cantigasde Santa Marıa. These were composed in a span ex-tending from about 1250 to 1280 and almost certainlyinvolved poets other than Alfonso. An early form (theToledo manuscript) contains a core of one hundredpoems, arranged in decades of nine narrations of theVirgin Mary’s miraculous interventions in human af-

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, POETRY

fairs plus one praise song or loor. There are two intro-ductory poems, one with a third-person voice tellingus that Alfonso was the maker of these poems, thesecond using a first-person approach and narrating howdifficult is the task of ever praising Mary sufficiently.In this prologue poem, the tone is set by a poetic per-sona who, casting aside all other women, adopts thetroubadour stance of supplicant before his Lady, prom-ising to serve her alone. The voice of this poetic per-sona is then interwoven into the collection as it grows,in various stages, to comprise forty-two decades ofmiracle-plus-praise song, with small additional bodiesof poems dedicated to the feasts of Mary and the feastsof her son.

Justly, the Cantigas de Santa Marıa has been de-scribed as the aesthetic Bible of the thirteenth century.While the Toledo manuscript has one presentationminiature depicting Alfonso surrounded by scribes andmusicians in the act of composition, as well as musicaltranscriptions of the melodies, two other expanded edi-tions are more lavishly illustrated and musicated. One,in two parts (located in El Escorial and Florence) con-tains lavish miniatures, some sixteen hundred in all,that opens windows on virtually all aspects of Alfon-so’s world. The musical transcription is extensive but,as with the miniatures, begins to be more sporadic to-ward the end of what remains an incomplete undertak-ing. The remaining MS, also in El Escorial, containsforty-two miniatures of musicians of both sexes and,doubtless, the three religious groups (Christians,Moors, and Jews) present at court. A majority of thecantigas are variants of the zejel with refrain (AA bbbaAA ccca, etc.) but musically show an affinity with theFrench virelai form.

The Cantigas contain miracle narrations that wereconscientiously culled from sources in both Latin andthe vernaculars that circulated widely throughout Eu-rope and other areas of the peninsula (Montserrat inCatalonia, Terena in Portugal, Puerto de Santa Marıain Andalusia). But perhaps more significant is the pres-ence of Alfonso in the collection. Many miracle ac-counts tell of cures for his parents, of favors Maryperforms for other family members, of special rewardsthat Alfonso’s great devotion and loyalty to Mary bring(there are several cures, many favors granted in battle).In the end, the royal presence blends with the notionof the poetic persona in service to his liege lady, theservice being—at least in part—this very compilation,intended also to foment the praises of Mary to otherswho have witnessed how she has rewarded his service.Alfonso also had himself depicted frequently, in theminiatures that accompany the loores, in various pos-tures of praise of Mary, throughout the liturgical year.Alfonso, like all sinners that appear in this vast compi-lation, is equal in Mary’s human-yet-divine presence.

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There is, ultimately, a sense, most marked in cantiga409, of all humanity celebrating, hands joined, singingand dancing, the hope that Mary brings of salvationfrom sin. It may be inferred that the Cantigas de SantaMarıa were intended not as yet one more Marian com-pilation, but as an unsurpassingly rich evocation of heruniversal presence as felt in the life of the peninsulaand, especially, in the spiritual and political affairs ofits compiler.

JOSEPH T. SNOW

Bibliography

Alfonso X. Cantigas de Santa Maria. 4 vols. Ed. W. Mett-man. Coimbra, 1949–72; reprt., 2 vols., Vigo, 1981.

Keller, J. E. Alfonso X, el Sabio. Boston, 1967.Lapa, M. Rodrigues. Cantigas d’escanho e de mal dizer. 2d

ed. Vigo, 1970.O’Callaghan, J. F. Alfonso X and the Cantigas de Santa

Maria: A Poetic Biography. Leiden, 1998.Snow, J. T. “The Central Role of the Troubadour Persona

of Alfonso X in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Bulletinof Hispanic Studies 56 (1979), 305–16.

MMM. The Poetry of Alfonso X, el Sabio: A Critical Bibli-ography. London, 1977.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, POLITICAL HISTORYAlfonso X, king of Leon-Castile (1252–1284), the sonof Fernando III and Beatrice of Swabia, was born on23 November 1221 in Toledo and is known as ElSabio, the wise or the learned. His first task was tocomplete the colonization of Seville and the recentlyreconquered territory in Andalusia. An ambitious ruler,he also tried to assert his supremacy over neighboringChristian territories. He quarreled with Afonso III ofPortugal over lands east of the Guadiana River and theAlgarve, but reached a preliminary settlement in 1253by arranging the marriage of his illegitimate daughter,Beatriz, to the Portuguese ruler. When Alfonso X de-manded that Thibault II, the new king of Navarre, be-come his vassal, the Navarrese appealed for help toJaime I of Aragon. As a consequence, Alfonso X hadto give up his attempt to subjugate Navarre in 1256.He also had alleged rights to Gascony, but yieldedthem in 1254 to his sister Leonor and her husbandEdward, the son and heir of Henry III of England.

Advancing claims to the Holy Roman Empire de-rived from his mother Beatrice, daughter of EmperorPhilip of Swabia, Alfonso X was elected in 1257 inopposition to Richard of Cornwall. He incurred greatexpenses in a vain effort to win recognition, but hewas unable to persuade the majority of the Germansand several popes to acknowledge him.

Alfonso X also planned an invasion of Moroccoto deprive the Moors of easy access to the peninsula,

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, SCIENCE

but his African crusade accomplished nothing morethan the plundering of Sale, a town on the Atlanticcoast, in 1260. In order to broaden Castilian access tothe sea, he developed Cadiz and the nearby Puerto deSanta Marıa and conquered Niebla in 1262. When hedemanded the surrender of Gibraltar and Tarifa, hisvassal, Ibn al-Ah.mar, King of Granada, refused, be-cause he realized that this would make it difficult forMorocco to aid Granada against Castile.

Threatened by Castilian expansion, Ibn al-Ah.marin the spring of 1264 stirred up rebellion among theMudejars or Muslims subject to Castilian rule in Anda-lusia and Murcia. Alfonso X took steps to contain therevolt in Andalusia, while appealing for help to hisfather-in-law, Jaime I of Aragon, who subdued Murciaby early 1266. Jerez, the last rebel stronghold in Anda-lusia, capitulated in October. As a result of the rebel-lion, the king expelled the Muslims from the recap-tured towns and brought in Christian settlers. Thesuppression of the revolt was completed when Ibn al-Ah.mar resumed payment of a yearly tribute to Castilein 1267. In that same year, Alfonso X, in return forAfonso III’s assistance in crushing the revolt, yieldedall rights in the Algarve and agreed to a delimitationof the frontier with Portugal along the Guadiana Riverto the Atlantic Ocean.

Although tranquility was restored, Alfonso X soonencountered strong domestic opposition because of hisinnovations in law and taxation. Intent on achievinggreater juridical uniformity, he drew upon Roman lawin preparing the Especulo de las Leyes (known in itslater redaction as the Siete Partidas), intended as thelaw of the royal court, and the Fuero Real, a code ofmunicipal law. The nobles accused him of denyingthem the right to be judged by their peers in accordancewith their customs, and the townsmen were distressedby frequent imposition of extraordinary taxes.

Under the leadership of the king’s brother Felipe,the nobles confronted the king during the cortes (par-liament) of Burgos in 1272. By confirming traditionalcustoms, he modified his plan for a uniform body oflaw, but as compensation, the towns granted him a taxlevy every year for “the affair of the empire.” Despitehis efforts at accommodation many of the nobles wentinto exile to Granada, but were finally persuaded toreturn to royal service in 1274. With his realm at peace,Alfonso X then journeyed to Beaucaire in southernFrance, where in May 1275 he vainly tried to convincePope Gregory X to recognize him as Holy Roman Em-peror. Thereafter Alfonso X could not realistically ex-pect to satisfy his imperial ambitions.

During his absence, Abu Yusuf, the Marınid emirof Morocco, invaded Castile. The king’s son and heir,Fernando de la Cerda, died suddenly en route to thefrontier in 1275, and Abu Yusuf routed the Castilian

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forces. At that point, Alfonso X’s second son, Sancho,reorganized the defense, cutting Marınid communica-tions with Morocco. A truce was arrived at, but AbuYusuf invaded again in 1277. Avoiding a battlefieldencounter, Alfonso X blockaded Algeciras in 1278,but had to give it up early in 1279. In spite of theMoroccan threat, Castile emerged from this crisis with-out a loss of territory.

Meanwhile, the death of his oldest son in 1275presented Alfonso X with a serious juridical problem.Fernando de la Cerda’s oldest child, Alfonso, couldclaim recognition as heir to the throne, but Sanchoappealed to the older custom that gave preference toa king’s surviving sons. After much debate, the kingin the cortes of Burgos in 1276 acknowledged Sancho.Fearing for the safety of her two sons, Fernando dela Cerda’s widow, Blanche, accompanied by QueenViolante, took them in 1278 to the court of Violante’sbrother, Pedro III of Aragon, who kept them in protec-tive custody.

Philip III of France, the uncle of the two boys,pressured Alfonso X to partition his realm and to estab-lish a vassal kingdom for Alfonso de la Cerda. Duringthe cortes of Seville in 1281, while the people com-plained that they were being impoverished by theheavy taxes, Sancho, angered by the possibility of los-ing any portion of the kingdom broke with his father.A public assembly held at Valladolid in April 1282transferred royal power to Sancho, leaving Alfonso Xonly the royal title. Abandoned by his family and manyof his subjects, the king turned to Abu Yusuf, the Marı-nid emir, who invaded Castile again. As many of San-cho’s supporters renewed their allegiance to the king,a vain attempt at reconciliation was made, but in hislast will Alfonso X disinherited his son. The king diedat Seville on 4 April 1284 and was buried in the cathe-dral.

Despite the unhappy end to his reign Alfonso Xwas one of the greatest medieval kings of Castile, andhis impact on the development of Spanish law andinstitutions was lasting.


Bibliography

Ballesteros, A. Alfonso X. Barcelona and Madrid, 1963;reprt. Barcelona, 1984.

O’Callaghan, J. F. “Image and Reality: The King Createshis Kingdom.” In Emperor of Culture. Alfonso X theLearned of Castile and his Thirteenth-Century Renais-sance. Ed. R. I. Burns. Philadelphia, 1990. 14–32.

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILEAND LEON, SCIENCEAlfonso X had already begun his career as a great me-dieval Maecenas two years prior to ascending to thethrone of Castile and Leon, if the date provided in his

ALFONSO X, EL SABIO, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON, SCIENCE

Lapidario is accurate. Although date and form of thiswork pose some, as yet, unresolved problems, it iscertain that the Lapidario incorporates one aspect ofthe medieval discipline that the learned monarch musthave held most dearly—astronomy and astrology. Tocategorize Alfonso’s interest in astrology as marginalis inaccurate and anachronistic since the two in Alfon-sine usage were essentially, although not entirely, syn-onymous. When Alfonso did distinguish between thetwo, more often than not astronomıa meant “astrol-ogy” and vice versa. Thus, to emphasize a distinctionbetween what is today the science of astronomy andthe art (at best) of astrology is counterproductive, forastrology was virtually applied astronomy. If astron-omy enabled one to calculate the positions of heavenlybodies, astrology allowed one to interpret the signifi-cance of a particular configuration. Alfonso makesamply clear in the writings he sponsored that God hadplaced the stars and planets in the heavens so that theintelligent man, his “omne entendudo,” might exploitthem to attain his goals. A modern analogue to astrol-ogy is radar. Just as it would be foolish, if not suicidal,for a pilot to eschew its use, so was it for a medievalking to shun astrology.

Thus, it is not surprising that eight of thirteen dif-ferent titles that Alfonso sponsored pertain exclusivelyto Alfonsine science. These are: Lapidario (ca. 1250),Tablas alfonsıes (1252), Libro conplido en los iudiziosde las estrellas (1254), Libro de las cruzes (1259), theso-called Picatrix (ca. 1250s), Canones de Albateni(ca. 1250s), Libro del saber de astrologia (1276–1277;most commonly and erroneously known as Libros delsaber de astronomıa), and Libro de las formas et delas ymagenes (1276–1279). These eight titles expandto twenty-seven if we realize that two of these codicesare anthologies. The Canones de Albateni in fact con-tains four treatises—Canones de Albateni, Tablas deAlbateni, Tablas de Azarquiel, and Tratado del quad-rante sennero. The Libro del saber de astrologia com-prises sixteen titles: Libro de las estrellas del ochauocielo (1256), Libro de la espera (1259), Capitulo porafazer armillas en la espera, Libro del astrolabio re-dondo, Libro del astrolabio Ilano, Libro de la laminauniversal, Libro de la acafeha (1255 second half, or1256 first half), Libro de las armillas, Libro de lassiete planetas, Libro del quadrante, Libro de la piedrade la sombra, Libro del relogio del agua, Libro delrelogio del argent vivo, Libro del relogio de la can-dela, Libro del palacio de las horas, and Libro delatacir. The three followed by parenthetical dates wereoriginally commissioned as indicated.

Noteworthy is that only two of the works, Librodel saber and Libro de las formas, were compiled inthe 1270s. Also noteworthy is that the remaining six

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titles hale from the 1250s and were predominantly as-trological. The Lapidario treats the magico-medicinalproperties of stones. The Picatrix concerns talismanicmagic. The Iudizios and Cruzes treat judicial astrology,the latter specifically as it pertains to a king—provid-ing information such as the most propitious time towage war, for example. Even astronomical tables hadan astrological function—ease of prediction, that is,knowing the arrangement of the heavenly configura-tions not only without having to actually sight them,but especially beforehand. Astrology, thus, while serv-ing Alfonso’s practical purposes, on a larger scale, pro-vided a powerful motive for the very basis of empiricalscience—observation.

Alfonso may have conceived of his final two sci-ence treatises, the Libro del saber and the Libro de lasformas, as complementary anthologies—the former onthe construction and use of instruments of astronomicalobservation and mensuration, the latter on practical as-trological applications. Judging from the limited infor-mation retrievable from the fourteen-folio fragment,all that remains of the Formas, it is safe to say that it,like the Libro del saber, incorporates versions, possi-bly revised, of works compiled originally in the 1250s.

Ironically, Alfonso X owes his recognition in sci-ence to his Tablas alfonsıes, a work whose translationinto Latin greatly enhanced its diffusion, whose inter-est lies in its application to astrological reckonings,and whose text does not survive, as do all his otherscience treatises, in a codex produced in his royal scrip-torium.

ANTHONY J. CARDENAS

Bibliography

Cardenas, A. J. “A Study and Edition of the Royal Scripto-rium Manuscript of El [sic] Libro del saber de astrolo-gia by Alfonso X, el Sabio.” 4 vols. Ph.D. diss. Univer-sity of Wisconsin-Madison, 1974.

Procter, E. S. “Translations from the Arabic.” In Alfonso Xof Castile, Patron of Literature and Learning. Oxford,1951. 7–23.

ALFONSO XI, KING OF CASTILE AND LEONAlfonso XI, king of Castile and Leon (1312–1350),the son of Fernando IV and Constanza of Portugal,was born at Toro on 13 August 1311. On his father’suntimely death he succeeded to the throne at the ageof slightly more than one year. His minority, lastingthirteen years, was a time of terrible stress, as theking’s relatives vied for control of the regency. As ameasure of the disorder, the towns, anxious to defendtheir liberties and to uphold the king’s authority, re-vived the associations or hermandades that they had

ALFONSO XI, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON

formed in similar times of crisis in the late thirteenthcentury. When the cortes (parliament) of Palencia as-sembled in 1313 to determine who should act as regent,some members recognized the king’s great-uncle,Juan, while others accepted the king’s grandmother,Marıa de Molina, and her son, Pedro. After the deathof Queen Constanza, who had custody of her son,Marıa de Molina emerged as the principal championof royal authority and guardian of the king. The con-tending regents eventually agreed to a unified regencyin the cortes of Burgos in 1315, in which the herman-dades played an influential role. Confusion and turmoilcontinued, however, as discontented persons workedtoward their own advantage. As some measure of tran-quility was established, infantes Pedro and Juanplanned a joint campaign against the kingdom of Gra-nada, but in 1319 both men died suddenly. Immedi-ately the struggle for the regency resumed.

Once again, various members of the royal family,including Juan, son of the deceased Infante Juan, Fel-ipe, brother of Infante Pedro, and Juan Manuel, agrandson of Fernando III and a figure famous in thehistory of Castilian literature, demanded a place in theregency. Marıa de Molina tried to maintain some de-gree of order, but her death in 1321 removed the lastrestraint. As the self-proclaimed regents effectively di-vided the realm among themselves, law and orderbroke down entirely.

When Alfonso XI reached the age of fourteen in1325 he boldly declared his minority at an end andcalled for the resignation of the three regents. Thoughstill inexperienced, he thwarted their ambitions to con-trol him, executing his cousin, Juan, and breaking hisengagement to the daughter of Juan Manuel, who hadexpected that the marriage would enable him to domi-nate the king. Instead, Alfonso XI in l328 marriedMarıa, daughter of Afonso IV of Portugal, whopledged to join him in war against the Moors. JuanManuel, considering himself betrayed, fled to Aragonbut renewed his allegiance in 1329; thereafter his rela-tionship with the king was always uncertain. WhenAlfonso de la Cerda acknowledged the king, pledginghomage and fealty in 1331, a chapter in the long dynas-tic dispute stemming from the reign of Alfonso X wasclosed.

With his realm comparatively at peace, AlfonsoXI, aided by Aragon and Portugal, planned to resumethe war of reconquest. He seized several fortresses onthe western frontier of the kingdom of Granada in 1327and 1330, prompting Muh.ammad IV to appeal to theMarinids in Morocco for help. Responding with enthu-siasm, the Moroccans laid siege to Gibraltar and cap-tured it at the end of five months in June 1333. AlfonsoXI vainly tried to relieve the garrison and to recover

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the fortress after it capitulated, but he was distractedby continued discontent among the nobility and tenserelations with his Christian neighbors. By inviting theMarınids into his kingdom, Muh.ammad IV angered theGranadan nobility, who feared Moroccan domination;they assassinated their king and elevated his brother,Yusuf I. Soon later, Castile, Morocco, and Granadaagreed to a truce.

While Alfonso IV of Aragon was irritated by Al-fonso XI’s presumption in military affairs, Afonso IVof Portugal was becoming outright hostile and con-spired with Juan Manuel against the king of Castile.The Portuguese monarch believed that Alfonso XI, byopenly flaunting his relationship with Leonor de Guz-man, the mother of his several illegitimate children,was dishonoring the queen, Maria of Portugal. Desul-tory warfare between Castile and Portugal followed,but Portuguese efforts to persuade Alfonso IV of Ara-gon to enter an alliance against Alfonso XI were of noavail.

As the truce with the Moors drew to a close, theChristian rulers realized that they were all threatenedby the possibility of a new Moroccan offensive, anddecided to set their own quarrels aside for the timebeing as they planned for a common defense of thepeninsula. Although the Castilian and Aragonese fleetwon a victory over the Moroccans in the straits in 1339,they were unable to prevent the sultan, Abu-l-H. asan,from invading Spain with a substantial army in thespring of 1340. Aided by Yusuf I of Granada, he beganthe siege of Tarifa in June. Gathering his forces, Al-fonso XI appealed to the pope for crusading indul-gences and financial assistance. Warriors from theother peninsular realms and from northern Europeancountries, hoping to distinguish themselves in a cru-sade, came to lend their support. Once again, PedroIV of Aragon sent a fleet, while Afonso IV personallycommanded Portuguese troops who joined the host.

Warned of the advancing Christian army, theMoors abandoned the siege of Tarifa and prepared togive battle on the banks of the nearby River Salado.Blessing the Christian soldiers, Gil de Albornoz, thearchbishop of Toledo, assured Alfonso XI that victoryawaited him and urged him to go forth without fear.In the ensuing conflict, which took place on 30 October1340, Afonso IV and the Portuguese drove the Grana-dan troops from the battlefield while Alfonso XI dis-persed the Moroccans. The thorough Christian victorydelivered a decisive blow to Moroccan aspirations todominate the peninsula. Christian Spain was liberatedonce and for all from the threat of invasion from Mo-rocco. The Christians had triumphed in the long battleto control the Strait of Gibraltar and to deprive theMarınids of easy access to the peninsula. As the Mo-

ALFONSO XI, KING OF CASTILE AND LEON

roccan menace was perceived to recede, the need tocomplete the peninsular reconquest was not felt so ur-gently and eventually was allowed to fall into abey-ance.

For the moment, however, an exuberant AlfonsoXI intended to continue the war. Sending the trophiesof war to the pope, he pleaded for continued spiritualand financial support of his crusade. In 1341 he seizedAlcala de Benzayde, Rute, Priego, Benamejı, andMatrera to the northwest of Granada. Then, in August1342, supported financially by the pope and the kingof France, and with ships supplied by Portugal, Ara-gon, and Genoa, he began the siege of Algeciras, oneof the principal points of entry into the peninsula. Onceagain, he was joined by foreign soldiers, includingPhilip d’Evreux, king of Navarre, who died in 1343,the count of Foix, and the Earls of Derby and Salisbury.In November 1343 Alfonso XI gained a decisive vic-tory over the Moroccan and Granadan forces on theriver Palmones, eliminating any possibility of relief forAlgeciras. With the permission of the emir of Morocco,the defenders surrendered Algeciras on 26 March1344.

The reaching of a truce gave the king an opportu-nity to replenish his treasury and to prepare for theresumption of hostilities. As the Marınids still heldGibraltar, the king lay siege to that fortress in August1349. The Black Death, the great plague that devas-tated western Europe, ravaged his camp, however, andhe fell victim to it, dying on 27 March 1350 at the ageof thirty-nine.

Aside from his military labors, Alfonso XI tooksteps to strengthen the monarchy by imposing stricterand more direct control on the towns by sending corre-gidores or royal administrators to control their affairs.He also resolved much of the confusion in the adminis-tration of justice by the Ordinance of Alcala enactedin the cortes of Alcala de Henares in 1348. Fearful ofthe cortes, which met frequently during his minority,he convened that assembly in full only three times dur-ing his majority, but otherwise preferred to convenepartial assemblies, thus effectively dividing the estates,while getting what he wanted in taxes. His principalinnovation in taxation was the introduction in the years1342–1345 of the alcabala, a sales tax that becamethe most important source of revenue for the crownthereafter.

Alfonso XI had two legitimate sons, Fernando,who died as an infant in 1333, and Pedro, born on 30August 1334, who succeeded him. He also had tenillegitimate children by Leonor de Guzman; the mostimportant of them was Enrique of Trastamara, whoafter overthrowing Pedro gained the throne as EnriqueII (1369–1379).


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Bibliography

Gran Cronica de Alfonso XI. Ed. D. Catalan. 2 vols. Madrid,1977.

Poema de Alfonso XI. Ed. Yo Ten Cate. Madrid, 1955.

ALFONSO, INFANTE OF CASTILEBorn in 1453, Alfonso was the son of Juan II of Castileand his second wife, Isabel of Portugal, the brother ofIsabel the Catholic, and the half-brother of Enrique IV.Since he died in 1468 at age fourteen, he remains ashadowy figure whose importance was due to the wayin which he was used as a pawn in the political distur-bances that plagued Castile. That rebellious noblescould manipulate him is to be explained by severalfactors. It was argued, for example, that as long asEnrique IV remained childless Alfonso was heir to thethrone. And when Enrique IV’s second wife, Juana ofPortugal, did give birth to a daughter it was claimedthat the child’s father was not the king, but Beltran dela Cueva (hence, she was often referred to as Juana laBeltraneja), and that Alfonso was still heir to thethrone. Moreover, whatever the truth about the manyaccusations leveled against Enrique IV, the young Al-fonso could be presented as an “honest” alternative toa king who was alleged to be morally, sexually, andreligiously corrupt. Matters came to a head when therebel nobility sent a list of grievances and demandsfor reform to the king in 1464. The latter at first ac-cepted these, but then retracted. There followed thefamous Sentencia of Medina del Campo of 1465, apurportedly “neutral” attempt at reform, and the infa-mous deposition in effigy of Enrique IV, known as theFarce of Avila, that took place on 5 June of the sameyear. A large platform was erected outside the wallsof Avila and a wooden statue of Enrique IV, deckedout with the symbols of royalty, was placed on athrone. The leading rebels, who included such power-ful men as Alfonso Carrillo, Archbishop of Toledo;Juan Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, Alvaro de Stuniga,Count of Plasencia; Gomez de Solıs, Master of Alcan-tara; Rodrigo Pimentel. Count of Benavente; and Ro-drigo Manrique, Count of Paredes, then proceeded tostrip the statue of its symbols, and after the depositionin effigy had been carried out Alfonso was taken upon to the platform and proclaimed king. But of courseEnrique IV and his supporters denounced the Farce ofAvila, and the two rival kings plunged Castile intoanarchy. Just over three years later Alfonso unexpect-edly died on 5 July 1468 at Cardenosa, a village nearAvila.

Alfonso may have died of the plague or he mayhave been poisoned. There had been an epidemic inthe region, but there was some cause to believe in the

ALHAMBRA

theory of poisoning. Although his supporters were saidto be grief stricken, it was also noted that those whohad been manipulating Alfonso were finding that hewas less malleable than his half-brother: hence the sus-picion that they “dispatched” Alfonso in order onceagain to control the kingdom through the pliant En-rique IV. There is some evidence that Alfonso hadbeen starting to display qualities that were not thoseof a “pawn” but rather those that his sister Isabel wouldlater display on the chessboard of Castilian politics asqueen. Nevertheless he had been manipulated, andthere were many who grieved the death of Alfonso“the Innocent.”

ANGUS MACKAY

Bibliography

Val Valdivieso, M. I. del. Isabel la Catolica, Princesa(1468–1474). Valladolid, 1974.

MacKay, A., “Ritual and Propaganda in Fifteenth-CenturyCastile,” Past and Present 107 (1985), 3–43.

ALHAMBRACitadel and palace dominating Granada from the southand comprising the most extensive remains of a medie-val Islamic palace anywhere. It contains a virtual ency-clopedia of Nas.rid architecture and decoration inglazed tile, carved and painted stucco, and wood, andis particularly notable for a group of superb mugarnas(stalactite) vaults. As early as the nineth century a cita-del on the site was called al-hamra’ (the red), probablybecause of the reddish color of its walls. In the eleventhcentury it was linked with the town’s defenses to thenorth, and between 1052 and 1056 Yusuf Ibn Naghral-lah, the Jewish vizier to the Zirıd rulers of Granada,built his palace there. Two centuries later, the Nas.ridsultan Muh.ammad I (r. 1230–1272) made the Alham-bra his residence and over the next two centuries hisdescendants continued to enlarge and embellish it.Most of the Alhambra is due to Nas.rid patronage, par-ticularly by Yusuf I (r. 1333–1354) and Muh.ammadV (r. 1354–1391, with interruptions), though CharlesV (r. 1516–1556) added a palace in the Renaissancestyle, and Felipe V (r. 1700–1746) Italianized somerooms. The site subsequently fell into ruin, but it wasrediscovered in the early nineteenth century by the Ro-mantics, to whom are owed the names by which itsparts are commonly known.

The Alhambra is contained with a walled enclo-sure (740 by 220 meters) punctuated with twenty-threetowers and gates. At its western end is the Alcazaba(in Arabic al-qas.aba, fortress); to the east are the re-mains of several palaces, a mosque, baths, and an in-dustrial zone with a mint, tanneries, and ovens. Across

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a ravine to the east of the enclosure are the palaceand gardens of the generalife (in Arabic, jinan al-�arif,gardens of the overseer). The alcazaba, the oldest part,is a double-walled fortress of solid and vaulted towerscontaining barracks, cisterns, baths, houses, store-rooms, and a dungeon. Access from the north was con-trolled by the Armas gate; access from the south wascontrolled by the Gate of Justice (in Arabic, sharı�a,erroneously for shurayya�a, esplanade), decorated withcarved stone, cut brick, marble, and glazed tile. ThePuerta del Vino, framed with ceramic spandrels andstucco panels, is a ceremonial portal to the main streetof the royal quarter.

The core of the Alhambra, the so-called Casa RealVieja (to distinguish it from the addition of Charles V),consists of several palaces arranged along the northerncurtain wall and incorporating several of its towers.The palaces follow the traditions of palace design inthe western Islamic world, with rooms arranged sym-metrically around rectangular courts. One entered thePalace of the Myrtles from the large square facing theAlcazaba and passed through the first court, whosefoundations indicate that it had an oratory and minaret,into the second, or Machuca, court. Only its northernportico and a tower survive; from it passages lead toa dwelling, another oratory, and the facade of the Mex-uar (in Arabic, mashwar, place of the royal audience),the present public entrance. From the Mexuar, a rectan-gular room with a flat roof supported on six columns,one passes through a narrow doorway into the CuartoDorado, whose plain lateral walls emphasize and illu-minate the splendid carved stucco facade at its south.This internal facade, crowned by windows allowingwomen to watch the activities unobserved and a mu-

Court of the Lions. 14th century. Nas.rid dynasty. Copyright Adam Lubroth/Art Resource, NY Alhambra, Granada,Spain.

ALHAMBRA

Court of the Myrtles. Built by Yusuf I between 1333 and1354. Marınid dynasty. Copyright Adam Lubroth/Art Re-source, NY Alhambra, Granada, Spain.

garnas cornice supporting deep eaves, presents the vis-itor with two identical doors: that on the right leadsback to the Mashwar, while the other leads to a bentpassage to the Court of the Myrtles. The court (36.6by 23.5 meters) contains a long pool bordered by lowhedges. Doors along the long walls open to rooms forthe sovereign’s wives, service areas, and the palacebath. At either end porticoes of seven arches on slendermarble columns protect lavish tile and stucco decora-tion on the walls. A door in the center of the the north-ern portico opens to the Sala de la Barca, with a mag-nificent joined wooden ceiling, which was once thesovereign’s bed- and sitting room. Beyond is the Hallof the Ambassadors, a large (11.3-meter) square roomcontained within one of the massive towers of the en-closure walls. Deep alcoves in its walls overlook thecity; the one opposite the entrance is the most richlydecorated, and the poem inscribed on its walls indi-cates that it was the throne recess. The floor and wallsare superbly decorated with tile and carved plaster;the ceiling, composed of many thousands of individualwooden elements joined into a pyramidal vault, depicts

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a starry sky and probably symbolizes the seven heav-ens of Paradise.

The area to the south of the Comares court wasmodified when Charles V constructed his palace there,but a street once led from the Mexuar past the royalmausoleum (rawda), a square building with a centrallantern, to the Palace of the Lions. One passed fromits entrance through a bent passage to the relativelyintimate Court of the Lions (28.5 by 15.7 meters). Anarcade supported on slender columns arranged singlyor in groups of two, three, and four surrounds the courtand the kiosks projecting at either end. At its centera fountain with twelve white marble lions (probablypreserved from Yusuf Ibn Naghrallah’s palace) spoutaround an elevated polygonal basin inscribed with apoem by the Andalusian poet Ibn Zamrak (1333–ca.1393). To the south is the square hall of the Abencer-rajes; squinches support a stellate drum and superb mu-garnas vault, which also represent the dome of heaven.On the east of the court is the Hall of the Kings: alter-nately square and rectangular spaces with subsidiaryside chambers separated by elaborate mugarnas archesand covered with painted and mugarnas vaults. To thenorth of the court is the Hall of the Two Sisters, asquare hall with alcoves on its ground and first floors.Mugarnas squinches support an octagonal drum witheight paired windows and another superb mugarnasvault. From the hall one passes through another vaultedroom to the exquisitely decorated belvedere of Lin-daraxa overlooking the gardens below. Other palatialremains within the walls but outside the Casa RealVieja include the Peinador tower, the Torre de la Cau-tiva, and the Partal palace.

JONATHAN M. BLOOM

Bibliography

Grabar, O. The Alhambra. Cambridge, Mass, 1978.Dickie, J. “The Alhambra: Some Reflections Prompted by

a Recent Study by Oleg Grabar,” Studia Arabica etIslamica: Festschrift for Ihsan �Abbas on his SixtiethBirthday. Ed. W. al-Qadi. Beirut, 1981.

ALHANDEGA, BATTLE OFIn 939 the Leonese king, Ramiro II (930–951) hadbeen harassing and threatening the frontier possessionof the caliphate of Cordoba for seven years. In 939 theCaliph �Abd al-Rah.man III (912–961) resolved thatthe Leonese monarch must be punished severely andhimself undertook the leadership of a strong army thatmarched north, reaching the banks of the Duero Rivernear Simancas. There it encountered the army of Ram-iro II, who had been reinforced with troops furnishedby the Navarrese and Count Fernan Gonzalez of Cas-tile (923–970).

ALJAMIADO LITERATURE

On 1 September a battle ensued that resulted in aresounding victory for Ramiro II. A large portion ofthe Muslim army was cut down, its camp captured,and �Abd al-Rah.man’s official Qur’an and the caliph’sceremonial gold coat of mail formed part of the booty.The caliph himself escaped along with a substantialportion of his troops and returned to Cordoba. Therehe is said to have crucified three hundred officers ofhis cavalry for their cowardice. �Abd al-Rah.man didnot himself subsequently campaign against Ramiro II.

The battle seemingly takes its name from a fieldfortification built and utilized successfully by theLeonese at Albendiego near Simancas.

BERNARD F. REILLY

Bibliography

Rodrıguez, J. Ramiro II, rey de Leon. Madrid, 1972.

ALJAMAAljama (rarely alfama) is a Spanish word derived fromArabic al-jami�a, “community.” Many writers erro-neously assume it refers exclusively to a Jewish com-munity, but this is not in fact correct, for it refers toeither a Muslim or Jewish community, and must there-fore be qualified by one or the other adjective. Theterm may be either abstract, “the (Muslim or Jewish)community,” or specific, referring to a particular com-munity in a town or city and its physical neighborhood(juderıa), in later medieval usage, or morerıa.

The Muslim aljama was originally rather looselyorganized, but became increasingly bureaucratic overthe centuries. Officials included the judges (religiousand secular; almost indistinguishably the faqıh orqad. ı), with various minor magistrates, and the S.ah. ibal-Shurt.a, often erroneously translated as “chief of po-lice” but in fact was a court administrator who alsogave punishments (the term passed into medievalSpanish as zavasorda, merely a civil judge; Jews alsoheld this post). There were also various market offi-cials and supervisors of weights and measures, prices,and so on.

The Jewish aljama was organized around anelected council, that could range from a simple “sevengood men” to thirty or more. These were responsiblefor ordinances, tax assessments, and the like. Adelan-tados, or muqaddamim, were elected officials who car-ried out the actual daily administration. There werealso special commissioners (berurim) to supervise andeven adjudicate such matters as morals and the schools.There were also judges to handle all internal affairs ofJewish law.

Salaried officials sometimes included thesejudges, teachers of children, scribes, and sometimes

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the slaughterers of meat. Rabbis, generally, were notsalaried until later. Many Jewish aljamas had hospitalsand/or charitable houses for the poor and elderly (al-mosnas) that were supported by taxes imposed by theJewish council.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Romano, D. “Aljama frente a juderıa, call y sus sinonimos,”Sefarad 29 (1979), 347–54.

ALJAMIADO LITERATURELiterature written in Spanish but employing the Arabicalphabet. The term derives from aljamıa (in Arabic,al-�ajamiyya), meaning “foreign language”, “Romancelanguage” in Spanish Arabic. Examples are extantfrom the fourteenth to the early seventeenth centuries,showing that this literature was cultivated by both Mu-dejares and Moriscos. Continued use of the Arabic al-phabet even after knowledge of the language itself wasforgotten testifies to the Muslims’ reverence for anymanifestation of a tongue they considered holy. Alsoconventionally included in Aljamiado are the writings,in the Latin alphabet, of Spanish Moriscos exiled toNorth Africa after 1609.

The language of Aljamiado is almost exclusivelyCastilian, though many texts show a greater or lesseradmixture of Aragonese. (The existence of a true Por-tuguese Aljamiado has been disproved.) Texts in Cata-lan or Valencian dialects are very rare, because al-though those regions had a large Muslim populationit was for the most part Arabic-speaking. The Muslimsof Castile and Aragon, more thinly spread within aChristian-dominated society, lost their Arabic fairlyearly, as is attested by the many surviving laments ofauthors and scribes. Nonetheless the texts containmany Arabic elements in the form of syntactic andsemantic calques: la isla de al Andalus (the IberianPeninsula; in Arabic, jazıra, meaning both “peninsula”and “island”); ensanose ensanamiento grande, in imi-tation of the Arabic cognate accusative: ya es a ti enque creas con Allah? (“Have you [the will] to believein God?”) Likewise, vocabulary is borrowed freely andoften adjusted to Spanish morphology: halegar (to cre-ate), in Arabic, khalaka; el alhichante (the pilgrim [toMecca]), in Arabic, al-hajj; los almalaques (the an-gels), in Arabic (singular), al-malak. (Not coinciden-tally, all these terms are of Islamic import.)

Over two hundred Aljamiado manuscripts survivetoday; many of these were discovered inside the wallsof houses in former Morisco villages of northeasternSpain, where the inhabitants had concealed them be-fore their deportation. The largest such cache came tolight in Almonacid de la Sierra (Zaragoza) in 1884,

ALJAMIADO LITERATURE

the most recent in Urrea de Jalon (Zaragoza) in 1984.The principal library collections are those of the Es-cuela de Estudios Arabes, Biblioteca Nacional, andReal Academia de la Historia, all in Madrid.

Only a handful of names can be attached withcertainty to Aljamiado works. The vast majority areanonymous, not only because incipits and explicitshave been lost (although of course many have) butbecause it is a literature that has evolved along collec-tive and traditional lines. The author, rather than mak-ing his presence known, submerges his personality intothat of the community from which he came and whichforms his audience. Some of the stylistic features ofAljamiado, such as the second-person address to thehearers (e.g., y veos aquı que . . .) recall oral and popu-lar forms of transmission.

The Aljamiado corpus contains many items thatdo not, strictly speaking, fall under the heading of liter-ature. Among these are works of devotion (translationsof the Qur’an, collections of prayers, etc.) and worksof superstition (such as charms, amulets, and the cast-ing of horoscopes). But the line between the didacticor pietistic and the literary is not so neatly drawn asin the West: almost all Aljamiado works of the imagi-nation are marked by a strong Islamic cast. The storyof the Prophet Joseph (Yusuf), for instance, which ex-ists in both poetic and prose versions, follows the ac-count in Qur’an chapter 12, with embellishments takenfrom exegetical commentaries on the Qur’an. Thereare lyric poems in praise of the prophet Muh.ammad,and a long narrative one describing a pilgrimage toMecca. Heroic tales and legends almost always turn onthe adventures of Islamic heroes, such as the prophet’searly adherents and his son-in-law �Ali. Even Alexan-der the Great appears in the role the Arabs assign him,as Dhu-al-K. arnayn, transformed into a Muslim cham-pion.

As is also clear from the above, the inspiration forthis literat.ure is overwhelmingly eastern. Its Mudejarand Morisco authors did not originate, but continuedand embellished, a relatively narrow range of themes.Only one important Aljamiado work has its roots inwestern Europe (see below).

Prose Narrative

Some of the more extensive works, and those ofgreatest literary worth, are Rrekontamiento del rreyAlisandre, the Islamic retelling of the Alexander leg-end; Leyenda de Yusuf, of Qur’anic inspiration; Librode las batallas, heroic tales of the early days of Islam;and Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana, a versionof a popular European novel of chivalry (and as suchthe only major Aljamiado tale of Western inspiration).The Tafsira of the Mancebo de Arevalo is at the same

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time a guide to Islamic practice and the spiritual auto-biography of a Morisco. Many short legends have beenedited collectively. Some relate the deeds of early Is-lamic heroes or of biblical characters, others describethe Muslim vision of the afterlife. Collections of moralprecepts form another category, as do works of divin-ing and superstition such as Libro de las suertes.

Poetry

The Poema de Yucuf is a fine example of cuadernavıa in Aljamiado from the late thirteenth or early four-teenth centuries; of the same genre and period is Al-madh.a de alabanza al an-nabı Muh.ammad. Other po-etry, though rising to no great literary heights, alsocelebrates the prophet and the religion of Islam. Onlythree or four poets are known by name, most of themfrom the very end of the period: Muh.ammad Rabadan(Discurso de la descendencia de Muh.ammad), JuanAlfonso Aragones, and Ibrahım de Bolfad.

It is curious that Aljamiado literature should coin-cide so precisely in time to the period of literary maur-ofilia in Spain that produced the romancero moriscoand El Abencerraje y la hermosa Jarifa. The romanti-cized Moor of the latter works could hardly differ moreprofoundly from the Morisco who was striving to re-tain his culture in conditions of poverty, persecution,and clandestinity. What the Mudejares and Moriscosdid produce was a literature of preservation rather thanof creation, and one closely tied to their feelings ofethnic and religious identity. It speaks in the authenticvoice of one of the principal marginalized groups ofmarginados in the history of Spain.

CONSUELO LOPEZ-MORILLAS

Bibliography

Coleccion de Literatura Espanola Aljamiado-Morisca. 9vols. to date. Madrid, 1990–1998.

Galmes de Fuentes, A. “La literatura espanola aljamiado-morisca,” Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen desMittelalters 9, pt. 1, fasc. 4, 117–32; pt. 2, fasc. 4,103–112.

Klenk, U. La Leyenda de Yusuf, ein Aljamiadotext. Tubinger,1972.

Kontzi, R. Aljamiado Texte. 2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1974.Nykl, A. R. “Aljamiado literature. El Rrekontamiento del

Rrey Alisandre,” Revue Hispanigue 77 (1929),409–611.

ALJUBARROTA, BATTLE OFThe Battle of Aljubarrota took place on 14 August1385, and historians continue to regard it as the deci-sive battle in the political struggle for the kingdom ofPortugal. Fernando I of Portugal had designs on theCastilian throne and schemed unsuccessfully to obtainit. He paid for these ambitions by suffering invasions

ALJUBARROTA, BATTLE OF

and heavy military defeats at the hands of Pedro theCruel’s usurping half-brother Enrique II of Trastamarain 1371 and 1372. With thoughts of revenge, Fernandomade secret alliance with England. An Anglo-Portu-guese force jointly led by King Fernando and the Earlof Cambridge campaigned unsuccessfully (1381–1385) against the armies of Juan I, who had succeededhis father Enrique II on the throne of Castile. The nowailing Fernando ill-advisedly wedded his daughterBeatriz to Juan I by the terms of the ensuing peacetreaty, before dying in October 1383. The interregnumthat followed his sudden death encouraged the Trasta-maran monarch to lay a serious claim to the Portuguesethrone through his marriage to Fernando’s daughter.He was further encouraged by the fact that the greatnobles in Portugal showed little enthusiasm for the ex-iled illegitimate sons of King Fernando’s father, PedroI, while at the same time strongly supporting the personand policies of King Fernando’s widow, Dona LeonorTelles. Despite the popular acclamation of Dom Joao,Master of the Military Order of Avis as, first regent andthen king, Juan I was so encouraged by the confusedsituation in Portugal that he invaded in 1384. After aseries of indecisive engagements he besieged Lisbonbut was obliged to raise the siege when plague deci-mated his army. In August of the following year,tempted again by support among the Portuguese nobil-ity and by his own superior military strength, he in-vaded a second time. As in the previous year, Juan Iplanned his main attack from the southeast; but meet-ing stiff resistance, he marched north to Ciudad Ro-drigo and after some hesitation, invaded through theBeira, thus approaching Lisbon from the north. Hisforces numbered some 22,000 men, outnumberingthose of the Master of Avis by more than three to one;and yet he suffered a crushing defeat. Chroniclers at-tribute the Castilian defeat at Aljubarrota principallyto the tactics of the Master’s constable, Nun’ AlvaresPereira, who counselled strongly that Dom Joao’sarmy, small though it was, should interpose itself be-tween the advancing Castilians and the capital andfight them in a pitched battle; for, he argued, if Lisbonwere lost so would the kingdom be. When the Earlof Cambridge’s forces had aided King Fernando in1381–1382, the Portuguese saw something of the tac-tics that had given the English the upper hand in Franceduring the Hundred Years’ War. The Portuguese con-stable adopted these tactics: a heavy reliance upon in-fantry; the deployment of an exceptionally strong con-tingent of archers; and the tactic of inducing theenemy’s cavalry to attack a fixed position carefullychosen beforehand by its defenders. The adoption ofthe third of these tactics is the reason why the Avisarmy came to be stationed near the village of Aljubar-rota on the morning of 14 August 1385.

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Aljubarrota is located at 39.34 north latitude and8.55 west longitude, twenty-four kilometers southwestof Leiria on the main Coimbra-Lisbon road betweenthe towns of Batalha and Alcobaca. The area is situatedon a spur of the Serra de Porto de Mos. The countrysideis consequently an undulating one of hills and moun-tain streams. According to the Castilian chroniclerLopez de Ayala, en eyewitness and participant, theTrastamaran line of attack lay along a stretch of groundbetween two brooks that effectively narrowed the Cas-tilians’ vanguard and made it impossible for the rightand left flanks to engage the enemy when the twoarmies met. Moreover, when the Trastamaran forcesattacked the Avis position they were thrown into con-fusion by the steadiness of the Portuguese pikemenand by the concentrated fire of the mixed force of Por-tuguese crossbowmen and English longbowmen. Sen-sing impending defeat, King Juan fled the field in thedirection of Santarem while his demoralized army dis-integrated soon after.

The battle had several long-term results. It put anend to a civil war in which two candidates for thePortuguese throne had fought for two years; one ofthem, Juan I of Castile, had by no means the weakerclaim, which was supported by many Portuguese mag-nates, some of whom fought on the Trastamaran sidethroughout the civil war. The slaughter or exile of theseTrastamaran Portuguese produced a social revolutionin which an old Portuguese nobility was replaced bya new. The battle put an end to serious Castilian claimsto the Portuguese throne, confirmed Portuguese inde-pendence, and consolidated the reign of Joao I as wellas the dynasty of the House of Avis. Aljubarrota was tohave an enormous symbolic value for later Portugueseromantic nationalism that is illustrated by the enor-mous Abbey of Batalha that was built to commemoratethe victory. Finally, the participation of English archersat Aljubarrota gave impetus to the budding Anglo-Por-tuguese alliance that would be confirmed in the follow-ing year by the Treaty of Windsor.

ROBERT OAKLEY

Bibliography

Lopes, F. Cronica del Rey Dom Joham I da boa memoria,Primeira Parte e Segunda Parte. 2 vols. Ed. A. B.Freire and W. J. Entwistle. Lisbon, 1977.

Lopez de Ayala, P. Cronica del rey don Juan, primero deCastilla e de Leon. Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles,68. Madrid, 1953.

Russell, P. E. The English Intervention in Spain and Portu-gal in the Time of Edward III and Richard II. Oxford,1955.

Suarez Fernandez, L. Historia del reinado de Juan I de Cas-tilla. 2 vols. Madrid, 1977–79.

ALMADA, FELIPA DE

ALMADA, FELIPA DEVery little is known about Felipa de Almada, a fif-teenth-century Portuguese poet who was a member ofthe court of Joao II. The king was a lover of the artsand endeavored to surround himself with talented peo-ple. As one of the most important social graces, poetrywas cultivated by many members of his court, includ-ing some women. Garcia de Resende’s CancioneiroGeral (Lisboa, 1516) contains short, cryptic verses bywomen for men to gloss. In the ongoing court poetrycompetition, women propounded riddles, and mensolved them. The only woman who wrote a lengthypoem, however, was Felipa de Almada.

Rather than propounding a riddle, she solves oneby scorning her former lover mercilessly: “What I can-not recover, oh world of uneven order, makes me notwish you well nor desire you harm.” All her feelingsare gone, and her indifference is total: “I find morepleasure, thus, living in the limbo of your favor, thanwith the pain of your wretched love.”

Interestingly, of all the women poets of the IberianPeninsula, only Felipa de Almada assumes an unfamil-iar role. Constanca de Mallorca and Mayor Ariasclearly follow the popular tradition of the Galician“cantigas de amigo” (songs of love and friendship).Florencia Pinar, another fifteenth-century cancioneropoet, assumes an active role in the sense that she solvesriddles rather than propounding them. However, shepresents herself as the suffering party, the victim oflove. Where Florencia speaks of her imprisonment andcompares herself to a partridge in a cage, Felipa deAlmada proclaims her liberation from love. Her poemis almost the reverse of a cantiga de amigo, and comingfrom a Portuguese woman poet could be read as theintertextual game of a writer who refuses to fit intothe local mold. Of course, she does so by adopting adifferent literary role: that of the disdainful lady ofcourtly love.

CRISTINA GONZALEZ

Bibliography

Costa, A. da. A mulher em Portugal. Lisbon, 1892.Salvado, A. Antologia da poesia feminina portuguesa. Lis-

bon, n.d.

ALMANZOR See MANS.UR, AL-

ALMIZRA (OR ALMIRRA), TREATY OFPeace agreement signed between Jaime I of Aragon-Catalonia and the future Alfonso X of Castile (in thename of his father Fernando III) on 26 March 1244 atthe captured Islamic castle of that name, presently the

82

Camp de Mirra or El Capet in southern Valencia. Thepact did not annul the Cazorla Treaty of 1179 betweenthe two countries, by which respective zones of con-quest from the Moors had been finalized. Instead, itworked out discrepancies as to the actual southern bor-der of Valencia, so hotly disputed that war was thenimminent between Jaime and Alfonso. After each kinghad seized towns assigned to the other’s conquest, andespecially with both claiming Jativa (then under siegeby Jaime) Alfonso asked for a meeting.

Jaime’s party stayed at Almizra castle and town,Alfonso’s in tents at the foot of the hill at Caudete.Stormy arguments nearly aborted this effort at peaceuntil Jaime’s Queen Violante and the Master of San-tiago intervened. The two kings “amicably” redrew theborder, from the confluence of the Jucar and CabriolRivers down through Ayora, Almansa, and Biar, outto sea above Aguas de Busot. The 1304 treaty of Tor-rella later annulled Almizra by moving the bordersouth past Orihuela and Alicante; but the Almizra lineremained a civil division interior to Valencia until 1707and the diocesan border to 1957. King Jaime detailsthe bellicose negotiations in seven chapters of his auto-biography, and the treaty itself has often been re-printed.

ROBERT I. BURNS, S. J.

Bibliography

Gonzalez, J. Reinado y diplomas de Fernando III. 3 vols.Cordoba, 1980.

Jaime I. Llibre dels feits, in F. Soldevila, Les quatre granscroniques. Barcelona, 1971. chs. 343–49.

ALMOHADSFollowing the Almoravids, al-Andalus in the secondhalf of the twelfth century was threatened by a newsect that had emerged in North Africa: the Almohads(unifiers, that is, strict believers in the unity of God;in Arabic, al-Muwahhidın). Ibn Tumart, the founderof the sect, objected to the moral laxity of the Berbersof North Africa and declared war against the Almora-vid Dynasty, then in control in the Maghrib (NorthAfrica and Muslim Iberia). During these battles he be-came ill and died (1130). He was succeeded by �Abd-al-Mu’min, who by 1147 had managed to capture Fezand Marrakesh, the capital of the Almoravids. WhenMarrakesh was captured, according to one source, theChristian church there was destroyed and a great num-ber of Jews and Christian militia were killed. When�Abd al-Mu’min conquered Ifrıqiyah (Tunisia) in1151, he gave the Jews and Christians there the choiceof conversion to Islam or death. In 1147 he also sentan expedition to al-Andalus, but the Almohads did not

ALMOHADS

firmly establish themselves there until 1163. AbuYa’qub Yusuf was the first Almohad caliph to rule al-Andalus (1163–1184), establishing a dynasty that wasto last there until 1227. Almohad rule in al-Andalus,however, would prove difficult from the start.

The Almohad condemnation of the popular Mali-kite theological-legal school in North Africa led to re-bellion against them throughout southern Morocco andalong the coast. Although the rebellion was crushedand thousands, even followers of �Abd al-Mu’min,were executed, it left the Almohads a legacy of bitterenemies and deep resentments. As a result of a difficultsituation in Morocco, Almohad rule in al-Andaluswould always be loose and precarious. Given the deepinternal divisions in North Africa, the Almohad rulersof al-Andalus, like Ya’qub I (1184–1199), Yusuf’ssuccessor who had taken the title Al-Mans.ur (the Vic-torious), were often obliged to rush back and forth fromal-Andalus to Morocco in order to protect their inter-ests. In 1195 when Alfonso VIII of Castile attacked

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the region of Seville, since it was the nature of theAlmohads that only the caliph could lead an expeditionto counter a Christian offensive, Ya’qub, who foundhimself in Marrakesh, was obliged to hurry to al-Anda-lus. He met Alfonso’s army at Alarcos, dealing Al-fonso what would prove the last great Muslim victoryover the Christians in Iberia. Ya’qub pushed his con-quest north and was able to take Guadalajara, Sala-manca, and other towns. However, he was unable toexploit his success and was called back to Marrakeshto put down yet another revolt.

Like the Almoravids, the Almohads failed inmaintaining their influence in Iberia. Religious zealcould not cement a heterogenous society across a largespace. After Ya’qub’s death in 1199, he was succeededby weak and even incompetent rulers who could notface the all-too-common revolts and dissension thatmet their brand of fundamentalism. By 1212, the com-bined forces of Castile, Leon, Navarre, and Aragon,along with volunteers and mercenaries from other parts

ALMOHADS

of Europe, would deal a crushing defeat at Las Navasde Tolosa to Muh.ammad (1199–1213), Ya’qub’s suc-cessor. Muh.ammad had come to Iberia from Moroccowith a large army and the hope of containing the re-vived territorial ambitions of Alfonso VIII. Barely es-caping with his life at Las Navas, Muh.ammad wasforced to return back across the Straits of Moroccoand leave al-Andalus to his adolescent son, Yusuf II(1213–1223), who would witness the breakdown ofAlmohad power not only in al-Andalus but finally inthe Maghrib as well.

E. MICHAEL GERLI

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Chejne, A. G.Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minne-apolis, Minn., 1974.

Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal. New York, 1996.

ALMOJARIFEThe term almojarife (correctly, in medieval texts or inPortugese, almoxarife) derives from Arabic wazır al-mushrif, which is nevertheless found only in the Mo-zarabic documents of Toledo, and means, merely, “su-pervising minister.” In those twelfth- and thirteenth-century documents, this was an official who not onlycollected taxes but who also served as a judge. How-ever, in general use throughout medieval Spain in allkingdoms it refers to a “tax-farmer,” one who eitherpaid a lump fee for the privilege of collecting taxes orwho paid a portion of the allocated taxes to the kingin advance and then collected the entire sum, thus mak-ing a profit. Usually this post was held by Jews, andevery king had several such Jewish almoxarifes, begin-ning at least with Alfonso VIII for Castile and PedroI in Aragon-Catalonia (though the title in that kingdomwas usually baile; almoxarife is, however, sometimesfound).

Such officials were appointed, often for manyyears, for the taxes of the entire kingdom, but also ona local basis either by the king, the local overlord, andeven church officials to administer their taxes. The titleof almoxarife mayor (chief tax official of the kingdom)ceased to be used at the end of the fourteenth century;only Yucaf de Ecija (under Alfonso XI), Samuel ha-Levy (Pedro I), and Joseph Picho (Enrique II) held thetitle. While Jews continued to function as almoxarifesthroughout the fifteenth century, the post was increas-ingly given to Christians.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Baer, Y. A History of the Jews in Christian Spain. 2 vols.Philadelphia, 1966. See index to vol. 2, “Tax-farming.”

84

Roth, N. “New Light on the Jews of Mozarabic Toledo,”AJS Review 11 (1986), 189–220, especially 210 ff.

ALMORAVIDSThe Almoravid (al-Murabitun) Dynasty was foundedin North Africa in the early eleventh century. Unlikethe later more extreme Almohads, they did not particu-larly single out Christians and Jews for persecution.However, the Almoravid ruler Yusuf ibn Tashfin wasinvited by the Muslims of al-Andalus to help defendagainst the invasion of the Castilian king Alfonso VIin 1086. On 23 October of that year, a major battletook place at Zallaqah (Sagrajas, near Badajoz), whichturned the tide temporarily against the Christians intheir efforts to conquer al-Andalus. Using the opportu-nity presented them, the Almoravids remained in al-Andalus and took it over from the weaker local rulers,many of whom were forced to flee.

While they were fierce warriors, they were hardlybarbarians, as they have sometimes been described.They were often intolerant of philosophical ideas. �Alıibn Yusuf, who succeeded his father as ruler in 1106,ordered the burning of the works of the mystic philoso-pher Al-Ghazalı on religious grounds because he disa-greed with his views. On the other hand, the Almora-vids were not able to eradicate the strong hold ofsecular studies and literature among the Muslims of al-Andalus, and poetry especially continued to flourish.

While there is a lack of substantial sources, it ap-pears that there was no persecution of Jews either inNorth Africa or in al-Andalus, at least not in the earlyyears of the dynasty. According to Al-Idrısı (d. 1162),the Jewish Barghawata tribe in the region of Marrakeshhad a sort of “capital of the South,” the Jewish centerof Agmat (Aghmat). The Almoravids fought the “Juda-ized” Berbers there in 1059, and their decisive victorymarked the decline of the Jewish Berber tribes. In theResponsa of Al-Fası, a couple of incidents of Muslimofficials stealing property from Jews are reported andthis was the period of some of the greatest Jewishscholars: Isaac al-Fası, Joseph ibn Saddiq, Judah ibnGhiyath and his son Isaac, and of such outstandingpoets as Moses ibn Ezra and Judah ha-Levy. It is evenpossible that one of the poets wrote a poem commemo-rating the victory of the Almoravid armies against theChristian attacks in Lucena.

The oft-discussed “market regulations” (a manualof laws written by a Muslim judge responsible for themarket) of Seville are somewhat misleading as a trueindicator of relations between Jews and the Almoravidrulers, or certainly the Muslim population, at the time.According to those largely theoretical laws, Muslimscould not massage Christians or Jews in the publicbaths, nor should a Muslim take care of an animal

ALVAREZ DE VILLASANDINO, ALFONSO

owned by a Jew or Christian. Jews were not allowedto slaughter meat for Muslims, although in fact weknow they did. The clothing of lepers, libertines (sex-ually promiscuous people), Jews, or Christians couldnot be sold without indicating their origin. Christiansand Jews were not to dress in the clothing of peopleof position nor greeted with the customary formula“peace be upon you,” for “the devil has gained masteryover them and has made them forget the remembranceof God. They are the devil’s party, and indeed the dev-il’s party are the losers.” Both Jews and Christianswere to wear distinguishing insignia.

In fact, Jews and Muslims, including the rulers,were increasingly on good terms with each other in al-Andalus. It is thus hard to reconcile the statement of thegreat scholar, biblical commentator, and poet Abrahamibn Ezra that he was forced to flee Spain because ofthe “oppressors,” when we have no evidence of anyoppression. Indeed, it is possible that this statementrefers to the Almohad invasion of 1145, although theAlmohads were not firmly established in al-Andalusuntil at least 1163.

We hear of some isolated instances of Jews whoconverted to Islam during the Almoravid period in al-Andalus, but these were voluntary conversions. Thereare few studies of the Almoravid period in general.

NORMAN ROTH

Bibliography

Bosch Vila, J. Los Almoravides. Tetuan, 1956.Huici Miranda, A. “Contribucion al estudio de la dinastıa

almoravide.” Etudes d’orientalisme dediees a la mem-oire de Levi-Provencal. Vol. 2. Paris, 1962. 605–21.

Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal. New York, 1996.Roth, N. Jews, Visigoths, and Muslims in Medieval Spain.

Leiden, 1994, esp. 65–66, 113–16, 149–50.

ALVARES PEREIRA, NUN’Son of Alvaro Goncalves Pereira, Prior of the Hospi-tallers, and Iria Goncalves do Carvalhal, born in Portu-gal, most probably at Sernache do Bonjardim, or Florda Rosa in the Alentejo, in 1360. His life has becomelegend, and it is difficult to separate fact from fictionas the mythmaking process started in his own lifetime.Trained as a knight, he was a deeply religious manwho lived up to the ideals of chivalry, inspired by theadventures of King Arthur and the Knights of theRound Table. In compliance with his father’s wishes,he married Dona Leonor Alvim, a wealthy widow fromnorthern Portugal, becoming a powerful landowner.He began to show his independence of character andhis hatred of Castilian intervention in Portuguese af-fairs at the time of Fernando I’s reign (1365–1383).

85

During the crisis of the dynastic succession(l383–1385), he gave his support to Dom Joao, Masterof Avis, distinguishing himself as a charismatic leaderand a brilliant strategist. By fighting a war of move-ment at a time when laying siege to a town was thegeneral rule, he changed the fortunes of war. The com-bined action of the infantry and bowmen proved anunbeatable match to cavalry charges. In this way werewon in quick succession the battles that establishedfirmly Portuguese independence. Nun’ Alvares Pereirawas made constable or chief general of the Portuguesearmies, and granted large donations of land by Joao I.There was a serious friction between the two men,when Nun’ Alvares distributed this property amongofficers who had served him well in the war. In 1423,he withdrew from the world, taking the Carmelite habitin the church of Carmo, which he had founded in Lis-bon in 1389. Admired as a shining example of patriot-ism, he died in odor of sanctity in 1431 and was beati-fied by the Roman Catholic Church in l9l8.

LUIS REBELO

Bibliography

Baiao, A. Biografia de Santo Condestavel. Lisbon, 1952.Chronica do Condestabre de Portugal. Coimbra, 1911.Lopes, F. Cronica del Rei Dom Joham I. 2 vols. Lisbon,

1968–73.

ALVAREZ DE VILLASANDINO, ALFONSOA Castilian poet active from the early 1360s well intothe reign of Juan II. Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandinowas of petty noble birth, and therefore felt entitled tocall himself trovador, poet for honor. But as his for-tunes declined, he took on the character of a juglar,poet for pay. First and last, he was a man of the court:his writings testify that he was in royal company fromthe time of Enrique II to the early years of the majorityof Juan. His production is large and varied. In the earlyTrastamara years he wrote in Galician, largely cantigasde amor love poems not greatly different from thoseof Macias or of the archdeacon of Toro. In later yearshe abandoned Galician for Castilian, composing alongthe way poems in a hybrid language, with elements ofboth. The themes, genres, and style of his productionalso changed. He continued to write both amorous anddevout songs, though the former tended to be moreelaborate and varied than his Gallego pieces. His laterwork is subtler in theme and more complicated in form.And song no longer monopolized his work. There ap-pear dezires (narrative poems) of all sorts—allegori-cal, occasional, religious, and poems of petition, thelast of which rank among his wittiest and most delight-ful. The changes that overtake Villasandino’s produc-

ALVAREZ DE VILLASANDINO, ALFONSO

tion over time deserve special comment. The oldermanuals describe him globally as a member of the Ga-laico-Provencal school. The term is misleading. It fitsperfectly the early Villasandino, the poet in Galician:at least one body of poetry in Galician or Portugueseis based generally on a set of rules and conventionsinherited from those of Provencal song. Villasandino’slater work is a response to social changes and to newcurrents in taste, but most importantly, it is a reflectionof a second wave of Provencal influence in Castilianpoetry, this time coming from the teachings of the Con-sistory of the Gay Science in Toulouse. The immediatesource of the doctrine is almost certainly the copies oravatars of that institution, which existed in Barcelonaand Valencia in his day. The formal complexity of hislater verse, the elaborate metrical schemes, and thedifficult rhyming patterns undoubtedly owe their exis-tence to this neo-Provencal strain.

CHARLES F. FRAKER

Bibliography

Azaceta, J. M. (ed.) Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena.3 vols. Madrid, 1966.

Menendez Pidal, R. Poesia juglaresca y juglares. 6th ed.Madrid, 1957.

ALVAREZ GATO, JUANConverso (Christian convert) poet born in Madrid ca.1440. He served at the court of Enrique IV under thepatronage of Beltran de la Cueva. Later Alvarez Gatoentered the service of two powerful Castilian conversofamilies, the Arias Davila and the Mendozas of Guada-lajara. Toward the end of his career at court, he becamethe majordomo of Queen Isabel I. Alvarez Gato wasclose friends with Fray Hernando de Talavera, thequeen’s confessor and archbishop of Granada, withwhom he shared a contemplative religious sensibilitymarked by a sense of doctrinal tolerance. Alvarez Gatodied between 1510 and 1512.

Alvarez Gato’s poetry is generally seen as devel-oping in two periods: the first, dominated by profane,amorous verse characterized by hyperbolic religiousmetaphors and comparisons; and the second, whosetenor is religious and moral, marked by a deep spiritu-ality that leads Alvarez Gato to appropriate and endowpopular literary motifs with a religious sense (a stylereferred to as a lo divino).

E. MICHAEL GERLI

Bibliography

Marquez-Villanueva, F. Investigaciones sobre Juan AlvarezGato. Madrid, 1960.

Scholberg, K. R. Satira e invectiva en la Espana medieval.Madrid, 1971.

86

ALVARO, PELAYOAlvaro Pelayo (Alvaro Pais) (d. 1353), a PortugueseFranciscan, after taking his doctorate in canon law atthe University of Bologna and serving in the papalcuria, was elevated to the bishopric of Silves in theAlgarve in 1333. Conflict over ecclesiastical rightswith Afonso IV of Portugal forced him to withdrawto Seville in 1349, where he later died.

A vigorous author, his principal work is the Deplanctu ecclesiae, written about l330 at the request ofPope John XXII, as a defense of the absolute authorityof the pope and a counterattack on Marsiglio of Padua,author of the Defensor pacis, and other champions ofsecular power. In order to achieve its spiritual purposeof leading all men to salvation, the church, in Alvaro’sjudgment, had need of a complex hierarchical struc-ture, laws, and property. The pope, as the vicar ofChrist, was godlike (quasi Deus) in the power and au-thority that he exercised subject to the constraints ofno individual or institution. Endowed with a plenitudeof power that included the temporal realm, the popesanctioned and justified secular rulership. The HolyRoman Emperor was a papal delegate to whom otherkings (excepting “the kings of Spain . . . because theyhave ripped their kingdoms out of the jaws of theenemy”) were subordinated. While Alvaro effectivelysynthesized old arguments, the ideas that he espousedwere coming under increasing challenge from royalistlawyers and even from canonists and theologians whobelieved that papal authority had been carried to ex-tremes.

Besides his defense of the papal theocracy, Alvarolamented the abuses that he perceived in all ranks inthe church and in Christian society. Those who cameunder his lash included members of the papal curia;usurers; concubinary clerics; friars guilty of pride, idle-ness, incontinence, and ambition; and papal inquisitorswho condemned victims in order to seize their moneyfor themselves. Peasants, too, were a sinful lot whowere unfaithful to their marriage vows and kept them-selves from their wives so as not to have children theycould not support. Although they attended church, theyonly entered during the elevation of the mass in orderto see the Body of Christ, but not to receive it.

Alvaro also refuted various heresies in his Colly-rium fidei contra hereses. His Speculum regum, a mir-ror for princes written between 1341 and 1344, wasdedicated to Alfonso XI of Castile, whom he exhortedto defend the faith against the infidels, to expel theMoors from Spain, and to conquer Africa, because itpertained to the inheritance of the Visigothic kings.Ever the moralist, he castigated kings for failing toseek the counsel of their subjects, for manipulating thecoinage to the detriment of the people, and for their

A Altisent, A. La descentralizacíon administrativa del Monasterio de Poblet en la Edad Media. Abadia de Poblet, 1985. Lekai, L. The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality. Kent, Ohio, 1977. Braunfels, W. Monasteries of Western Europe: The Architecture of the Orders. Princeton, N.J., 1972. Chejne, A. G. Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis, 1974. Vernet, J. La cultura hispanoárabe en oriente y occidente. Barcelona, 1978. Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus. London, 1996. Lévi-Provençal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane, 3 vols. Leiden, 1950–53. Ibn Bullugin , ʿA. El siglo XI en primera persona. Ed. and trans. E. Garcīa Gómez , et al., Madrid, 1979. Chejne, A. G. Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis, 1974. Vernet, J. La cultura hispanoárabe en oriente y occidente. Barcelona, 1978. “ʿAbd al-Raḥmān,” in Encyclopedia of Islam. 2d ed. Leiden. Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus. London, 1996. Lévi-Provençal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane. 3 vols. Leiden, 1950–53. Coope, J. The Martyrs of Córdoba. Lincoln, Nebr., 1995. Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus. London, 1996. Lévi-Provençal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane. 3 vols. Leiden, 1950–53. “ʿAbd al-Raḥmān,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2d ed. Leiden. Fierro, M. I. “Sobre la adopción del título califal por ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III.” Sharq al-Andalus 6 (1989), 33–42. Kennedy, H. Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus. London, 1996. Lévi-Provençal, E. Histoire de l’Espagne musulmane. 3 vols. Leiden, 1950–53. Vallvé Bermejo, J. El Califato de Córdoba. Madrid, 1992. Abraham bar Ḥayya . The Meditation of the Sad Soul. Trans. and with an intro. by G. Wigoder . London, 1969. Millás Vallicrosa, J. M. Estudios sobre historia de la ciencia española. Barcelona, 1949. 219–262. Millás Vallicrosa, J. M. Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la ciencia española. 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