Maniera of the Architecture of Albrecht of Wallenstein

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Maniera of the Architecture of Albrecht of Wallenstein*

Petr Uličný — u t r e c h t – p r a g u e

‘He built splendid residences, including the beautiful pal-ace in Prague, which is magnificent in all aspects.’

Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, History of Albrecht of Wal-lenstein, Duke of Friedland, 16431

The phenomenal number of buildings completed or planned in the short period of one decade (ca. 1622–1634) by Albrecht of Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland, Zagan and Mecklenburg, the real value and impor-tance of which we are only just beginning to realise, meant that the Duke’s architectural dreams could be realised by an equally phenomenal amount of talented architects and builders. As well as architects Giovanni Marini, Andrea Spezza, Giovanni Pieroni and Niccolò Sebregondi, he also employed builders Vincenzo Boc-caccio, Giacomo Macetti, Giacomo Serena, Domenico Polato, and others.2

Written documents safely attest that the designs of Wallenstein’s own buildings or their parts were drawn up for him by many architects. A chronicler called Casper Binsfeld identifies Andrea Spezza as the author of the plans for the Monastery of Valdice. After his death in 1628 Giovanni Pieroni created a new design to complete Wallenstein’s residence in the town of Jičín, and an anonymous builder, temporarily sub-stituting Spezza’s role, had to design a residential building for a stud farm in Smrkovice. Other plans for the Carthusian monastery were drawn up by Giovanni Marini, who was also ordered to design a project for the first Jesuit College in Jičín. Some projects, such as the funeral chapel of General Pappenheim at the Strahov Monastery, came from the hand of the last above-men-tioned architect, Niccolò Sebregondi.3

Despite a number of architects taking turns in the service of the Duke of Friedland or working in par-allel, in the literature on Wallenstein’s buildings the tendency is to select just one of them and place that one in a superior position to the others. The others, if they are at all granted the ability to understand the architecture or to draw, end up at least as architects of secondary importance. This kind of hero worship or need to find some kind of universal author, however, proves inadequate on closer scrutiny of the complex of Wallensteinian building architecture and its history.4 Besides presenting a more balanced view of this com-plex history, the purpose of this study is to name and analyse Wallenstein’s ‘maniera’ and his ducal style.

The large number of designers mentioned as par-ticipating in Wallenstein’s construction projects in no way limited the use of several characteristic elements in nearly all the buildings. With so many of them this is certainly a phenomenon worthy of attention because it

can also be a sign of a certain unification of the ‘mani-era’ that they all had to observe. This was especially true when a building already under construction was taken over by another architect; it may even be a sign of mutual inspiration. In addition to some general ele-ments such as fluted pseudo triglyphs, curved flut-ing, or fitting a niche or window above a portal, it is one leitmotif in particular that has attracted the most attention: the cluster of drops (guttae), of which the middle one is manneristically elongated. This element, in classical morphology suspended on the triglyphs of the Doric entablature, found its way into the most diverse parts of the façades and interiors of Wallen-stein’s buildings.

The long list begins with both types of dormers of the Wallenstein Palace in Prague. For the first dormer, installed over the main part of the palace, the motif of drops is used for the window sill; for the second, on the lower extensions flanking the garden, it adorns the top keystone. It was hung on the entrance portals of the main façade in three places: above the capitals of columns and on the keystone under a lion’s mask. It is similarly applied in three places on the main (blind) portal, here beneath the obelisks of the stucco archi-volt. It was frequently fixed to the top of the fronton. So it dominated the top of the triangular pediment of the two street portals into the stable and pages’ court of the Prague palace, and the trio of portals of the cor-ridor connecting the chapel with the Count’s wing. The theme is used in a similar way on the pendant portals of the eastern staircase landing on the first floor of the residence in Jičín. Similarly, a keystone with a trio of drops hangs from the fronton above the large niches at an angle of the garden of the palace in Prague. It is also found hanging on the corbel of all the outside corridors of the Prague residence and at the reveals of the gateway portals on both sides of the stable court. Similar drops hang from the elements embedded in the frieze below the first-storey-niche of the façade of the Carthusian Monastery church in Valdice, and in a high-ly abstract form its tip fastens the diamond-shaped body to the pilaster capitals on the ground storey of the palace chapel in Prague. The motif also occurs in a different form at the Jesuit College in Jičín. Here five drops of alternating lengths hang above every pilaster capital, dividing the façade of the back court. A trio of drops of varying lengths also revives the oriel cornice of the Land House (No. 10) in Jičín.

Although it originated in Renaissance Italy, this motif seems to be used there – unlike on Wallenstein’s buildings – rather occasionally. Bernardo Ammannati, for example, used it to complete the capricious composi-tion of spandrel capitals in the second courtyard façade of the Palazzo della Signoria in Lucca, the construction

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P e t r U l i č n ý . M A N I E R A O F T H E A R C H I T E C T U R E O F A L B R E C H T O F W A L L E N S T E I N

of which began in 1576.5 Another prominent architect of the late Cinquecento, Domenico Fontana, suspended it in a similar way under the pseudo triglyph of the fountain in the garden of the Villa Montalto in Rome built by Pope Sixtus V (1585–1590).6 The theme was also adopted on the façades of one of the most expensive buildings of the early Roman Seciento, a chapel attached to the church of Santa Maria Maggiore and built in the years 1605–1615 by Pope Paul V’s architect Flaminio Ponzio.7 In the meantime, it had begun to appear also in the architec-ture of Central Europe, where it was introduced by Ital-ian-Swiss builders. The mason Giovanni Lucano Reitino da Lugano used it on the tombstones of Giovanni Gemmy (died 1608) in the Franciscan Church in Kraków and of Jadwiga Włodek in the Franciscan Monastery in the Polish town of Krosno (1611).8 Wallenstein’s buildings are probably the first to which this element was applied in Bohemia, assuming that the two portals, considered an excellent example of Rudolphine architecture, are the work of one of Wallenstein’s architects.

Both portals frame the entrances to St. Roch Chap-el at Strahov Monastery in Prague, founded by Rudolf II in thanksgiving for the end of a plague that hit Prague

in 1599.9 Nevertheless, the portals were not yet com-pleted in 1617 when, on 23 September, the mason Gio-vanni Battista Bussi de Campione drew up a budget for their execution.10 Still, it is likely they were finished during the final work in 1625 and 1626, because it was only on 7 May 1625 that the architect Melchior Meer signed a contract for the completion of the chapel, including the installation of both portals.11 It is not only the mentioned drop motif, which is here used on the side portal of the chapel. Also typical is the form of the portal jamb, composed of two clustered frames: the internal one of the main portal breaks in exactly the same way as the framing of the antechamber fireplace in Wallenstein’s Prague palace apartment.

The portals are also associated with Wallenstein-ian architecture by their segmental pediment. In the hierarchy of entrances occurring in Wallenstein’s archi-tecture and created by his architects, this type of por-tal was designed especially for ecclesiastical buildings as opposed to secular architecture, where this form almost never appears.12 One such portal serves as the entrance into the château chapel in Bělá pod Bezdězem, dating from 1629,13 and another leads into the Carthu-

1/ Wallenstein Palace in Prague A dormer above the Sala Terrena

ca. 1625Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

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sian Church in the Valdice Monastery, founded in 1632, but finished some time around 1655.14 Furthermore, Giovanni Pieroni planned to use this pediment above the entrance portal of the Church of St Matthew in Moravian Brtnice, as attested by the plan drawn for Wallenstein’s General Rombaldo Collalto.15 A similar type of portal now frames the entrance to the chapel in Náchod Château, probably also designed by Pieroni for Wallenstein’s former General Ottaviano Piccolomini.16

mented as early as 1621, his certificate from Mendrisio (south of Lake Lugano in Switzerland) with which he obtained a burgess-ship in the Lesser Town, is however dated 11 April 1625.18 Giovanni Marini can also be iden-tified as the Prague guild master Jan Maryn or Marini mentioned in 1628.19

Whilst still residing on his Moravian estates Wal-lenstein sought a religious Order for which he could build a monastery and thus fulfil the wishes of his deceased wife Lukrécie Nekšová of Landek. He finally found the Carthusians, for whom he chose a site near Štípa close to the present-day town of Zlín. As the Val-dice Monastery chronicler Casper Binsfeld recalled years later, Wallenstein devoted himself solely to ‘seri-ous matters’, such as economics and engineering, and for this he ‘also called in Italian masters at great cost’.20 The chronicler then goes on to mention the establish-ment of Štípa Monastery; thus it seems he thought that Wallenstein had called in these Italian masters to execute this project. Only one of those builders, men-tioned by Binsfeld by name, was a stonemason, John of Maria (Ioannes a Lapicida Maria), who, along with several Carthusian fathers, was imprisoned in 1620 in Olomouc by the rebelling Moravian Estates.21 Further in the text Binsfeld indicates that this craftsman is the very same mason who worked later for Wallenstein in Valdice, stating that the stonemason who worked on the building of the Valdice Carthusian monastery was ‘John of Maria, a Helvetian, who was imprisoned by the heretics in Olomouc together with our fathers.’22 In 1618 Wallenstein participated in the Venetian War and ‘in the meantime’, writes Binsfeld, ‘through experienced architects he laid the foundations of a beautiful church and monastic cells from the cut and polished stone’.23 The temporal context, that the church was founded by ‘experienced architects’ following the war campaign, could indicate that Wallenstein acquired these builders on this expedition.24

Following the death of Wallenstein, this builder, in this case referred to as a bricklayer named Johan Maria Bossi, demanded payment of the 300 guilders owed to him for his work in Valdice.25 Shortly after Wal-lenstein’s death came a very important record about Marini’s contribution to other of Wallenstein’s build-ings. In connection with the planned construction of the central wing between the second and third court-yard of Prague Castle, the Court Chamber requested the presence of the building master Johann Maria, ‘welcher des von Friedland palatium erstlichen vollführet’, to attend the official site inspection in 1638.26 It can only be understood to mean that this builder began con-struction of the Wallenstein Palace in Prague, which is also supported by other reports. When witnesses of the start of the construction of this palace were sought after Wallenstein’s death, Hans Marina de Bossi, the Lesser Town burgher, was approached. And he testi-fied that he had been ordered by Wallenstein to demol-ish six houses on the land under the jurisdiction of St Thomas Monastery.27 Marini’s workload in this period also shows a well-known passage concerning the early beginnings of the Jesuit College in Jičín, recorded by Bohuslav Balbín in the chronicle of this College: ‘Then the founder ordered the noble architect John Baptista Marini of Milan, not without some discomfort to him

2/ Wallenstein Palace in Prague A corbel of the corridor in the Count’s

courtca. 1628

Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

The question of which of Wallenstein’s architects was behind the ‘maniera’ feature of any one of his buildings, or whether it involved more than one hand, cannot be answered without further debate, and it is necessary to take into account possible contributions from these three architects: Giovanni Marini, Andrea Spezza, and Giovanni Pieroni.

The most senior of all the architects and builders employed by Wallenstein was Giovanni Battista Marini de Bussi, whose name was also written as Joan Maria. Due to these two versions of his name he is referred to in the literature as two different builders working for Wallenstein.17 In Prague Marini is allegedly docu-

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(for it was in Prague at this time that Albrecht was build-ing his house beneath the royal castle at a cost of many thousands of guilders), to hurry from Prague to Jičín and after seeing a site selected by the Fathers in the city, he drew a sketch of the College and brought it back with him to Prague as soon as possible.’28 Balbín adds that this happened on 23 July 1623 and that the architect, together with Father Coronius and Kučera, ascended Jičín Tower (Valdická Gate) and then discussed what would be the best site for the college.

After the first years of Wallenstein’s construction fever in Bohemia, when Marini was an indispensable builder and designer for the future duke, it seems he lost ground to Andrea Spezza and Giovanni Pieroni. The reports from the years 1629 and 1630 show that at the time Marini was working on the Prague palace, but in particular, that during Spezza’s lifetime Marini was working under leadership of the latter.29 Casper Bins-feld recorded a similar hierarchy during the construc-tion of the Carthusian monastery in Valdice. Accord-ing to him, ‘the plan of the monastery was designed by architect Andrea Spezza, the best that the whole of Italy could offer. He was Prince Albrecht’s personal architect, originally from Milan. His own brother John Spezza acted

as overseer of the construction.’30 As mentioned above, ‘the Helvetian John of Maria’ was only a stonemason here. However, the architecture of the Valdice Monas-tery certainly did not emerge so simply. By Spezza’s death in January 1628 construction of the monastic church had not yet begun, and by the time it was founded in 1632 a different design, probably created by Giovanni Pieroni, was favoured. The original version of the church was to have taken into account the design by Giovanni Marini, as Wallenstein himself eloquently wrote in a letter dated 27 August 1627. In it the Duke clarified his wishes regarding the disposition of the burial chapels with the words: ‘Tell the Carthusian Prior, as well as the builder, that I want to build two chapels in the church for the funeral, as is shown in the disegnio by John Maria.’31 However, this account probably can-not be interpreted in the sense that the author of the plan of the then founded monastery was Marini. Spezza died just six months later, in January 1628, and it is unlikely that the monastery’s designer was replaced in such a short time, although this certainly cannot be ruled out given Wallenstein’s fiery temper. Instead, it appears from the letter that the Duke was think-ing of some earlier design which preceded Spezza’s

3/ Flaminio Ponzio, the façade with a motif of rhythmical drops

Paolina Chapel at Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome


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4/ Wallenstein Palace in Prague A fireplace in the Duke’s antechamberca. 1623Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

5/ The Church of St Roch at Strahov in Prague The main portalca. 1624Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

6/ The Castle of Bělá pod Bezdězem The chapel portal1629Photo: Tomáš Rasl, 2011

7/ Giovanni Pieroni (attrib.), the façade portal of the Church of St JosephA former Carthusian monastery in Valdicefounded 1632Photo: Tomáš Rasl, 2010

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implemented project; either the project for the Štípa Carthusian monastery, in the construction of which Marini participated, or any variation that could have occurred after the arrival of the Carthusians in Jičín. In this regard, it is noteworthy that the town of Jičín must already have made the first significant expenditure as early as in 1622 ‘to the Lords the Carthusian Fathers for the building of the monastery’. Indeed, this is almost certainly related to ‘expenditure of 2 building masters and one lieutenant from his Merciful Lord from Prague to Jičín (that) had been dispatched to measure the sites for construction’.32

The foundation charter of the Carthusian Mon-astery in Štípa was issued by Albrecht of Wallenstein on 1 May 1617, but it was confirmed by the Bishop of Olomouc with a year’s delay only on 23 June 1618.33 According to Binsfeld, the monastery church was founded that year so work on it could continue until early 1620, i.e. only for less than two years, until the Carthusians were forced to leave for Olomouc because of the Bohemian Revolt. After the Battle of the White Mountain, Wallenstein sent the Carthusians as early as in 1621 to Jičín in order to found a new Carthu-sian monastery in the town’s vicinity, so one cannot assume that the construction work in Štípa could have resumed. Despite the very short construction time, it is apparent in the present building, consecrated after the Baroque completion in 1765, that at least part of the church, up to the main cornice, had been erected (by 1621).34 An important question to answer therefore is whether the unusually monumental layout of today’s church interior could also be considered in its basis as part of the original building. The presbytery, more of which was probably completed in Wallenstein’s time than the nave, begins with an entrance to the presby-tery supported by two columns, of which the corner column extends almost in its entirety into the space. This is followed by a narrow intercolumniation framed by pilasters, and this entire composition is mirrored at the end of the choir. The use of the narrow intercolum-niation immediately behind the triumphal arch could have been due to the presence of the rood-screen at this spot, which is indicated today by the two opposite entrances and the discovery of the cloister walk foun-dations at the northern wall of the presbytery.35 The application of this monumental system before the late Baroque completion is illustrated by a veduta of Štípa dating from 1730.36 In many respects this illustration is highly inaccurate; the presbytery is depicted only as a low-rise wall, although it is clear that by that time it must already have reached the height of the main cornice. Taking this distortion into account, a kind of cylindrical object, captured in the transition between the nave and the presbytery, can, after correcting the height deformation, be identified as what is today the fully developed corner column of the entrance to the presbytery. Much less of the planned nave was built by that time, and as shown by a recent archaeological survey this part of the church was erected anew during the late Baroque completion.37

If at least the presbytery can be considered to con-form to the original layout of the Štípa church, it must be regarded as one of the most interesting examples of architecture built in the Bohemian lands at the time,


8/ Giovanni Pieroni (attrib.), the chapel portalThe Castle of Náchodca. 1654Photo: Tomáš Rasl, 2011

9/ Wallenstein Palace in Prague The façade windowPhoto: Petr Uličný, 2010

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surpassing in its monumentality and in the rhythm of its intercolumniation the interiors of other churches built at the same time: in Stará Boleslav and the Holy Trinity in the Lesser Town (Malá Strana) in Prague. If we have therefore come to expect that during the Thirty Years’ War the architecture of Albrecht of Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland, Meklenburg and Zagan far exceeded the standard of quality in Central Europe at the time, looking at the Štípa church we can now start to count from the time when Wallenstein was only the Chamber-lain of Emperor Matthias, Ferdinand II, Austrian Arch-duke Maximilian and commander of 3000 infantrymen of the Moravian Estates.38 The author of this architec-ture can be identified as Giovanni Battista Marini de Bussi, even though he is recorded here by Binsfeld as just a stone mason, because immediately after his relo-cation to Bohemia he apparently stood at the head of Wallenstein’s feverish construction business.

Interiors furnished with columns, unlike in Roman or Florentine architecture, decorate many of the northern Italian churches. In the second half of the 16th century interiors with that rhythmical alternating bay arrange-ment like that in Štípa began to appear in northern Italy. It was Pellegrino Tibaldi who in the Jesuit Church of St Fedele in Milan, designed in 1566 and built in the 1570s, inventively divided the nave into two identical sequences arranged into three bays with a central bay about twice the size of the outer ones.39 Similarly, alternating wide bays were used by Giovanni Magenta in the Bologna Churches of St Salvatore (1605–1623) and St Peter.40 Marini, who, according to Balbín, was an architect from Milan, certainly knew these works, and in Štípa, it seems, he created a distinctive variation on their design.

This may not be the only structure that Marini designed in Moravia. The remarkable Early Baroque pilgrimage church in Vranov near Brno, the construc-


10/ Andrea Spezza, the lower-storey niche of the façadeThe Camaldolese church in Bielany near Krakówca. 1618Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

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tion of which began only a year before Štípa, that is, in 1617, was designed by an architect named Joan Marie, while the construction was undertaken by Andrea Erna in that year.41 The name of the designer of the church is translated as Giovanni Maria Filippi i.e. a prominent former imperial builder,42 but it could equally have been Wallenstein’s builder Giovanni Marini de Bussi.

Marini’s authorship of the Štípa church project might be proved by another construction work in which he participated. In 1636 a fire destroyed the Church of the Holy Cross in the town of Kadaň43 and a year later the City Council commissioned Marini to reconstruct the destroyed church’s choir.44 Like in Štípa, here, using the outer walls of the old Gothic church, the architect divided the interior into three bays, with the central one much wider than the other two. The monumental-ity of columns is lacking here and has been replaced by the plasticity of clustered pilasters.

The architectural project of the Wallenstein Palace in Prague, in the construction of which Giovanni Marini, according to abovementioned sources, was instrumental during the early stages, has been attributed to another of Wallenstein’s multitude of architects, namely, to the famous builder, engineer and astronomer in one, Gio-vanni Pieroni.45 This native Florentine and student of the distinguished architect Bernardo Buontalenti set out for Central Europe in May or April 1622 to serve as a military engineer at the imperial court. He appeared in Prague in the autumn of that year, where he was also accompanied by another Florentine, a young artist and engineer Baccio del Bianco.46 Much later afterwards Bianco recalled his arrival in Prague and his meet-ing with Albrecht of Wallenstein, for whom he created some vivid paintings in the Prague palace at the time. In a famous letter where he names all these works, he writes that he was selected for this job by ‘the archi-


11/ Andrea Spezza (attrib.), a niche of the façade

The church in Nowy Wiśnicz near Kraków

1618–1621Photo: Petr Uličný, 2010

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12/ Venus Temple in Baalbek, Lebanonca. A. D. 200

After Daniel Krencker (et alii.), Baalbek. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen

und Untersuchungen in der Jahren 1898 bis 1905 II, Berlin – Leipzig

1923, pl. 60

tect’ of the palace.47 Had this architect been Pieroni himself, with whom Bianco came to Prague and whom he mentions in the letter, Bianco would probably not have failed to mention him directly as the architect of the palace. Having been so often quoted, especially the parts about Wallenstein’s choleric temper, it is surpris-ing that in this same letter Bianco even gives the name of that architect. At the time Baccio was commissioned to create a painting for Wallenstein, for which, in his opinion, he required two whole months for sketching. When Wallenstein heard this, he turned to him and uttered in surprise: ‘Two months?’ Bianco continues

that he was waiting any minute for ‘Spezza, that was the surname of the architect’ to come and dismiss him.

That Pieroni was not the architect of the part of the palace being constructed at that time is also demon-strated by the fact that he arrived in Prague just before the completion of the building. Wallenstein bought the former Trčka palace, which was to become the base of his magnificent residence as early as March 1621, and it seems he had already decided then to rebuild it, as is proved by the date 1623 inscribed on the vault of the great hall and indicating the year of completion of the stucco decoration.48 It was in this year that Baccio del Bianco was probably involved in the work on this residence and also that Pieroni contributed the idea of painting the ceiling of the great hall depicting the God Mars in a chariot.49

His participation in designing the first stage of the palace is thus not confirmed by Bianco’s testimony and that is in line with other documents. As Bianco describes further on in his letter, he then worked for about a year on some ‘lunettes’ depicting scenes of

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St Francis in an unnamed Franciscan monastery and he carefully avoided meeting Wallenstein again. In Sep-tember, after returning to Prague, he then went back to Italy with a group of Milanese artisans, masons and stucco workers,50 and his presence in Florence is docu-mented as early as in February 1625.51 His dramatic departure from Wallenstein’s palace thus probably took place some time in late 1623 or in early 1624, when Spezza was present at the palace to assist or replace Giovanni Marini.

Perhaps this best demonstrates the complexity of the origins of Wallensteinian architecture, or in other words, how oversimplified our ideas are about how the Wallenstein construction office worked. In early 1624, when it seems he already had two architects working on his Prague palace, namely Marini and Spezza, he let the third architect, Giovanni Pieroni, draw the designs for the planned Jičín residence and maybe also for a project for the extension of his palace in Prague.52

Furthermore, Spezza’s participation in the design of the first stage of the Prague palace can even be sug-gested, considering the monumental façade of the Camaldolese church in Bielany near Kraków designed

by this architect prior to his arrival in Bohemia. Here he used framing to decorate the windows and niches on the ground storey, which are similar to the framing of the windows in Wallenstein’s residence, and have an enigmatic semicircular finish that is considered ‘a critical form’ for the architecture of this palace.53

Construction of the Bielany Monastery began in 1605 and was based on a project that its founder, Mikołaj Wolski, a royal adviser and former courtier of Emperor Rudolf II, probably acquired in Rome in 1602. In 1609 the site for the church was consecrated, howev-er, the structure collapsed in the spring of 1617.54 Sub-sequently, Andrea Spezza was commissioned to devel-op a new project and take over the construction. On 6 March 1618 he signed a contract with masters George Balarin of Ostrava and John Kinkowski for cutting the stone from Ostrava for the façade and ‘to build a church on the Silver Mountain, according to my design’.55 The next contract for work on the façade was signed on 2 November of that year with stonemason Thomas Mro-zek of Kraków. Construction of the church must have progressed rapidly because in the years 1619–1622 a mason called Giacomo Materna was already working


13/ Wallenstein Palace in Prague The façade entrance portal


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on the window jambs of the upper storey.56 Prior to his arrival in Bielany, Spezza had worked on unnamed imperial commissions in Bohemia,57 where he arrived in 1615 after leaving work on the castle in Oldenburg, Lower Saxony.58 Because the first contract was dated before the outbreak of the Bohemian Revolt in May of that year, one may assumed that Spezza did not seek refuge in Poland, but, as a builder with the requisite reputation, was invited there. Evidently, before his arrival the body of the church and a series of side chap-els had already been built. Thus, Spezza’s own work is the ashlar façade, executed to his design, and the win-dows and niches in the basement.59 These differ from the windows of the Prague palace only in that the edges of the outer archivolts curve manneristically into the volutes and this theme is repeated in the same way in the niches of the entrance gate. Alternative designs of outer archivolts are applied in the ground-storey niches of the façade of the parish church in Nowy Wiśnicz near Kraków, built in the years 1618–1621. Spezza’s authorship is not documented, but the analogy with the architecture of the nearby monastery in Bielany makes this possible.60

The church façade of the monastery in Bielany is decorated with yet another familiar detail of Wal-lensteinian architecture: the previously mentioned rhythmical drop motif. In this form it is suspended under the sill section of the niche frames and under the cornice above the frieze of the side portals. Below the summit of the pediment, where this motif can be found in Wallensteinian architecture a corbel is used instead. Drops are, however, used in this position on the otherwise virtually identical portal, except for its segmented pediment, that frames the entrance to the Tomb of Our Lady’s Chapel in Kalwaria Zebrzydowska south of Kraków, work that is also rightly attributed to Spezza.61 Both of these beautiful portals are not in fact Spezza’s invention, because they are very accurate cop-ies of Della Porta’s main-floor windows of the Palace of the Senators at the Capitol in Rome,62 but accompanied only by the drop motif or corbels, respectively.63 And the main portal of the church in Bielany is similarly derived from the windows of the upper-storey façades and upper-storey side elevation of the Church of San Fedele in Milan.64 Leaving aside the balustrade on the gable, taken from the monumental façade of the Ora-tory in Saronno, north of Milan,65 only the character-istic window-and-niche framing of the ground storey remains as a display of Spezza’s inventive architectural vocabulary. And even this one probably ultimately orig-inated from the monumental façades of the presbytery of the Bishop Church of St Wenceslas in Olomouc, the cladding of which was decorated with a similar window framing until the church was regothicised in the late 19th century.66

The reason Francis of Dietrichstein, Cardinal and Bishop of Olomouc, had for establishing this impressive work was clearly his intention to move the graves of the two missionaries Cyril and Methodius to this location, as they had brought Christianity – that is Catholicism – to Moravia, and thus demonstrate the re-Catholicisa-tion of ‘heretic’ Bohemia. Perhaps the fact that he was not able to acquire the graves of the Salonika brothers delayed the construction of the choir until long after the

Cardinal’s death in 1636. In addition, the construction, launched some time at the turn of 1618, was undoubt-edly interrupted by the Bohemian Revolt in 1618 and hindered by the Thirty Years’ War, so that even in 1664 the building was still described as unfinished. It is also unclear when the characteristic two rows of windows were executed, even though, in all probability, they were part of the original design.67After all, the unusual framing of these windows perfectly illustrates the idea of the Moravian missionaries’ mausoleum. Searching for their direct formal models in Italian architecture has so far proved fruitless, so the emphasis on an idea expressed long ago that inspiration was drawn from the niches of the Temple of Venus at Baalbek, Lebanon, is warranted.68 Detailed documentation of this ancient temple may have existed in the first half of the 17th century. The unusual composition of the lantern with convex walls in Borromini’s Roman church of Sant’Ivo alla Sapienza is practically identical.69 Using a theme from antiquity, a beautiful and richly elaborated shape on the top of it, would have provided the façades of the Olomouc choir an archaic look, suitable for the intended purpose of the mausoleum. Looking for an architect capable of creating this enigmatic window composition is in fact irrelevant, because the ‘author’, that is the designer, was apparently Cardinal Dietrich-stein himself.70 And, accordingly, the strips of the same windows on Wallenstein’s palace in Prague can also be seen in the same light as a classical theme. They complemented the ancient references in the design of the garden71 and especially the depiction of the Trojan War in the garden Sala Terrena.72 Moreover, Wallen-stein built two of his grandiose suburban gardens, one in today’s Troja (Troy) near Prague and the second one by Valdice deer-park near Jičín, conceived as the arti-ficial ancient ruins of the classical city; and he even furnished the one in Troja with a ‘classical’ horseshoe-shaped auditorium.73

The fact that similar window forms appear on the façade of the church in Bielany, designed by Spezza in 1618, i.e. immediately after the construction of the choir in Olomouc had begun, indicates the high probability that Spezza was involved in this magnificent construc-tion. All in all, it was certainly here that he secured his reputation, which then helped him to win the com-mission for the monastery in Bielany. However, if Wal-lenstein, like Cardinal Dietrichstein, was the ‘author’ of these characteristic windows for his palace, then Spezza’s possible role as the creator of the first stage of the Wallenstein Palace seems to be less convincing. Especially since the forms of the Prague windows are virtually identical to those in Olomouc,74 while in Bie-lany, Spezza manneristically transformed these noble, ancient motifs by curving the top archivolts into the volute.75 Furthermore, Wallenstein resided at the time of the foundation of the Olomouc choir on his Moravian estates, and must certainly have known Dietrichstein very well.76

Distinguishing any possible contribution from both Andrea Spezza and Giovanni Marini is also diffi-cult because they both come from the same place; their birthplace being only about ten kilometres apart,77 and the architectural vocabulary they came to work with in Bohemia could have been very similar. They were

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probably both very familiar with the architecture of Milan, where they may also have gained work experi-ence; Balbín on Marini and Binsfeld on Spezza said that they came from Milan. The famous Milanese architect of this period, Francesco Maria Ricchino (1584–1658), liked to use the rhythmical drops so typical in Wal-lensteinian architecture. As early as 1607 he applied it to the façade of the Church of San Giuseppe and later to several other buildings, such as the windows of the guest-house in the Pavia Carthusian monastery in 1626.78 The portals of the Prague palace façade also resemble the Milanese with their broken cornices, as they enjoyed the same popularity in Ricchino’s designs as the mentioned drop motif. In 1606 he used it in the central window of one of his projects for the façade of Milan Cathedral, and it was replicated by the architect Lorenzo Binago in the façade design for the New Cathe-dral in Brescia, dating from around 1613.79 Ricchino also applied the cornice to the façade windows of the already mentioned Church of San Giuseppe and the Church of San Giacomo in the monastery in Vergini Spagnole, also from 1607.80

On the other hand, this theme was also very well known in Bohemia, through the treatises of the Rudol-phine theorist Gabriel Krammer, in which it was a char-acteristic detail of the illustrations.81 The Milanese ori-gin of some details of the palace, however, might be supported by Bianco’s abovementioned report that in September 1624 he was leaving Prague with a group of Milanese masons and stucco workers.82 They are likely to have been working on at the time completed first stage of the palace.

Similarly, of ambivalent value for the architectural analysis as the window framings may also be the motif of alternating intercolumniation, characteristic for the main courtyard of Wallenstein Palace, and used later by Spezza in the ambulatory of Valdice monastery.83 It may have been the promoter, and not the builder, who decided to use this style of layout, as this system was used for the first time in the second courtyard of Prague Castle, the construction of which was begun by Emperor Rudolf II and admired by learned visitors.84 It would not be the only quotation from Rudolphine architecture to appear in Wallenstein’s buildings. One of the few intact details of the internal arrangement of Waldstein’s residence in Jičín are the portals on the staircase in the east wing, which imitate the door frame that led from Rudolf’s stables at Prague Castle onto the now no longer existing monumental staircase into the New Hall.85 As in Bielany, Spezza here made the cop-ied example more special by just hanging his favourite rhythmical drops over the top of the pediment.

Another example of the migration of architectural motifs and the difficult traceability of authorship is the use of the same type of portal on the stairs of Lob-kowicz Palace in Prague Castle, built long after Wal-lenstein’s death by Carlo Lurago based probably on Pieroni’s design.86 Another Wallensteinian mark here is the broken cornices of the front entrance portals. However, this cannot be considered proof that Pieroni was the author of both models, even though he had worked on Wallenstein’s buildings. Prince Lobkowicz may have explicitly demanded the inclusion of such details in his construction, just as Wallenstein had

before him drawn on Rudolphine architecture. In the first contract for the construction of the palace, written in November 1652, this promoter, for example, clearly defined that the court should have a fountain in the form that would resemble the one at the Emmaus Monastery,87 and upon completion of the palace in 1663 the doors were explicitly modelled on those at the Sternberg Palace.88

Even with the participation of all the other archi-tects Pieroni’s contribution to the maniera of Wallen-steinian architecture was highly significant: equipped with a large index of architectural vocabulary, with obvious knowledge of the architecture of Florence, where he grew up, and familiar with the contemporary trends in Rome89 he was able to fulfil Wallenstein’s wishes. Furthermore, thanks to his father Alessandro Pieroni and his teacher, the famous Bernardo Buontal-enti, both of whom were Medici architects, he was thor-oughly familiar with the Medici Grand Ducal maniera. This virtue of Pieroni’s was certainly appreciated by the ambitious Wallenstein who, after assuming the title of Prince in the autumn of 1623, went on to also gain the title of Duke; and he was all the more appreciated given that he was able to combine architectural skill with knowledge of astronomy and astrology, as he had already demonstrated in Florence by calculating the ideal day for the founding of the newly built wing of the Medici Palace Pitti.90 Wallenstein, known for his boundless trust in astrological prophecies and protec-tion, must have been especially impressed by Pieroni’s knowledge. This is indirectly inferred also by Wallen-stein’s biographer Galeazzo Priorato, since he names Pieroni in the same breath as the astrologer Seni: ‘No one was so intimately close to him as his astrologer Gio-vanni Battista Seni, the Genovese and excellent builder Giovanni Pironi, the Florentine.’91 And Pieroni himself was also well aware of this affection since in a letter dated 7 February 1627 he writes: ‘Then I became a serv-ant of the Duke of Friedland, who not only loves me and is good to me, but with kindness he abounds both in the first and in the second.’92

Although Pieroni entered Wallenstein’s services some time after the outbreak of the Duke’s construction fever, it seems that from the very outset he deputised the work of Wallenstein’s other architects and later he might even have replaced these builders entirely. When Albrecht was elevated on 7 September 1623 to the rank of Prince, necessary requirements for repre-sentation and possibly also the prospects for further promotion inspired him to expand the residence he was building in Prague. He built a second part onto the symmetrically designed court containing a large hall and the pages’ court, which was constructed after he had purchased Trčka’s house, apparently already with expectations of acquiring the title of Prince. This sec-ond part seems but a mere fragment of a spectacular concept, the inspiration for which was the papal villa at the Quirinale in Rome, with a loggia next to the oval staircase. The author of the design for the expansion could have been Pieroni, who at that time was pro-viding Wallenstein with designs, as evidenced by the existence of two projects for a villa or a palace in the Florentine Uffizi collection of plans. They are dated 3 January and 4 March 1624, i. e. shortly after Wallen-

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stein’s promotion.93 Apparently, at that time Pieroni also designed the concept for the gardens in Bubny and Dolní Ovenec (Troja) near Prague, the latter containing the above-mentioned auditorium, an earlier example of which Pieroni would have known from the Boboli Gar-dens of Pitti Palace.94 In the meantime, the initial grand concept of Wallenstein Palace had been amended and the entrance loggia of the front wing was blocked with the graceful structure of the Sala Terrena, undoubtedly the most beautiful architecture of all the Wallenstein buildings. Its grandness and certainly also the scenes of the Trojan War were the cause of the Duke’s special relationship, for which Priorato again provides a val-uable anecdote: ‘He disliked ceremony, but was happy if one demonstrated admiration for his pavilion, where everyone must always appear in armour.’95

The Florentine origin of the architect is again revealed in the interior decoration and three nich-es, elaborating on Giovanni Antonio Dosio’s motif of a conch extending into the fronton of the aedicule in the Niccolini Chapel in the Church of Santa Croce.96 And Dosio also apparently provided inspiration for the composition of the side walls, as is shown in one of his unexecuted designs for the same chapel.97 Furthermore, Pieroni’s authorship is attested to by a sketch of the Sala Terrena interior in the Uffizi plan collection.98 In contrast, the façade of the Sala with its typically paired columns, the border band bossage, and the details of

the archivolt decorations are inspired by the Loggia dei Bancha in Genoa.99

Also with Andrea Spezza’s arrival, however, the Wallensteinian maniera received its distinctive fea-tures. A design for the Valdice Carthusian monastery, constructed with a monumental Escorial-like façade came, according to Binsfeld’s words, from his drawing board.100 Here on the protruding side entrance façades, as well as on the façades of the Jesuit College courtyard in Jičín, he used a high pilaster order, and was one of the first architects in Bohemia to do so. Apparently, he also designed the large ducal residence in Jičín, but now, after many fires, it has been stripped of almost all its original details. He was apparently also the author of the first two drafts of the Church of St James next to this residence, preserved in Pieroni’s Uffizi plan collection.101

After Spezza’s sudden death in January 1628, Wal-lenstein uttered many words of outrage about his less able successor, and so Pieroni was called upon again to change the layout and elevation of the Jičín resi-dence in the course of 1628–1629.102 Then, in a letter dated 15 October 1628, in which he mentions to Wal-lenstein the idea of painting the Sala Terrena in Prague, he called himself the Duke’s ‘Baudirektor’.103 Immedi-ately after Spezza’s death Pieroni apparently took over the work on designing the new Church of St James.104 Pieroni drew inspiration for this noteworthy, but unfor-


14/ Giovanni Marini (attrib.), the presbytery of the Church of Our LadyThe planned Carthusian Monastery in Štípabegun 1618, completed 1765Photo: Tomáš Rasl, 2010

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tunately only partially implemented, façade from his study of Roman architecture. Some of the principles used here in Jičín were also applied to the façade of the Carthusian church in Valdice. This was founded in 1632, long after Spezza’s death, and executed in a form which included side chapels and thus differed from the originally planned single-nave building. The new design was clearly provided by Pieroni, who, here using a severe Roman style, transformed the inspira-tions he had drawn from his home in Florence. This is especially apparent in the high gable with an oculus, based on a Florentine tradition, especially on some unexecuted designs for the façade of Santa Maria del Fiore.105 The façade of St James in Jičín also resembles that in Valdice, a monumental coulisse structure, ter-minating the remarkable landscape composition, both using the same method of layering the edge pilasters into three sequences.

This element, which has its origins in the layout of Roman church gables, can be considered Piero-ni’s distinctive architectural feature, which he used in order to soften the transition between the central part and the façade risalit.106 In Prague architecture

it can be found in the façade layout of the Church of St Wenceslas in the Lesser Town,107 and in the Jesuit Church of St Salvator in the Old Town, both of which may be associated with Pieroni. Evidence of Pieroni’s hand in St Salvator’s entrance loggia is again pro-vided by the aforementioned designs for the façade of Florence Cathedral.108 Two of the listed façades are also decorated with a distinctive detail of Wallenstein-ian architecture: the rhythmical drops. Valdice was already mentioned above; in the St Salvator church it loads the windows in the entrance loggia. The drops can also be found hanging on the portal and in the interior of the chapel at Náchod Castle, which was evidently based on Pieroni’s design.109 In addition, Pieroni intended to use this motif to frame the niches in the Sala Terrena of Wallenstein’s palace in Prague, as evidenced by the aforementioned sketch from the Uffizi, where, however, it was not ultimately executed. Even though Pieroni must have been familiar with this detail from Italy, it may be that he did not begin to use it more often until he started to design in Bohemia for Albrecht of Wallenstein, and then he continued to use it later on.


15/ Giovanni Marini (attrib.), the Church of Our LadyThe planned Carthusian Monastery in Štípabegun 1618, finished 1765The ground plan of the current building which shows the unfinished

cloister uncovered in an archaeological survey conducted in 2009–2010

Drawing Petr Uličný, 2011, with the documentation of Ivan Čížmář

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Despite the optimistic proclamations in recent literature there is nothing in Wallensteinian architec-ture resembling the personal ‘maniera’ of the last of the four Wallenstein architects – Niccolò Sebregondi. This distinguished architect appeared in the service of Wallenstein as early as in December 1629, his arrival perhaps having been arranged by Pieroni.110 The Duke was then still in search of an able architect and builder to replace the deceased Andrea Spezza, and so Sebre-gondi, like Pieroni, seemed to serve as the ideal solu-tion for Wallenstein, since he came from the court of the Duke of Gonzaga, for whom he built the famous Villa Favorita.111

In Bohemia, however, Sebregondi was stepping onto a moving train, and he was required to continue the work on unfinished projects, while in the case of some new work he had to follow the pattern of the already completed constructions. One example is the new garden that was founded in 1632 below the Jičín residence, where, according to Sebregondi’s sketch on his regulatory plan of the city dating from 1633, he took over the concept from earlier Wallenstein gardens, with their two central grottos in the corners.112 Sebre-gondi, however, certainly had a number of opportuni-ties to demonstrate his talent. Wallenstein’s relentless desire to build provided many opportunities, but these projects were either not implemented or only a rough structure had been built, a form with little to say for itself, as was the case of the funeral chapel of Wal-lenstein’s General Pappenheim in the Church of Our Lady at Strahov Monastery in Prague.113 Some of his projects may well have disappeared over time, as there were many new houses built in Jičín, whose design he himself mentions, or a large hall built in the residence in Jičín in 1632, which was cleared out after a fire in 1681.114

What then is the maniera of Wallensteinian archi-tecture and who created it?

From one perspective, it is a mixture of motifs of various origins brought in during the construction of Wallenstein’s estate by many architects and by Wallen-stein himself. In the residence in the Lesser Town one can find Milanese, Florentine, Genoese, Roman, Clas-sical, but also explicitly Central European elements, such as the typical roof dormers.115 Similarly Central European in appearance was the elevation of the Jičín residence, dominated by late Renaissance gables, taken from the Smiřický Palace.116 Despite the strong


Roman motifs, the same tone was seen in the adjacent Church of St James, designed with a typical Central European twin-tower façade.117 Rudolphine or imperial Habsburg architecture also left a highly distinctive imprint on Wallensteinian architecture. Besides the above mentioned details, there are the luxurious sta-bles at the palaces in Prague and Jičín, and an avenue of lime trees running into Valdice deer-park,118 where the garden was modelled on the famous Neugebäude near Vienna.119 Indeed, the creator of all these Central European features on his own architecture was the pro-moter himself. It could also have been the patron who decided to mimic the form of the graceful commercial loggia in the heart of Genoa, a city visited by many Bohemian cavaliers, and apply it to the front of the Sala Terrena in the Prague palace.

From another perspective, one can find a certain homogeneity in Wallensteinian architecture, achieved, for example, by the repetition of one detail by more architects. Be it the typical rhythmic drops or the char-acteristic window-and-door framings on the Jičín build-ings, the architecture gives the city a certain uniform character.120

Diversity, however, prevailed. This can definite-ly be said of Wallenstein’s residence in Prague, and apparently also of the unusually theatrical composition of the garden in Trója. However both perspectives had a common element and that was magnificence; a gran-deur worthy of the Duke of Friedland, Meklenburg and Zagan, mentioned at the beginning of this article in Priorato’s admiration for his Prague palace.

In addition, I would like to end by quoting one more characteristic of the restless Duke, who could never be described in simple terms: ‘He boasted of wearing the clothes or traditional costumes of all the nations of Europe, he looked like a chameleon of many forms, Proteus of many shapes, like a sketch of a con-fused arabesque. To get attention, he dressed a little in the French, a little in the Spanish, a little in the Italian and a little in the German style.’121 Indeed, it sounds as if Priorato were also speaking here about Wallenstein’s magnificent architecture drawing inspiration from vari-ous places. The answer to the question what is the maniera of Wallenstein is as follows: it is a wealth of diversity combined with the homogeneity of order, but always magnificent. And the second question, who con-ceived it? One can answer that it was all his architects, as well as Wallenstein himself.

N o t e s

* This paper was prepared as a part of a research project fund-ed by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic no. 404/09/2112: ‘Architektura, urbanismus a krajinotvorba frýdlantského panství Al-brechta z Valdštejna (1621–1634).’ See the official website www.vevodstvi.cz. Many thanks to Elizabeth Tulipánová and Robin Cas-sling for advice on the English version.

1. Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, Historia della vita d’Alberto Valstain, Duca di Fritland, Lion 1643, pp. 64–65: ‘Eresse fabriche sontuosissime; tra queste, un palazzo in Praga, che spira d’ogni parte magnificenza.’ I used an adapted Czech translation by Helena Mahlerová for the English version here and further in the text in the article by Alessandro

Catalano, Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato / Historie Albrechta z Valdštejna, vévody Frýdlantského, Souvislosti, 2002, Nos. 3–4, pp. 89–90.

2. Other builders included a trio of masters who worked for the Duke: Giovanni Pietro Piscina, Mates Floryn and Paul Rimkolert, ap-parently on his Prague palace. Jarmila Krčálová, Italští mistři Malé Strany na počátku 17. století, Umění XVIII, 1970, p. 570.

3. See below for individual architects and their works. One architect who worked in Jičín after Spezza’s death is to date known only from Wallenstein’s rather harsh description of him as ‘son of a bitch’. Barbora Klipcová – Petr Uličný, Valdštejnský palác v Jičíně, forthcoming.

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4. An example is the unbalanced assessment of the skills of Giovanni Pieroni portrayed in the defence by Jarmila Krčálová, Gio-vanni Pieroni – architekt?, Umění XXXVI, 1988, pp. 511–542. Andrea Spezza is also presented in an ambivalent way and with little appre-ciation in Czech literature, while in Polish literature he is described as the first Baroque architect in Poland, who in Bohemia designed the pilgrim church in Stará Boleslav and the Lutheran Church of St Trinity in the Lesser Town in Prague. Mariusz Karpowicz, Andrea Spezza – architekt nadworny Lubomirskich, Barok. Historia-Liter-atura-Sztuka IX, 2002, Nos. 1–2 (17–18), pp. 25–26. – Wojciech Kret, Problematyka artystyczna kościoła OO. Kamedułów na Bie-lanach pod Krakowem. Geneza – charakterystyka – oddziaływanie, Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki XII, 1967, Nos. 3–4, p. 52. On Sebregondi see note 112. There are no comments at all about the work of Giovanni Marini as an architect.

5. Adolfo Venturi, Storia dell’arte italiana XI. Architettura del Cinquecento, Parte II, Milano 1939, p. 328, figs. 304–305 on pp. 330–331.

6. Ugo Donati, Artisti Ticinesi a Roma, Bellinzona 1942, p. 50.7. For the construction history of the chapel see Steven F. Os-

trow, Art and Spirituality in Counter-Reformation Rome. The Sis-tine and Pauline Chapels in P. Maria Maggiore, Cambridge 1996, pp. 138–139.

8. Marius Karpowicz, Artisti ticinesi in Polonia nel ’600, Lugano 1983, pp. 38–42, 214, 216, figs. 15, 18.

9. Jarmila Krčálová, Centrální stavby české renesance, Praha 1976, pp. 80–81. – Ivan P. Muchka, Architektura renesanční, Praha 2001, p. 100.

10. Pavel Vlček a kol., Umělecké památky Prahy. Pražský hrad a Hradčany, Praha 2000, p. 60.

11. Ibidem, p. 60.12. The exception is the chapel of Wallenstein’s palace in

Prague, with the triangle portal pediment, used here for composi-tional reasons – it mirrors the opposite portal leading to the oval staircase of the Count’s tract.

13. For a history of construction in the time of Albrecht of Wal-lenstein see Jan Pešta, Valdštejnova přestavba zámku v Bělé pod Bezdězem, Zprávy památkové péče LXXI, 2006, pp. 34–38.

14. On the architecture of the church see Petr Fidler – Petr Uličný, Kartuziánský klášter – věznice ve Valdicích, Zprávy památ-kové péče LXIX, 2009, pp. 116–122.

15. The plan was published by Petr Fidler, Kostel sv. Jakuba Většího v Jičíně a architekt Giovanni Battista Pieroni, in: Valdštejn-ská loggie a komponovaná barokní krajina okolí Jičína, Semily 1997, p. 39, (Z Českého Ráje a Podkrkonoší – Supplementum III).

16. Pieroni is attested here only to check the budget. His authorship, however, shows a number of elements used in the decoration of the chapel, completed in 1654. For the constructi-on history see Zdeněk Wirth – František Machát, Soupis památek historických a uměleckých v politickém okresu Náchodském, Praha 1910, pp. 59–60.

17. Pavel Vlček (ed.), Encyklopedie architektů, stavitelů, zedníků a kameníků v Čechách, Praha 2004, pp. 77, 400, gives even three different builders, who seem to be identical with Marini. The fact that Giovanni Battista Marini and Giovanni Maria de Bossi might be one person has already been pointed out by Pavel Zahradník, Dě-jiny Valdštejnského paláce, in: Mojmír Horyna et. al., Valdštejnský palác v Praze, Praha 2002, pp. 55–56.

18. Vlček, ibidem, p. 400.19. Zikmund Winter, Řemeslnosti a živnosti XVI. věku v Čechách

1526–1620, Praha 1909, p. 143.20. James Hogg, Propago sacri ordinis cartusiensis per Ger-

mania pars I. De provincia Alemania superioris et domibus Polonie, British Library London Add. Ms. 17086 (Analecta cartusiana 90:3),

Salzburg 1981, p. 315: „Et sane ebrietatis lusorum, mulierum con-versationum osor, semper seriis intentus, seu bellicis seu Oecono-mia ac architectura, in quibus summos Magistros adhibuit maximis sumptibus ex Italia ad se vocatos.’ I used the Czech translation by Jan Kalivoda for the English version here and further in the text, in: Jan Kalivoda – Barbora Klipcová – Jaromír Gottlieb, De domo Waldicensi. Binsfeldova kronika kartuziánského kláštera ve Valdicích, upcoming.

21. Hogg (see note 20), p. 327: ‘Simul cum illis eodem vesperi locum captivitatis ingressus est Ioannes á Maria Lapicida.’

22. Ibidem, p. 336: ‘Lapicida fuit Ioannes a Maria, Helvetius. Olomucii ab haereticis cum nostris PP. in custodia detentus.’

23. Ibidem, p. 325: ‘Interim per deputatos architectos fabricae, Ecclesiae fundamenta et cellarum quadratis politisque lapidibus ele-ganti admodum opere, magnis sumptibus evexit.’

24. This was already assumed by Vlasta Fialová, Lukrecie Nek-šovna z Landeku, první manželka Albrechta z Valdštejna, Český časopis historický XI, 1934, p. 136.

25. Jaroslav Mencl, Historická topografie města Jičína I, Jičín 1941, p. 94, note 24.

26. Viktor Kotrba, Georg neb Cajetan Bendl či Caspar Bechteler, Umění XXII, 1974, p. 318.

27. Národní Archiv Praha, f. SM 215: ‘Anno 1634 den 26 Junii. 1. Hannß Marin de Bosi Burger der Klein Statt Praag nach gethanen Ann denn rechten nach hat alßo gezeigt, daß ist mir bewust, daß Ich Sechs Heüßer auff dem Recht S: Tomaß außbefhelich Fürstl: von Fri-dlandt habe Laßen einreißen. Item ist mir auch bewust daß auß dem Closter P. Thomaß Viel stein habe Laßen weg nehmen, Unndt der Fridtlender habe solche dem Closter wollen widerumb restituiren, aber nicht von ihme geschehen, Unndt nichts mehr:’ Many thanks to Barbora Klipcová for the proof-reading of this text.

28. Knihovna Národního Muzea, Praha, sign. VIII D, pp. 35–36: ‘post haec Fundator architectum nobilem Joanem Baptistam Marini Mediolanensem Giczinium Praga non sine aliquo suo incommodo (Pragae quippe sub arce regia illam suam domum multis aureorum millibus aedificabat in temporis Albertus) properare iussit.’ For the English version I used here the Czech translation of Pavel Zahrad-ník, in: Martin Mádl – Pavel Vlček – Pavel Zahradník, Jičín, bývalá jesuitská kolej, stavebně historický průzkum, Praha 2003, p. 2.

29. Zahradník (see note 17), p. 53.30. Hogg (see note 20), p. 336: ‘Proinde Monasterii locum deli-

neavit Andreas Spezza Architectus, praestantiorem Italia non habiut. Hic Principis Alberti Architectus, fuit origine Mediolanensis. Fabricae nostrae inviglavit Architectus, frater eius, Ioannes Spezza.’ Similar-ly, a manuscript treatise on the Carthusian monasteries dated to the 17th century: Moravský zemský archiv, Brno, G 10, kniha 357, Syntagma Historicum Cartusiarum Regni Bohemiae, pp. 207–208: ‘Universum porro fabrica opus ex Architectonicis regulis ordinavit, et dimensus est Andreas Spezza Insuper Mediolanensis Principis Waldsteinii Architectus, operarum vero ac totius molis director fuit, Germanus eius Ioannes Spezza. Latomus Ioannes Maria Helvetus, quibus velut levant Lucinisqe è terra visceribus levari, in que lucem et aera prodire cepit totum hoc Waldicianae aedis corpus.’ Many thanks to Barbora Klipcová for sending a copy of the treatise.

31. Národní archiv, Praha, VL F67/29, Albrecht z Valdštejna Gerhardu z Taxisu, Havelberg, dne 27. 8. 1627: ‘Sagt dem Prior der Charthaus, wie auch dem Baumeister, das ich will das an die kirche die 2 Kapellen gebaut werden vor die begrebnissen, wie das disenio des Jan Maria anbereist.’ I am indebted for this reference to Barbora Klipcová.

32. Národní archiv, Praha, KK 1774, Vejtah sumovní z počtů léta 1622, fol. 130r-130v: ‘outraty 2 Baumistrův s jedním leutnnamblem od Jeho Mi. Pána z Prahy do Jičína, (kteří) k vyměřování míst k sta-vění vypraveni byli.’

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33. Both foundation charters and their confirmation are given by Binsfeld. Hogg (see note 20), pp. 317–325. Second, extended Wallenstein’s foundation dated 1 May 1617 and the concept of the confirmation by the Bishop Dietrichstein dated May 23, 1618 is stored in the Zemský archiv, Opava – pobočka Olomouc, AO, inv. no. 2058, fol. 268–274.

34. In the attic of the outbuilding, attached from the north to the presbytery of today’s church, i.e. close to the main cornice, it is still possible to see the original plaster, which had eroded when the roofless building was subjected to long-term weather exposure. Here the outbuilding’s roof also obscures the windows of the upper storey, which was inside the presbytery transformed into the ora-tory during the late Baroque completion. The masonry of today’s presbytery, articulated on the outside by pilasters on stone plinths, was most certainly erected and plastered by Wallenstein.

35. Apart from the cloister walk, the 1908 excavation plan also shows a parallel wing starting from the northern outbuilding (now the vestry); the plan corresponds to the system used later in Valdice. Josef Pala, Štípa, mariánské poutní místo, Štípa 2003, p. 31. The foundations of these walls were, again, partially exposed during the 2009–2010 excavation. I am indebted to Ivan Čížmář for sending me the preliminary results.

36. The vista was published by Jan Bukovský, Kartuziánská architektura v Čechách a na Moravě. Part 3, Památky a příroda XVI, 1991, p. 587.

37. This is illustrated by the findings revealed when the plaster was being removed in the autumn of 2010, uncovering the junction of the walls of the nave with the main façade, which was most certainly built only in the course of the late Baroque completion. On the other hand, definitely of Wallenstein origin are both of the outbuildings on the chancel side, including the spiral stairs, acces-sible by the portals with the traditional late-Renaissance forms.

38. He gives himself this title in the foundation charter of the Štípa monastery.

39. Stefano Della Torre – Richard Schofield (eds), Pelegrino Tibaldi architetto e il P. Fedele di Milano. Invenzione e construzione di una chiesa esemplare, Como 1994.

40. Rudolf Wittkower, Art and Architecture in Italy. 1600 to 1750, London 1958, pp. 78–79.

41. Thomas Winkelbauer, Fürst und Fürstendiener. Gundaker von Liechtenstein, ein österreichischer Aristokrat des konfessionellen Zeitalters, Oldenbourg 1999, p. 386. For the church in Vranov see Georg Skalecki, Deutsche Architektur zur Zeit des Dreissigjährigen Krieges. Der Einfluss Italiens auf das deutsche Bauschaffen, Regens-burg 1989, pp. 205–206. – Jiří Kroupa, Art, patronage and Society in Moravia 1620–1650, in: Klaus Bussmann – Heinz Schilling (eds), 1648: War and Peace in Europe II: Art and Culture, 1998, p. 257.

42. Ibidem, p. 386. Similarly Jiří Kroupa, ‘Moderni fiori’: kardi-nál z Dietrichsteina, protobarok a umělecká funkce na Moravě po roce 1600, in: Kardinál František a jeho doba, Brno 2007, p. 59, (XXIX. Mikulovské sympozium 2006).

43. Emanuel Poche (ed.), Umělecké památky Čech II, Praha 1978, p. 14. Marini was the author of yet another project; together with General von Holst he designed the fortification of the New Town of Prague. Pavel Vlček – Ester Havlová, Praha 1610–1700. Kapitoly o architektuře raného baroka, Praha 1998, p. 97. His other, but no more extant project was the rebuilding of the Lobkowicz house in the Lesser Town (No. 34/III), where from 1635 to 1638 along with the former Wallenstein’s stonemason Spineti added a new wing with a staircase. – Pavel Vlček a kol., Umělecké pa-mátky Prahy. Malá Strana, Praha 1999, pp. 172–174. It must have been an interesting implementation, because in 1651, when Wen-ceslas Eusebius Lobkowicz conceived the building programme of his palace at Prague Castle, he set this staircase, in terms of shape

and dimensions, as the model the builder should follow. – Milada Vilímková, Dějiny Lobkovického paláce na Pražském hradě, Umění XLIII, 1995, p. 403.

44. Zahradník (see note 17), p. 56.45. Petr Fidler, Valdštejnský palác v rámci evropské archi-

tektury, in: Horyna (pozn. 17), pp. 139–158, zvl. p. 146. – Idem, Valdštejnovi „pomocníci“. Stavitelé a architekti, in: Eliška Fučíko-vá – Ladislav Čepička (eds), Albrecht z Valdštejna. Inter arma silent musae?, Praha 2007, p. 99–101.

46. After Pieroni’s arrival in Vienna, the Emperor sent him to Hungary, where on July 19, 1622 he wrote an account of Bratislava. He was then ordered by the Emperor to move from Sopron to Pra-gue. Luigi Zangheri, Giovanni Pieroni e Baccio del Bianco a Praga e nell’Impero, in: Marcello Fagiolo – Maria Luisa Madonna (eds), Centri e periferie del Barocco. Il Barocco romano e l’Europa, Roma 1992, p. 505–506. – Krčálová (see note 4), pp. 511–512. – He was already present in Prague on September 8, to send a letter from here to Florence for Andrea Cioli. Guido Carrai, Architektura a di-plomacie: Giovanni Pieroni, medicejský zpravodaj u generála Vald-štejna, in: Fučíková – Čepička (see note 45), pp. 312–313.

47. Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie de’ professori del disegno da Cimabue, Firenze 1728, pp. 317–318: ‘Questo Principe adunque faceva fabbricare una casa per se, e teneva gran quantità di mura-tori, stuccatori, legnajuoli, e a tutta briglia si tirava innanzi. Venne gli pensiero di far di pittura: e dato l’ordine al suo Architetto, fui trovato e richiesto: accettai il partito: mi dava venti pezze il mese, casa, piatto, e pagato ogni spesa per le pitture, e mille promesse buone. Se questa cosa fu sentita dal Pieroni, VS lo può credere, e fra l’altre cose disse: Io che ho lasciato in casa tua una mia figliuola alla cura di tua madre, pegno cosi caro della persona mia, ora si abbia a sapere, che tu sia fuori: di casa mia! Non sarebbero mancate occasioni da tirarsi innanzi (se avessi tenuta pazienza) e delle buone, buonissime, senza precipitarsi così ec. In sommo si dolse in estremo. Io dipinsi la Cappella, la stanza dell’ Audienza, la quale poi si rovinò per farla in altra parte, e quivi fecero non so che altro acconcime. Era già finita la sala principale, colla soffitta tutta adorna di stucchi: vi era uno spazio, salvo il vero, 27. braccia, e 16. largo. Mi commesse Sua Eccellenza, che dovessi pensare a qual cosa. Già il salone era adorno di arme e trofei di guerra, finti di stucco. Il Pieroni propose, che si facesse dentro il Carro di Marte. Ne feci il disegno, e piacque, in buona forma; quando il Sig. Principe, che gli si era levantado l’appetito, mi commesse ponessi mano a questo. Non mi cascò le braccia, perche stavano attaccate bene, e risposi, che averei messo mano alli studj, e che era bisogno almeno due mesi avanti cominci-assi; non ebbi finito a piena di dire due mesi che voltomi il culo disse: Due mesi? lech mich, vorse. Non tardò un ora, che venne lo Spezza, che così era il casato dell’ Architetto, e mi dette buona, e pacifica licenza. Fui io il primo, che licenziato, non levassi, carcere, bando, arresto, o bastonate, che era il meno, tanto mi amava: e veramente, che i favori, che mi fece furono grandissimi, come sarebbe, il voler che io gli dessi da bere ben due volte: il farmi un dì sedere mentre lavoravo: il dirmi che ero un grand’ uomo: un poco di male che ebbi mandarmi a vedere due volte il giorno, e simili cortesie, che non a tutti le faceva.’ For the English version I used here the Czech translation by Eva Chodějovská.

48. This corresponds to the results of a dendrochronological survey of the roof constructions of the palace, namely above the main hall, the wood of which was chopped down in the two winters of 1620–1621 and 1621–1622. Tomáš Kyncl – Josef Kyncl – Petr Uličný, Nová data ze stavby Valdštejnského paláce v Praze, Zprávy památkové péče LXXI, 2011, p. 11. The use of the wood chopped down before the purchase of the palace comes from slippage cau-sed by the water transport of the timbers.

49. Baldinucci (see note 47), pp. 317–318.

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50. Ibidem, p. 318.51. Lubomír Konečný, Baccio del Bianco v Praze, in: Ladislav

Daniel (ed.), Florenťané. Umění z doby medicejských velkovévodů, Praha 2002, p. 28.

52. See further in the paper.53. Fidler, Valdštejnský palác (see note 45), p. 146.54. Jacek Gajewski, Kościoł i klasztor kamedułów na Bielanach

pod Krakowem w świetle materiałów archiwalnych, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki XXXVIII, 1976, p. 374.

55. The contract is known only from the incomplete transcript published by Julian Pagaczewski in Sprawozdania Komisji do badania Historii Sztuki w Polsce VI, Kraków 1900, p. XXXII. It was signed for all the stonework and for the cladding of the church façade between the master ‘Giorgio Balarino di Ostravia e suo compagno Maestro Giovan Chincofschi, tuti doi talia pietra de Ostravia ed i quali sono restati d’acordo con me Andrea Spezza di far opera di pietra alla fab-richa della chiesa del monte Argentino conforme ali miei designi.’

56. Karpowicz (see note 8), p. 45. Work on the façade was still in progress around 1630 when stonemason James is mentioned here. – Kret (see note 4), p. 24.

57. This follows from Stefan Illgen’s letter dated February 10, 1616. Rosalba Amerio, Brevi note biografiche sull’architetto Andrea Speza, Arte Lombarda IV, 1959, note 5 on p. 291. See also Vlček (see note 17), p. 612.

58. Amerio, ibidem, pp. 288–292.59. In the façade, only the thermal window was probably taken

from the old building and used. Kret (see note 4), p. 26–27. The characteristic twin-tower composition was probably executed only in the last stage of construction, because it is missing on the Car-thusian monastery vista dated to around 1625. Adam Małkiewicz, Wenanty da Subiaco – Andrea Spezza – Walenty von Säbisch. Ma-tyki historycznej kościoła na Bielanach pod Krakowem, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki XXXIII, 1971, p. 202–205.

60. The church was founded by a co-founder of Bielany mo-nastery Stanislav Lobomirski. – Kret (see note 4), p. 52. – Kar-powicz (see note 8), pp. 50–52. – Karpowicz (see note 4), pp. 17.

61. The construction had already begun in 1611, but the main stage of the work took place in the years 1623–1630. Adam Małkiewicz, Zespół architektoniczny na Bielanach pod Krakowem (1605–1630), Zeszyty naukowe uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Práce z Historii Sztuki I, 1962, p. 172.

62. Karpowicz (see note 4), p. 14, who claimed it as a work by Michelangelo. On Della Porta’s participation in the constructi-on see Guilo Carlo Argan, Bruno Contardi, Michelangelo Architect, London 1993, pp. 256–257.

63. The remodelling is also attributed to Spezza of Nowy Wiś-nicz Castle near Kraków – Karpowicz (see note 8), pp. 52–54 – where the rhythmical drop motif is used in the court-loggia span-drels according to Ammannati’s model in the court of Palazzo della Signoria in Lucca (see note 5) and beneath the top of the window pediment of the chapel.

64. Karpowicz (see note 4), p. 14.65. Ibidem, p. 12.66. About Olomouc Cathedral most recently Tomáš Parma,

Dietrichsteinská přestavba olomoucké katedrály, in: Martin Elbel – Ondřej Jakubec (eds), Olomoucké baroko. Proměny ambicí jednoho města, Olomouc 2010, pp. 63–68. – Rostislav Švácha, Architektu-ra baroka v Olomouci, in: Ondřej Jakubec – Marek Perůtka (eds), Olomoucké baroko. Výtvarná kultura let 1620–1780, Olomouc 2010, pp. 28–30. – Ondřej Jakubec, Presbytář katedrály sv. Václava, in: Jakubec – Perůtka, ibidem, pp. 76–79. – Ivana Panochová, Vztah dietrichsteinského chóru u Dómu sv. Václava v Olomouci a Vald-štejnského paláce v Praze. Poznámky k morfologii a typologii, Zprávy památkové péče LXXI, 2011, pp. 39–42.

67. In this respect, the contradiction between the layout of the interior and the top-storey windows, half-blinded by the vault, need not be seen as proof of their late application. (Section pu-blished by August Prokop, Die Markgrafschaft Mahren in kunstge-schichtlicher Beziehung: Grundzuge einer Kunstgeschichte dieses Landes mit besonderer Berucksichtigung der Baukunst IV, Wien, 1904, based on the measurement imposed at the Státní archiv v Opavě – pobočka Olomouc, ÚŘAS, inv. no. 16028, is highly ina-ccurate in this.) The logic of the building construction shows that the windows had to be here before the vault. Indeed, they are part of the initial concept.

68. Ivan Muchka, Stylové otázky v české architektuře kolem roku 1600 (diplom thesis), FF UK Praha, 1969, pp. 113–113. – Idem, Di-etrichštejnský chór olomouckého dómu, Historická Olomouc a její současné problémy IV, 1983, p. 154. Next to the Temple of Venus these niche frames also decorate the Hexagonal Court, the exedra of the Great Court, the Smaller Temple (so called ‘Temple of Bac-chus’), the underground chamber under the southern exedra of the Great Court and the altars. Nina Jidejian, Baalbek Heliopolis ‘City of the Sun’, Beirut 1975.

69. Anthony Blunt, Borromini, Cambridge (Mass.) – London, 1971, 2001, s. 39–41, who also suggests that Borromini could have been inspired by the no longer existing but then the more accessible building.

70. For Dietrichstein, his patronage and relation to Italy where he spent many years see Kardinál František a jeho doba, Brno 2007, (XXIX, Mikulovské sympozium 2006). – Leoš Mlčák (ed.), Kardinál František z Dietrichsteina (1570–1636). Prelát a politik neklidného věku, Olomouc 2008.

71. Lars Olof Larsson, Imitatio und Aemulatio. Adriaen de Vries und die antike Skulptur, in: Ursel Berger – Björn R. Kommer (eds), Adrian de Vries: 1556–1626. Augsburgs Glanz – Europas Ruhm, Augsburg 2000, pp. 66–72.

72. Lubomír Konečný, Malířská výzdoba Valdštejnského paláce: Pokus o (předčasnou) syntézu, in: Fučíková – Čepička (see note 45), pp. 145–148.

73. Petr Uličný, Zahrady Albrechta z Valdštejna. Nové poznatky, Zprávy památkové péče LXXI, 2011, pp. 21–28.

74. Moreover, Wallenstein’s palace windows are fitted with laye-red sills, according to the Pope’s Roman villa on the Quirinale.

75. Later this motif was used on the chapel wing façade of the North Bohemian Zákupy Castle. Pavel Zahradník – Petr Macek, Zámecký areál v Zákupech, Průzkumy památek II, 1996, p. 6, figs. 16, 20. – And also on the Jesuit church façade of St. George in Opava dated to 1675–1675. – Ivo Krsek – Zdeněk Kudělka – Miloš Stehlík – Josef Válka, Umění baroka na Moravě a ve Slezsku, Praha 1996, pp. 211–215.

76. The possibility that any architectural idea could have been borrowed does not alter the fact that since the Bohemian Revolt their relationship was controlled by extreme animosity. Wallenstein called Dietrichstein ‘the Cardinal of a bitch’ and Dietrichstein paid him back with hysterical fear. Pavel Balcárek, Kardinál František Ditrichštejn 1570–1636. Gubernátor Moravy, České Budějovice 2007, pp. 148–169.

77. Spezza came from the village of Arogno on the shores of Lugano Lake in the Italian part of Switzerland and Giovanni Marini from the village of Mendrisio ibidem.

78. Giovanni Denti, Architettura a Milano tra Controriforma e Barocco, Firenze 1988, p. 156.

79. Anna Bortolozzi, Onorio Longhi e gli anni dell’esilio (1606–1611): le esperienze di un architetto romano nella Lombardia fede-riciana, Arte Lombarda CLI, 2007, figs. on pp. 46, 52.

80. Giovanni Denti, Architettura, p. 146. The motif was fre-quently used by Ricchino on other projects built after the death of

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Wallenstein: At the gate of the Seminario Maggiore, dating from around 1636 and above the entrance to the atrium of the Church of St Giovanni Decollato of 1645. Giovanni Denti, Architettura, p. 178 and 186. Finally, even at the gallery in the church of Santa Maria della Porta from around 1652. Maria Teresa Fiorio, Le Chiese di Milano, Milano 1985, p. 63.

81. Günter Irmscher, Gabriel Krammer (1564–1606) – der vergessene ‘Rudolfiner’, Umění XLVI, 1998, pp. 234–244, esp. pp. 241–244.

82. Baldinucci (see note 47) p. 318.83. In the pilaster and lesene variant they also dissect the court

façades along the sides of the monastery church.84. It was still admired at the end of the 17th century, notably

by the Swedish architect Nicodemus Tessin. Osvald Sirén (ed.), Nicodemus Tessin D.Y:P. Studieresor i Danmark, Tyskland, Holland, Frankrike och Italien, Stockholm 1914, p. 225: ‘In der einen ecken vom grossen hoff siehet man ein styck begunt, (so ich vermeine Keysser Rudolf wirdt haben anfangen lassen) welches mit sehr gu-them verstande gethan ist. Man siehet aber nur ein styck von dem grossen untersten Arcaden, mitt ihren Jonischen Colonnen zwischen gegen dem hoffe; oben über welche man auch noch siehet aufge-führet die piedestalen undt basen von den obern Colonnen.’

85. Ivan P. Muchka, Finis belli pax. Remarks to the artistic development in Central Europe at the time of Albrecht of Wallen-stein, in: Jacques Thuillier – Klaus Bussmann (eds), 1648: paix de Westphalie: l’art entre la guerre et la paix / Westfälischer Friede: Die Kunst zwischen Krieg und Frieden, Münster – Paris, 1999, p. 261, figs. 3, 4 on p. 266. It is likely that rather than the entrance to the stables, the origin of the Jičín portal was based on some portal directly on the no longer existing stairs.

86. Vilímková (see note 43), pp. 402–403, surprisingly conside-red Pieroni only an ‘advisor’, although he and the executing builder Lurago signed a contract on November 4, 1652 together.

87. Vilímková (see note 43), p. 402.88. Ibidem, p. 404.89. Pieroni’s intimate knowledge of Roman architecture can be

detected from the form of the façade of St James Church in Jičín. Petr Uličný, The Provost Church of St. James in Jičín and Roman Architecture around 1600, Studia Rudolphina XI, 2011, upcoming.

90. Zangheri (see note 46), pp. 505–506.91. Priorato (see note 1), pp. 64–65: ‚… niuno gli fù più domes-

tico del suo Astrologo Gio: Battista Seni Genevose, e di Giovanni Pironi Firentino Ingegniere eccellente …’

92. Carrai (see note 46), p. 315.93. Petr Uličný, Valdštejnovo casino u Jičína, Průzkumy památek

I, 2003, pp. 122–124. – Idem, Elementy Valdštejnova Jičína, in: Fučíková – Čepička (see note 45), pp. 232–234. Especially Klip-cová – Uličný (see note 3).

94. Uličný (see note 73), pp. 25–28.95. Priorato (see note 1), p. 64: ‘Nemico di cerimonie, ama-

tore però del corteggio massime al suo Padiglione, duoe non voleva, ch’alcuno si facesse vedere senza la solita armatura.’

96. Kret (see note 4), p. 48. – Ludwig Wachler, Giovannantonio Dosio. Ein Architekt des Späten Cinquecento, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte IV, 1940, pp. 185–192. The chapel was conse-crated in 1585, but the work continued in the coming years.

97. Firenze, Uffizi, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe, 3215/A. – Fran-co Borsi et al. (eds), Giovanni Antonio Dosio. Roma antica e i disegni di architettura agli Uffizi, Roma 1976, pp. 279–280.

98. Firenze, Uffizi, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe, 4477/A. Pub-lished by Fidler, Valdštejnovi „pomocníci“ (see note 45), p. 100, fig. I. 66.

99. Kret (see note 4), p. 47. – Ivan P. Muchka, Genua als ein Paradigma und eine Parallele zur Wallensteins Architektur, Studia

Rudolphina X, 2010, pp. 161–164. The building was constructed in 1589–1595 to a project by Andrea Ceresola and Giovanni Donzella.

100. Fidler – Uličný (see note 14), pp. 116–122.101. Uličný (see note 89).102. Klipcová – Uličný (see note 3).103. Guido Carrai, Nuovi documenti su Giovanni Pieroni e

un’ipotesi per Palazzo Wallenstein, Umění LII, 2004, pp. 541–542, note 18.

104. Uličný (see note 89).105. It is already mentioned by Kret (see note 4), p. 50.106. Uličný (see note 89).107. Uličný (see note 89). Ivana Panochová, Offiziere und Riva-

len Albrecht von Waldstein als Stifter von Bauwerken in der Zeit des Dreißigjährigen Kriegs in Böhmen und Mähren, Umění LIV, 2006, p. 498, mentions a similar solution in the interior of the church of the Assumption (now B. Juliana), Brtnice, where Pieroni is proven to work for Wallenstein’s General Collalto.

108. Václav Richter, Les architects italiens en Moravie au XVII ième siècle, in: Arti del primo convegno internazionale per le arti figurali, Firenze 1948, p. 138. Design of the portico façade is how-ever attributed to a number of other architects. A summary of opinions is given by Pavel Preiss, Italští umělci v Praze. Renesance a manýrismus v Praze, Praha 1986, p. 453, note 111. The façade was erected in 1651–1653.

109. See note 16.110. Sebregondi, working under Wallenstein has been iden-

tified with his famous Mantua namesake Petr Fidler, Loggia mit Aussicht – Prolegomena zu einer Typologie, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte XL, 1987, pp. 88–89. – Micheala Líčeníková, Úlo-ha architekta Nicolo Sebregondiho ve službách vévody Albrechta z Valdštejna, Zprávy památkové péče LVIII, 1988, pp. 1–6. For Se-bregondi’s starting date see Klipcová – Uličný (see note 3).

111. The search for Sebregondi’s undoubtedly significant contribu-tion to the Wallenstein construction works is undervalued by papers in which this architect is incomprehensibly worshipped as a hero or, on the contrary, condemned. Hero-worship of Sebregondi has recently been encouraged by Líčeníková (see note 110), also reprinted in: Fučíková – Čepička (see note 45), pp. 245–248. The methodology of this study is based on a combination of superficial knowledge of Wallenstein’s architecture, ignoring the written documents and pos-tulating impossible arguments. Líčeníková assumes that Sebregondi worked for Wallenstein already during his stay in Mantua and might thus be the author of the Sala Terrena in the Prague palace or the Church of St James in Jičín (which were at the time of his arrival already under construction or already being completed as the Sala Terrena). She attributes the main church portal to him, but it is in fact a 19th-century piece of work, replacing the simple Baroque portal. ‘He is undoubtedly the author of the overall project of Valdice villa with the loggia and garden’, although that was already established in 1625 and the rough masonry of the casino with loggia was completed in 1630. (See Petr Uličný, Valdštejnovo casino u Jičína, Průzkumy památek I, 2003, pp. 121–144. – Idem, Zahrada Valdštejnova casina u Jičína, in: Fučíková – Čepička /see note 45/, pp. 239–244.) For no reason she declares him the author of the portal of the Astrological Corridor of Wallenstein Palace in Prague, and ignores his documented works like the Pappenheim funeral chapel at Strahov. Mariusz Karpowicz assesses it from a different angle (see note 4), pp. 24, and considers him to be an architect of ‘a lower class’.

112. Klipcová – Uličný (see note 3).113. For the history of Pappenheim Chapel see Cyril A. Straka,

Pohřeb a hrob generála Godfrída z Pappenheimu v chrámě stra-hovském, Památky archaeologické XXVII, 1915, pp. 97–106. – Hed-vika Kuchařová, Strahovský klášter a neuskutečněná fundace

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Albrechta z Valdštejna, in: Fučíková – Čepička (see note 45), pp. 176–183.

114. Klipcová – Uličný (see note 3).115. The roof dormers in Wallenstein’s residence were not fit-

ted until the second stage of construction. Tomáš Kyncl – Josef Kyncl – Uličný (see note 48), p. 11, figs. 7–9.

116. Klipcová – Uličný (see note 3), upcoming.117. Uličný (see note 89).118. Sylva Dobalová, Jičínská alej Albrechta z Valdštejna, pražská

Stromovka a Vicenzo Scamozzi, Zprávy památkové péče LXXI, 2011, pp. 29–33.

119. Fidler, Valdštejnovi „pomocníci“ (see note 45), p. 99.120. However, the current impression Jičín creates is also due

to the absence of all documented interior decorations and the removal of the richly composed gables on the main square.

121. Priorato (see note 1), p. 64: ‘Così che tutte le foggie de ves-titi, ò pure tutte le nationi d’Europa, nella persona sola di lui pompeg-giando le loro divise, sembrava un Camaleonte di più apperéze, un Proteo di varie figure, un’abozzatura d’un confuso Arabesco. Onde col farsi vedere, parte all’uso Francese, parte allo Spagnolo, parte all’Italiano, e parte al Tedesco (…)’.

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