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Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
Print ISSN: 2515-5784Online ISSN: 2515-5792DOI: 10.17472/LJRHSS
LONDON JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
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Maun Convergences
and Divergences
External Human
Conflicts
Narrative Interpretive Perceptions of Property
Stakeholders
Discrimination against
Centers Ethnic Minorities
Maun Convergences
and Divergences
Autonomy and
Interdependence
Education Quality Overcome Depression by
Spirituality
Irregularity of the Uthmanic
Assurance Orthography
LONDON JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
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1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
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1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
Pin: RG7-4TYUnited Kingdom
1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
Building, Theale, Reading Phone:+444 0118 965 4033
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1210th, Waterside Dr,Opposite Arlington
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LJP Copyright ID: 573321Print ISSN: 2515-5784Online ISSN: 2515-5792
London Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences
Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
ABSTRACT
Scan to know paper details andauthor's profile
(Des) Militarization and Political Violence: Forced Disappearance as a Dispositive of Necropower in
Northern MexicoSalvador Salazar Gutiérrez
The text presents a discussion about the implications that the strategy the militarization of public security implemented since 2006 in Mexico, has generated about the increase in violence in various sectors of the population, and specifically in practice of the forced disappearance by agents of the Mexican State. From the analysis of sources, it reveals how the implementation of the Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua-Juarez, was the example of a policy based on the production of disposable bodies.
Keywords: militarization, political violence, necro power, forced disappearance, Ciudad Juarez.
Classification: 160699
Language: English
© 2020. Salvador Salazar Gutiérrez. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercial use,distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
For Code:
(Des) Militarization and Political Violence: Forced Disappearance as a Dispositive of Necropower in
Northern Mexico
Salvador Salazar Gutiérrez ____________________________________________
ABSTRACT
The text presents a discussion about the
implications that the strategy the militarization
of public security implemented since 2006 in
Mexico, has generated about the increase in
violence in various sectors of the population, and
specifically in practice of the forced
disappearance by agents of the Mexican State.
From the analysis of sources, it reveals how the
implementation of the Operativo Conjunto
Chihuahua-Juarez, was the example of a policy
based on the production of disposable bodies.
Keywords: militarization, political violence, necro
power, forced disappearance, Ciudad Juarez.
I. INTRODUCCIÓN
A partir de un trabajo como perito especialista
ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos
Humanos (Corte IDH), relacionado con un caso
de desaparición forzada operado por elementos
militares adscritos al Operativo Conjunto
Chihuahua-Juárez, el artículo propone un análisis
de las implicaciones de la presencia de militares
en tareas de seguridad pública, en específico
considerando los periodos de gobierno de Felipe
Calderón Hinojosa (2006 a 2012) y Enrique Peña
Nieto (2012 a 2018). El texto sostiene que la
desaparición forzada, ha constituido un
mecanismo por parte del Estado mexicano que
remite a la lógica de necropolítica (Mbembe,
2011), perspectiva que según el filósofo camerunés
da cuenta cómo gobiernos someten la vida a un
poder encargado de reproducir la muerte como
dispositivo de control. En este sentido, la relación
que establezco entre militarización y violencia
política, adquiere relevancia en un contexto
sociohistórico en la frontera norte de México,
caracterizado por una expansión del brazo
punitivo del estado, la extinción de las políticas de
bienestar, y la puesta en marcha de una estrategia
selectiva encargada de contener y desaparecer
vidas consideradas eliminables (Salazar y Curiel,
2012).
El artículo comprende cuatro apartados. El
primero describe a partir de la relación entre las
categorías de violencia política y seguridad
pública, la implementación de una política
contenciosa y de violación sistemática a derechos
humanos, a partir de la puesta en marcha de
operativos policiaco-militares subordinados a la
operatividad logística castrense. Para ello,
describe qué significó el Operativo Conjunto
Chihuahua-Juárez, con una presencia entre el
2008 y el 2011, así como el andamiaje que
significó el compromiso de implementación de
este tipo de política a partir del acuerdo
binacional Iniciativa Mérida.
El segundo apartado, retoma la categoría de
necropoder (Mbebme, 2011), para evidenciar la
configuración de una política de militarización de
la seguridad pública, dando como resultado la
violación sistemática a derechos humanos, y
específicamente la práctica de la desaparición
forzada por agentes del Estado mexicano
vinculados a los operativos conjuntos. Para
fortalecer dicho argumento, el tercer apartado
muestra el caso ante la Corte Interamericana de
Derechos Humanos sobre desaparición forzada
–Caso Alvarado Spinoza y Otros vs México-, que
significó la evidencia pública a partir de una
sentencia condenatoria, de cómo las fuerzas
armadas han implementado una serie de prácticas
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1 © 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
violatorias a los Derechos Humanos, así como la
severa crisis de paradigma en torno a la seguridad
pública que enfrenta el Estado mexicano. Un
aspecto clave resultado de la sentencia emitida
por la Corte, fue el establecer cuatro principios
básicos de regulación que debe imperar en
cualquier intención de favorecer la actuación de
las fuerzas armadas en tareas reservadas a la
policía civil: extraordinaria, subordinada y
complementaria, regulada, y fiscalizada.
El cuarto apartado, busca dar un giro de
interpretación, a lo que ha significado la
simulación de cambio en torno a la perspectiva de
seguridad pública por parte del actual gobierno
federal encabezado por Andrés Manuel López
Obrador. En febrero del 2019, se emitió el decreto
por el que se crea el organismo denominado
Guardia Nacional. Una organización “híbrida”
que plantea operar, a partir de una relación dual
civil-militar, en tareas de apoyo a la seguridad
pública, y que ha generado un fuerte debate en el
marco de los Derechos Humanos.
Paisaje de militarización de la seguridad pública
(violencia política) en el norte de México.
Si bien, a lo largo de la historia en México se ha
mostrado las implicaciones de la participación de
elementos de las fuerzas armadas en diversas
tareas vinculadas a labores de la policía civil, en
las dos últimas décadas ha sido una constante la
presencia de operativos policiaco-militares en
torno a tareas destinadas a la seguridad pública,
en los que la constante es la violación sistemática
a Derechos Humanos reconocidos por el propio
Estado mexicano. Por violencia política, haré
referencia a todo proceso instrumentalizado y
orientado a la formación, distribución y ejercicio
del poder por parte del Estado, con la intención de
establecer un dominio de facto sobre una región y
su población (González Calleja, 2017). Partiendo
de ello, militarización de la seguridad pública
implica la subordinación de las tareas prevención,
investigación y persecución de diversos delitos,
tanto del fuero común como federal, a la
actuación y estrategia represiva castrense que, en
el contexto reciente de crisis en relación a la
inoperancia del Estado para contener los altos
índices de violencia en diversas regiones del país,
ha constituido una medida en la búsqueda de
legitimar la posición del Estado ante la presencia
del narcotráfico y el crimen organizado.
El primer aspecto a destacar, refiere a lo que
varios autores han planteado como la ambigüedad
jurídico-procedimental en torno a la perspectiva
de la seguridad pública, dando como resultado la
tendencia de ampliar el rango de participación de
elementos de las fuerzas armadas. Al respecto, la
Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos
Mexicanos, en su artículo 21, establece que por
seguridad pública define toda función cuya
finalidad sea
“…salvaguardar la vida, las libertades, la
integridad y el patrimonio de las personas, así
como contribuir a la generación y preservación
del orden público y la paz social, de
conformidad con lo previsto en esta
Constitución y las leyes en la materia. La
seguridad pública comprende la prevención,
investigación y persecución de los delitos, así
como la sanción de las infracciones
administrativas, en los términos de la ley, en
las respectivas competencias que esta
Constitución señala. La actuación de las
instituciones de seguridad pública se regirá por
los principios de legalidad, objetividad,
eficiencia, profesionalismo, honradez y respeto
a los derechos humanos reconocidos en esta
Constitución.” (Constitución Política de los
Estados Unidos Mexicanos,).
Esta definición, en la perspectiva de Muñoz
Castellanos (2017), presenta dos interrogantes
centrales. Por un lado, no queda claro en manos
de quién se cumple dicho mandato, es decir la
autoridad o cuerpo ejecutor de dicha prevención;
mientras que por otro lado, coloca dos enfoques
que enfrentados entre sí, resultado con ello una
serie de ambigüedades en la interpretación
jurídica: la prevención y la reacción : “si bien es 1
cierto que su corte es preventivo, también es
cierto que al señalar las facultades de
investigación y persecución ambas representan el
corte reactivo de la seguridad pública” (Muñoz
Castellanos, 2017;150).
Más allá de una discusión a fondo con respecto a
la falta de claridad conceptual que enfrenta el
1 El autor ejemplifica esta problemática de vacío legal en
torno a la relación prevención-reacción, en relación al
surgimiento en agosto del 2014, de la Gendarmería como
unidad operativa de la Policía Federal, a cargo de
implementar operativos en aquellas zonas en las que exista
presencia de la delincuencia organizada o altos índices
delictivos.
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(Des) militarization and political violence: forced disappearance as a dispositive of necropower in northern Mexico
enfoque de la seguridad pública en su anclaje
normativo y procedimental, es importante para la
intención del presente texto, dar cuenta de las
implicaciones que ha generado la participación de
elementos de las fuerzas armadas, en torno a la
dicha ambigüedad, propiciando con esto un
paisaje de indefensión y violación sistemática a
derechos humanos en el país.
Ahora bien, con la intención de caracterizar dicho
paisaje, y de manera específica el impacto que
generó la práctica de la desaparición forzada por
parte de elementos de las fuerzas armadas, a
continuación describiré dos antecedentes
centrales que permiten dar cuenta de la apuesta
por parte del Estado mexicano en torno dicha
estrategia: el acuerdo binacional Iniciativa
Mérida, y el Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua-
Juárez.
La Iniciativa Mérida
No se puede comprender el escenario actual de
irrupción de la violencia en la zona fronteriza
entre México y Estados Unidos, así como las
estrategias de “seguridad pública” llevadas a cabo
por el gobierno mexicano, sin tener presente el
acuerdo binacional denominado Iniciativa
Mérida. En Marzo del 2007, durante el encuentro
que sostuvieron los presidentes Felipe Calderón y
George Bush en la ciudad de Mérida, se formalizó
el plan de apoyo logístico y financiero de
seguridad, considerado como un esquema de
cooperación bilateral entre México y Estados
Unidos, que permitiría fortalecer y complementar
los esfuerzos internos contra la delincuencia
organizada transnacional.
“Los gobiernos de México y Estados unidos,
comparten una profunda preocupación por la
amenaza que representa para nuestras
sociedades la operación de organizaciones
criminales que actúan en ambos lados de
nuestra frontera común. La creciente
capacidad operacional y financiera de los
grupos criminales involucrados en el tráfico de
drogas, armas y personas, así como de otras
actividades criminales trasnacionales,
representan una contundente amenaza para las
vidas y el bienestar de los ciudadanos de
México y Estados unidos. Ambos países
establecerán como una prioridad combatir el
poder y la impunidad de las organizaciones
criminales y del narcotráfico, que amenazan la
salud y la seguridad pública de sus ciudadanos,
así como la estabilidad y la seguridad de la
región.” (SER, México, 2007) 2
El acuerdo destacó en su momento tres ejes de
acciones: 1) reforzar los esfuerzos internos de
procuración de justicia en México; 2) reforzar los
esfuerzos internos de procuración de justicia en
Estados Unidos; y 3) ampliar la cooperación
bilateral y regional dirigida a la amenaza que
representa la delincuencia transnacional
organizada (SRE, México, 2007). En específico,
destacó la prioridad de favorecer la adquisición de
equipo militar de vigilancia , así como el 3
adiestramiento y capacitación de mandos
militares y policiacos pertenecientes al Estado
mexicano:
“para incrementar las capacidades operativas,
nuestras estrategias incluyen una renovada
transferencia de equipo y recurso técnico, de
acuerdo con las normas correspondientes de
transparencia y rendición de cuentas de ambos
países. Asimismo, la estrategia incluye programas
de capacitación e intercambio de expertos, pero no
contempla el despliegue de personal militar
estadounidense en México ” (SER, México, 2007). 4
De manera particular, el acuerdo buscó
considerar “un compromiso de protección y/o
defensa de derechos humanos y establecer
mecanismos para una relación continua con la
sociedad civil” (Woodrom Wilson International
2 Dicho enfoque se fundamenta en la perspectiva que el
gobierno Federal de México planteó en el 2007, como parte
de su política exterior a cargo de la Secretaría de Relaciones
Exteriores. Consultar en https://embamex.sre.gob.mx/
suecia/index.php /en/comunicados/ 6-comunicados-2007/
306--sp-998823279 3 Para el 2010, Estados Unidos había destinado $1.5 mil
millones en asistencia para México bajo la Iniciativa Mérida
con el fin de combatir el tráfico de drogas y la violencia
asociada al mismo, incluyendo asistencia para la reforma
judicial, el desarrollo institucional, la lucha anticorrupción y
el fomento del Estado de Derecho. Se estima que entre 2008
y 2010 el Departamento de Defensa de Estados Unidos
destinó $80.9 millones a financiar la lucha antidroga en
México (Meyer, Brewer y Cepeda, 2010). 4 Si bien en el acuerdo se estableció el “no despliegue de
personal militar estadounidense en México”, considerado el
“pleno respeto de la soberanía, la jurisdicción territorial y el
marco legal de cada país; y están orientados por los
principios de confianza mutua, responsabilidad compartida y
reciprocidad.” (Iniciativa Mérida, 2007), diversas notas
periodísticas han evidenciado la participación de elementos
de organismos como la DEA o el FBI, en diversos operativos
de búsqueda y detención de personas que se consideraban
vinculadas al narcotráfico.
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(Des) militarization and political violence: forced disappearance as a dispositive of necropower in northern Mexico
Center, 2009). Aquí radica una de las
preocupaciones fundamentales del gobierno de
los Estados Unidos, el problema de la corrupción
en los organismos de seguridad pública en México
y la violación sistemática de los derechos
humanos (Chabat, 2010). El estudio “Abuso y
miedo en Ciudad Juárez: un análisis de
violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas
por militares en México” de Meyer, Brewer y
Cepeda (2010), es claro y contundente al mostrar
el fracaso que significó en su momento la
implementación de este acuerdo bilateral, en su
compromiso de garantizar la defensa de los
derechos humanos.
El rol de las fuerzas armadas como principal actor
en los operativos antidroga ha llevado a un
aumento en los abusos dada la impunidad de la
que históricamente han gozado las fuerzas
castrenses mexicanas. Pero también hay otros
peligros asociados a la participación de los
militares en operaciones de seguridad pública
relacionados con las diferencias en entrenamiento
y mandato entre las fuerzas. Las fuerzas armadas
están entrenadas para actuar en situaciones de
combate, en las cuales el objetivo es eliminar al
enemigo mediante el uso de la fuerza sin
consideración alguna por el bienestar del enemigo.
Por el contrario, las fuerzas policiales están
entrenadas para interactuar con civiles dentro de
un marco básico de derechos constitucionales.
Debido a las diferencias en cuanto a roles y
tácticas, los conflictos y abusos son prácticamente
inevitables cuando se asigna a los militares tareas
que corresponden a la policía. Aparte genera serias
dudas acerca de la práctica actualmente extendida
de nombrar a militares en cargos de mando en las
fuerzas policiales locales. (Meyer, Brewer y
Cepeda, 2010;10)
En el año 2006, al ser electo presidente de la
República el Lic. Felipe Calderón Hinojosa,
llevó a la práctica la participación directa de
comandos militares en torno a tareas de
seguridad pública en diversas regiones del país.
Los operativos conjuntos, fueron estrategias
que se caracterizaron por una falta de
coordinación entre diversos gobiernos locales y
el gobierno federal, ante el incremento de la
violencia expresada en un número creciente de
homicidios, secuestros, y presencia de grupos
vinculados al narcotráfico.
Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua-Juárez
El 21 de Marzo del 2008, el entonces Secretario de
Gobernación Juan Camilo Mouriño, anunció el
inicio de la estrategia de seguridad pública
denominada Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua-
Juárez, con el que se desplazarían a esta ciudad
fronteriza más de dos mil efectivos militares para
contribuir al resguardo de la ciudad junto con las
policías estatal y municipal. Tan solo cinco días
después del anuncio, los militares asumieron el
control de las instalaciones y funciones de
seguridad pública del Estado y el municipio. Para
inicios del 2009, existían en la ciudad más de siete
mil efectivos del ejército que tenían a su mando el
control y tareas de vigilancia de la ciudad (Salazar
y Curiel, 2012).
El discurso oficial en relación a incorporar
militares en actividades de seguridad pública,
constituye uno de los ejes clave al proceso de
militarización que se promovió por medio de los
operativos conjuntos en diversos lugares del país.
En el 2009, el Ejecutivo Federal pronunciaba las
siguientes palabras ante elementos del ejército
adscritos al Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua: “En
Ciudad Juárez derrotaremos al crimen
organizado, porque nuestras Fuerzas Armadas no
se arredrarán ni desistirán jamás” . El uso 5
retórico que buscó legitimar las acciones directas
de confrontación con los cárteles del narcotráfico,
alcanzó su expresión más contundente en la
expresión “guerra contra el crimen organizado”.
Una política belicista por parte del gobierno
federal, transitó como diáspora a diversos
escenarios de la administración estatal en
regiones del país. Para el caso específico de
Chihuahua, la constante fue el llamado al
gobierno federal para la participación de efectivos
militares en tareas de seguridad pública bajo la
justificación de la infiltración del crimen
organizado y el narcotráfico en las policías locales.
Si bien el uso legítimo de la fuerza, por
organismos de cualquier Estado moderno
democrático, parte de una necesidad básica y
fundamental: “que no sean los particulares
quienes resuelvan sus diferencias por propia
5 Boletín Presidencia de la República “Junto con el ejército,
derrotaremos en Juárez al crimen organizado: Presidente
Calderón”. En Presidencia de la República (sitio oficial), 14
mayo del 2009. http:// calderon.presidencia. gob.mx/
2009/05/ junto-con- el-ejercito- derrotaremos en-juarez
-al-crimen-organizado-presidente-calderon/
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(Des) militarization and political violence: forced disappearance as a dispositive of necropower in northern Mexico
mano y bajo sus propias reglas, sino que sea una
entidad distinta la que resuelva dichas
controversias, aun empleando la fuerza”
(Guerrero Agripino y De Santiago Álvarez,
2013:35), el problema es el uso indiscriminado de
la fuerza que, en palabras de Ernesto López
Portillo: “la salida de las fuerzas armadas a las
calles a realizar las tareas de seguridad pública,
invierte el principio del uso racional de la fuerza,
dominante en el mundo democrático
contemporáneo, al ubicar el instrumento del uso
máximo de la fuerza en el papel de recurso
regular, multiplicando ad infinitum los riesgos del
exceso” (López Portillo, 2016:07).
Ejemplo de ello es, que al transcurrir los primeros
meses de implementación del operativo, la
Comisión Estatal de los Derechos Humanos del
estado de Chihuahua, dio cuenta de un número de
1422 quejas en relación a diversos actos de
violación a Derechos Humanos por parte de
integrantes de las corporaciones policiacas y del
ejército : allanamiento de morada, detención 6
ilegal, robo, tortura, amenazas, desaparición
forzada, incomunicación, entre otras. Al respecto,
la perspectiva crítica de los derechos humanos
(Gallardo, 2010), sostiene un cuestionamiento a la
fragilidad de los Estados, que han producido una
sociedad fracturada, una economía excluyente y la
entronización de élites de gobiernos a partir de
instrumentos de coerción, como ha sido la
participación del ejército en diversas actividades
de seguridad pública en franca violación a los
derechos humanos.
En el 2009 The Human Rigths Watch publicó un
documento titulado “Impunidad Uniformada.
Usos indebidos de justicia militar en México para
investigar abusos cometidos durante operativos
contra el narcotráfico y de seguridad pública”.
En él detalla un panorama de prácticas violatorias
por parte de militares a la población en general a
partir de la “desaparición forzada”. El documento
dio cuenta que:
“México ha utilizado a las fuerzas armadas en
operativos contra el narcotráfico y la insurgencia
durante décadas. No obstante, la visibilidad de las
6 Referencia “Suman 1450 quejas contra el ejército” publicada
en el periódico El Universal, el 10 de septiembre del 2009.
Consultar en https://archivo.eluniversal.com.mx/ estados/
73044.html
fuerzas armadas en operaciones de seguridad
pública ha incrementado drásticamente durante el
gobierno de Calderón, quien ha planteado el
despliegue del Ejército como una de sus
estrategias clave para combatir al narcotráfico y
mejorar la seguridad pública. Miles de integrantes
de las fuerzas armadas han sido incorporados a la
policía federal y más de 40.000 efectivos entre
militares y policías han sido asignados a distintas
partes del país. En ciudades muy violentas, como
Ciudad Juárez y Tijuana, los gobiernos locales han
designado a militares de alto rango al frente de la
policía. Si bien el gobierno de Calderón ha
señalado que el uso del Ejército es de carácter
temporal, aún no ha presentado siquiera un plan
provisional para el repliegue de las tropas…”
(Human Rigths Watch, 2009;02).
En general, podemos concluir que la
implementación de operativos policiaco-militares
como el Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua-Juárez,
fueron resultado de una política a gran escala de
impulso a la militarización de la seguridad pública
en diversas regiones del país. Ante la presión
interna por parte de diversos sectores de la
población que enfrentan el colapso de sus
experiencias cotidianas resultado del incremento
de violencias, así como externa como da cuenta el
acuerdo Iniciativa Mérida, el Estado mexicano ha
promovido una estrategia de subordinación de las
corporaciones policiacas municipales, a una
estructura jerárquica y de mando militar,
resultado con ello una crisis sistémica en relación
a los Derechos Humanos.
● La desaparición forzada como dispositivo de
necropoder
En los últimos años, uno de los fenómenos de
mayor preocupación en México, ha sido el de
personas extraviadas o desaparecidas . Un 7
número importante de estos casos, como bien lo
dan a conocer diversos abordajes periodísticos , 8
7 Según el Registro Nacional de Personas Extraviadas o
Desaparecidas (RNPED), del Secretariado Ejecutivo del
Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública, reconoce entre enero
del 2014 y abril del 2018 en todo el país, un total de 37,435
casos. Vale la pena destacar, el 63% corresponde a población
en el rango de edad de 15 a 34 años. Consultar en
https://www.gob.mx/sesnsp /acciones-y-programas/reg-
istro-nacional-de-datos-de-personas-extraviadas-o-desapare
cidas-rnped 8 El 31 de agosto del 2019, el Heraldo de Chihuahua publicó
una nota titulada “Hay 306 fosas clandestinas en
Chihuahua”. En él, da cuenta a partir de datos generados por
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(Des) militarization and political violence: forced disappearance as a dispositive of necropower in northern Mexico
están vinculados al mundo del narcotráfico y el
crimen organizado, como resultado del
reclutamiento forzoso que se genera sobre
diversos sectores de la población, principalmente
jóvenes (De la O, María Eugenia y Flores Ávila,
la Comisión Nacional de Búsqueda de la Secretaria de
Gobernación, que la entidad ocupa uno de los primeros
lugares a nivel nacional en torno al fenómeno, y que varios de
estos casos están relacionados con la práctica de desaparición
de personas por parte del crimen organizado.
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(Des) militarization and political violence: forced disappearance as a dispositive of necropower in northern Mexico
382U
LJP Copyright ID: 573332Print ISSN: 2515-5784Online ISSN: 2515-5792
London Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences
Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
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Geografia Simbólica Dos Cemitérios Em Perspectivas
Alcimara Aparecida Föetsch & Christian Dennys Monteiro de Oliveira
© 2020. Alcimara Aparecida Föetsch & Christian Dennys Monteiro de Oliveira. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms ofthe Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/),permitting all noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Dormitory, place of eternal rest, space- environment of the end activity, necropolis, “necrotope” or campo-santo, we intend to discuss the physical space intended for different forms of burial. For that, we take the cemetery as an object and path of geographic research, proposing a set of perspectives that qualify such equipment as a symbolic representation of landscape, making sense of the spatiality of death, and demonstrating its meanings. Considering the landscape as text interpretative (COSGROVE; JACKSON; 1987), the intangible value of the mourning periodic, the role reference and recall diffuser powered by memory, the tourist transformation of the cemetery and its categorization as a commodity, the expansion of heritage that transcends its function utilitarian and the use of necropolises while didactic-pedagogical educational resource. O purpose of this essay, therefore, consists of highlight the multiple possibilities and perspectives of analysis of the cemetery, from the Geography contributions beyond a element of the functional restrictions that reduce its interpretive potential in the contemporaneity. The results of this study point to the expansion of the revitalization of necropolises in the face of cultural and heritage demands for training educational.
Keywords: cemetery; geography; analysis perspectives.
Classification: FOR Code: 040699
Language: English
ABSTRACT
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7 © 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
Geografia Simbólica Dos Cemitérios Em Perspectivas
____________________________________________
RESUMO
Dormitório, lugar do repouso eterno, espaço-reduto da atividade fim, necrópole, necrótopo ou campo-santo, pretendemos discutir o espaço físico destinado ao enterro, sepultamento ou inumação. Para tanto, tomamos o cemitério enquanto objeto e caminho de investigação geográfica, propondo um conjunto de perspectivas que qualificam tais equipamentos como representação simbólica da paisagem, provendo sentido à espacialidade da morte, e demonstrando seus significados. Considerando a paisagem enquanto texto interpretativo (COSGROVE; JACKSON; 1987), o valor intangível da ritualização do luto, o papel difusor de referência e recordação acionado pela memória, a turistificação do cemitério e sua categorização enquanto mercadoria, a patrimonialização que transcende sua função utilitária e a utilização das necrópoles enquanto recurso educacional didático-pedagógico. O intuito deste ensaio, portanto, consiste em evidenciar as múltiplas possibilidades e perspectivas de análise do cemitério, a partir das contribuições da Geografia para além de um elemento das restrições funcionais que reduzem sua potencialidade interpretativa na contemporaneidade. Os resultados desse estudo apontam para a ampliação da capacidade de revitalização das necrópoles diante das demandas culturais e patrimoniais de formação educativa.
Palavras-chave:cemitério; geografia; perspectivas de análise.
Alcimara Aparecida Föetschα & Christian Dennys Monteiro de Oliveiraσ
ABSTRACT
Dormitory, place of eternal rest, space-
environment of the end activity, necropolis,
“necrotope” or campo-santo, we intend to discuss
the physical space intended for different forms of
burial. For that, we take the cemetery as an object
and path of geographic research, proposing a set
of perspectives that qualify such equipment as a
symbolic representation of landscape, making
sense of the spatiality of death, and demonstrating
its meanings. Considering the landscape as text
interpretative (COSGROVE; JACKSON; 1987), the
intangible value of the mourning periodic, the role
reference and recall diffuser powered by memory,
the tourist transformation of the cemetery and its
categorization as a commodity, the expansion of
heritage that transcends its function utilitarian
and the use of necropolises while
didactic-pedagogical educational resource. O
purpose of this essay, therefore, consists of
highlight the multiple possibilities and
perspectives of analysis of the cemetery, from the
Geography contributions beyond a element of the
functional restrictions that reduce its interpretive
potential in the contemporaneity. The results of
this study point to the expansion of the
revitalization of necropolises in the face of
cultural and heritage demands for training
educational.
Keywords: cemetery; geography; analysis
perspectives
I. INTRODUÇÃO
“[...] aeternam dona eis [...].
Liturgia católica do Ofício dos Mortos: “Dai-lhes o
repouso eterno”.
(MIRANDA, 1999, p. 81).
Uma visita ao centro da cidade de Fortaleza –
estado do Ceará, no nordeste do Brasil –
especialmente no dia 02 de novembro (feriado do
dia de Finados, em todo o país), permite ao
visitante o encontro de reuniões familiares, feira
popular, e dinâmicas sociais de vizinhança
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8 Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0 © 2020 London Journals Press
Geografia Simbólica Dos Cemitérios Em Perspectivas
incomuns em outros dias do ano. A imagem que
utilizamos para abrir esse estudo registra a
mobilização nas missas especiais do cemitério
central da cidade, o São João Batista e a forma dos
visitantes ocuparem a paisagem de túmulos,
observada a partir de uma perspectiva horizontal
do cemitério. Nesta imagem (Figura 01) o ato de
ver os túmulos se articula ao exercício cotidiano
de rever a cidade que os mortos continuam
representando. Que expressão simbólica tal
perspectiva pode incluir, em novas perspectivas
(paisagística, ética, educativa e turística), no que
concerne às representações de um cemitério no
espço geográfico?
O enfrentamento dessa questão, fazendo dialogar
autores dedicados ao tema e situações que temos
reunido em pesquisas sobre a geografia cultural, é
o que trazemos para esse trabalho.
Figura 1: Cemitério São João Batista, em Fortaleza-CE
O desaparecimento do ser vivo associado à
fertilidade do pensamento humano promove
desassossegos, aflições e fantasias, cujas
repercussões se sobrepõem e ficam impressas na
paisagem geográfica. Espaço privilegiado, pleno
de significados e sociabilidades, os “lugares da
morte” ou necrópoles/necrótopos , em suas
múltiplas perspectivas, evidenciam um espaço
simbólico em que estas impressões podem ser
percebidas, propondo o que Pegaia (1967)
chamaria de estudo geográfico do cemitério. Estes
representam um “item de um conjunto bem
maior, que se poderia chamar de ‘Geografia da
Morte’” (p. 103) e “o geógrafo que se dispuser a
abordá-lo, encontrará nos cemitérios um
interessante ‘laboratório’ para suas pesquisas”
(PEGAIA, 1967, p.119).
Grisales (2017), ao enfocar o discreto encanto dos
cemitérios, afirma que os enfoques que integram
discursos sobre a morte são construídos “sin
haber estado (el antropólogo) muerto, sin haber
realizado trabajo de campo en el estado de la
muerte, sin penetrar ni cohabitar con los difuntos
en su sociedad silenciosa, conociendo poco de ella
y sin poder acompañar al objeto de estudio”
(GRISALES, 2017, p. 79-80). Trata-se de um
discurso elaborado por razões e emoções do outro,
daqueles que nunca morreram, tornando os
cemitérios espaços de lembranças vivas, locais
onde se projetam valores, estruturas ideológicas e
socioeconômicas (BELLOMO, 2008), pois “são
lugares para os vivos e [...] os monumentos
funerários e esculturas ali instaladas dizem mais
respeito de seus autores e de seus clientes, do que
Fonte: Acervo dos Autores (2019)
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as pessoas que ali estão enterradas” (BORGES,
2004, p. 08).
Um apanhado histórico nos mostra que a
sociedade brasileira, até o sec. XIX sepultava seus
mortos em espaços eclesiais, independente de
classes social. Tratava-se do enterramento ad
sanctos, prática que foi proibida a partir da
Primeira República (1989-1930), deslocando os
campos santos rumo aos arredores dos povoados
e cidades, incitando uma “verdadeira busca pela
demonstração de nobreza e opulência: suntuosos
túmulos de arquitetura especializada passam a ser
construídos e adornados por esculturas de figuras
e signos próprios” (SANTOS, 2011, p. 190-191).
Também no final do século XVIII, o discurso
médico-higienista e um novo pensamento
ocidental diante da morte deram início a uma
nova espacialização , originando justamente 1
espaços próprios, os cemitérios, tidos como
morada dos mortos, expressivo em representação
e simbolismo (COSTA, 2003).
Local onde se dorme, lugar das inumações,
carneiros, ossuários ou recinto das sepulturas,
vários são os batismos e alcunhas. No Brasil,
quando da morte de alguém, “sempre prevaleceu
a técnica da inumação, totalmente consolidada
pela tradição” (PEGAIA, 1967, p. 103) e
considerando as dimensões territoriais associadas
a diversidade cultural do país é possível presumir
a pluralidade e a riqueza que estes espaços podem
revelar. Aproveitamo-nos, destarte, da
possibilidade de tomar o cemitério enquanto
objeto de investigação geográfica.
Neste horizonte, nos propusemos e refletir sobre a
necrópole considerando perspectivas distintas
com o intuito de qualificar o cemitério enquanto
espaço simbólico. Partimos do enfoque
geográfico-cultural da paisagem, buscando
compreender o texto que revela o processo
formativo de seus cenários; assim como suas
várias camadas de representação, percebendo,
inclusive, as experiências vivenciadas com relação
1 Rodrigues (1997) fala em situá-los “extra-muros”,
atendendo determinadas exigências, como “a altitude do
terreno, a composição de seu solo e vegetação” (p. 59).
à vida e a espacialidade da morte. Em seguida,
objetivando valorizar o intangível, discutimos a
ritualização do luto, a mitificação da vida para
além da morte e a teatralidade de ambos os
processos, evidenciando linguagens, celebrações e
práticas performativas que vão de encontro à
espiritualidade e o desconhecido (imaginado), e se
processam auxiliando na lida com a ausência, a
perda, a culpa, a saudade e o remorso. A paisagem
e o ritual nos guiaram à perspectiva da memória,
a perceber os cemitérios e seu papel difusor de
referência e recordação, são lugares que
oportunizam o direito às lembranças e a
imortalização do sepultado na terra. São
repositórios do “fazer recordar”, de fabricação do
imortal, de enraizamento territorial. Isso ao
mesmo tempo, em que calam almas solitárias,
encobertam mortos anônimos, retratam o
abandono e perpetuam o esquecimento.
Impossível pensar o cemitério sem considerá-lo
enquanto potencialidade socioambiental, para uso
turístico e de lazeres contemporâneos. Edificado,
construído e vivenciado por distintas
coletividades, atrai verdadeiras peregrinações
para visita a suas marcas elementares:
personalidades, heróis, celebridades, arte,
genealogia, estilo construtivo, paisagismo,
adornos e artesanato. Essa turistificação do
cemitério associa dimensões mercadológica e
simbólica simultaneamente. E tal enquadramento
nos aproxima da reflexão sobre sua
patrimonialização, na qual a necrópole pode ser
tida como um museu a céu aberto e alimentada
por uma rede de significados, repositório de
identidades e espaço privilegiado para fomentar
educação patrimonial. Tal encadeamento orienta
a última perspectiva observada: a
didático-pedagógica. Por meio desta,
reconhecemos que os cemitérios podem
promover, para além do assombro e do temor,
profícuos diálogos interdisciplinares, figurando
como espaço educacional, aberto a incentivar a
formação de agentes multiplicadores de suas
representações.
Dessa maneira, o cemitério enquanto campo de
representação simbólica estabelece um equilíbrio
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vital que permite ao ser humano dar sentido à
morte, significando-a. Arena teatral, a necrópole,
faz transparecer os sentimentos religiosos através
dos signos e símbolos que os identificam e que
podem ser notados, evidenciados e discutidos pelo
viés geográfico.
No Brasil, o dia 02 de novembro, seguindo o
calendário de festas católicas, sincretizadas ou
não com outras cresças populares, temos um
feriado oficial e um ato regular de visitação aos
Cemitérios; seja em áreas densamente
urbanizadas ou em povoado rurais e distantes.
Assim como em outros países latinos, afro
descendentes e ameríndios, o ritual de visitação
aos túmulos dos antepassados mobiliza a busca
pela reconexão existencial na realidade terrena,
muitas vezes vivida de maneira apartada dos
valores existenciais mais significativos. Por isso,
para completar nossa metodologia de análise
dessas perspectivas (paisagística, ritual,
memorialista, turística e educativa) indicamos a
observação, ainda que panorâmica, de 2 casos que
intercalam diferente motivações para construção
multifacetada das representações culturais da
necrópole.
O primeiro exemplo, com predomínio das marcas
de ruralidade e memória devocional, representado
pela sutil conjugação entre a busca de significados
para os falecimentos infantis e a herança da
santidade popular de São João Maria, cuja
tradição de líder e curandeiro marca a região da
Guerra do Contestado no Sul do Brasil. E o
segundo, expresso pela sobreposição de políticas
eclesiais, de lazer e educação artística, envolvendo
as comunidades urbanas de Ocara-CE, cuja
iniciativa de valorização da localidade no Dia dos
Mortos, capitaneou espaço de disputas culturais
inesperadas para um contexto de religiosidade
católica, tão avessa à ocasião.
II. A PERSPECTIVA DA PAISAGEM – CENÁRIOS DA MORTE: A
SOBREPOSIÇÃO DE TEXTOS
“[...] o geógrafo que se dispuser a abordá-lo,
encontrará nos cemitérios um interessante
‘laboratório’ para suas pesquisas”.
(PEGAIA, 1967, p. 119).
Ao propor um enfoque sobre o cemitério na
perspectiva geográfica da paisagem, valemo-nos
inicialmente das considerações de Sopher (1967)
quando este destaca que “uma das preocupações
da geografia da religião é entender como a
paisagem se associa a um conjunto de sistemas
religiosos e modelos de religiosidade que estão
condicionados a comportamentos” (p. 24).
Cymbalista (2002) nos desafia nesta perspectiva,
ao chamar a atenção para o fato de que a
paisagem contemporânea dos cemitérios é fruto
da sobreposição de várias camadas de
representações construídas, sendo que muitas
vezes a “camada” que percebemos é apenas a mais
recente (p. 21). Assim sendo, decodificar os
históricos sistemas religiosos e religiosidades
diversas que, ao longo do tempo e no espaço,
construíram e reconstruíram a territorialidade da
morte é tarefa provocadora.
Inegavelmente, a paisagem é terreno fértil para os
geógrafos culturais (COSGROVE; JACKSON,
1987) sendo que a tarefa de todo geógrafo cultural
é, portanto, dupla: explorar o universo das
representações mentais e estender sua tradução
para a paisagem (CLAVAL, 1992). Neste sentido,
esta pode ser analisada considerando duas
perspectivas no campo religioso: como marca da
experiência religiosa no lugar e como matriz
identitária dessa experiência (BERQUE, 1998).
Também é interpretada como texto que permite
múltiplas leituras (DUNCAN, 2004, p. 106).
Transportando estes apontamentos teóricos para
o espaço cemiterial, pode-se dizer que
compreender a paisagem significa ser requisitado
a decifrar o universo mental religioso, perceber as
experiências vivenciadas com relação à
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vida/morte e o processo formativo da paisagem
social influenciada pela religião.
Bellomo afirma que os “cemitérios reproduzem a
geografia social das comunidades e definem as
classes sociais” (2008, p. 15) funcionando como
um espelho da sociedade que o cria. É um espaço
onde se projetam valores, crenças, estruturas
socioeconômicas e ideologias, indo da área dos
ricos (suntuosos mausoléus), passando pela área
da classe média (túmulos familiares) até a parte
dos pobres e indigentes (covas rasas). Reis (1999,
p. 127) chamaria de “hierarquização” das
sepulturas. Isso porque a condição igualitária do
espaço de morte existe apenas no discurso. De
fato, diferenças sociais até se acentuam, pois nos
cemitérios as estruturas socioeconômicas e
ideológicas são reproduzidas na paisagem, visíveis
aos olhos de todos.
Rezende (2007) ao escrever especificamente sobre
os cemitérios destaca que elementos e materiais
nos remetem a quem está sepultado, conferindo
certa imortalidade ao espaço, visto que as
“construções tumulares, a decoração das covas, os
epitáfios e as fotografias, além dos elementos
religiosos, mostram como a morte e o morto são
tratados pela comunidade” (SANTOS, 2011, p.
192). Orser (1992) comenta que todas as
sociedades construíram objetos físicos para
ajudá-las a sobreviver, a compreender o mundo
em que vivem, a comunicar-se. Assim, a
sociedade, ao dar sentido aos objetos e lugares,
assegura que “todos os artefatos têm ‘vidas
sociais’, já que são possuidores de importantes
sentidos sociais e são usados de modos variados,
para significarem coisas diversas, no decorrer de
sua existência” (p. 98). O cemitério, nestas
considerações, emerge como espaço de vivência e
comunicação, possuidor dos mais variados
sentidos sociais e simbólicos.
Nesta proposição, a paisagem do cemitério, ao
carregar a “memória social de determinada época”
(RICHTER, 2005, p. 47) pode sugerir diversas
interpretações. Entre as possíveis, destacamos:
a. As edificações e seu estilo construtivo:
mini-igrejas, mausoléus, jazigos, capelas, e
covas rasas que permitem estabelecer uma
reflexão sobre os aspectos socioeconômicos do
lugar e da sociedade que o constrói, onde são
possíveis análises sobre a hierarquia social;
Ь Aspectos históricos e sociais: as origens
históricas dos lugares, as ideologias políticas,
sociais e culturais, elementos étnicos,
genealogias, representações de poder, o
sincretismo e a democratização dos espaços,
personagens icônicos e demais associações com
a história e a sociedade podem ser muito bem
exploradas por meio da paisagem cemiterial;
c As manifestações artísticas da morte: que
pode ser percebida na estética da paisagem
cuja linguagem material revela recordatórios,
relicários, uma arte tumularia artesanal,
homenagens pictóricas, epitáfios primorosos,
túmulos oratórios transformados em altares,
adornos tão bem planejados e construídos;
d As oferendas e ex-votos: visíveis em sua
materialidade são os artefatos de memória,
revelados nos túmulos e lápides: nomes e
informações pessoais, elementos que revelam o
ofício/trabalho tido em vida, homenagens,
fotografias que eternizam momentos felizes,
santos de devoção, cruzes, signos religiosos,
coroas, flores, objetos pessoais, pertences,
epitáfios, dizeres, mensagens bíblicas,
saudações e até cenários que recriam os
espaços em vida;
e O espelho da sociedade dos vivos: com o
passar do tempo passou-se a valorizar um
ordenamento estrutural e paisagístico dos
cemitérios: arruamentos, numeração de
registro e identificação, placas informativas,
arruamentos, quadras, corredores, praças,
capelas e demais construções e elementos que
objetivam dar suporte ao uso destes espaços.
Dessa forma, concebendo a paisagem como
produto da “ação humana ao longo do tempo”
(CORRÊA; ROSENDAHL, 1998, p. 08)
percebemos sua dimensão histórica e social ao ser
portadora de significado e simbolismo que carrega
o espaço de afetividade e identificação,
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notadamente nos cemitérios, tendo em vista que
as materialidades das edificações e do estilo
construtivo revelam muito sobre a história e a
sociedade que as produziu. Isso somado às
manifestações artísticas, às oferendas e ex-votos
permite afirmar que o cemitério pode ser
entendido como espelho da sociedade dos vivos,
inclusive em seus rituais.
III. A PERSPECTIVA DO RITUAL DE LUTO E SUA TEATRALIDADE
“Morre-se em qualquer parte do Mundo, sob a
condição preliminar de estar-se vivo. – Tanto se
morre em Pequim, Como em Quixeramobim! [...]
Mas os defuntos não são iguais aos olhos dos
conterrâneos. Os cerimoniais mudam”.
(CAMARA CASCUDO, 1971, p. 93).
Perpassando a linguagem material da paisagem,
celebrações, missas, rezas e demais práticas
verbais e performativas dão vida ao cemitério
enquanto local de tristeza, despedida,
introspecção, ausência, caridade, acolhimento e
esquecimento, encontro com a espiritualidade e o
desconhecido (imaginado). Observar as diferentes
formas de se relacionar com esses campos-santos
significa ser desafiado a compreender o
sincretismo que funde as diversas concepções
sobre a morte e o morrer, inclusive, as reflexões e
recomposições do sentido da vida. São os túmulos
agindo como elementos de mediação entre quem
vivo constrói a identidade do que se foi, pois para
Damatta (1997, p. 146) vivemos em uma
sociedade na qual “os vivos têm relações
permanentes com os mortos”.
Bellomo (2008) escreve que devido ao sentimento
desconforme e renitente perante a morte, surgem
ritos, referências e magias, atos de várias espécies,
mas que no fundo apresentam tão somente o
inconformismo com essa condição e uma
incansável busca por sobreviver em outra
dimensão. Morre-se, de fato, tanto em Pequim
como em Quixeramobim, contudo, certamente, os
rituais e experiências se diversificam. Neste
sentido, Vovelle (2004) enfatiza que “a história da
morte é de fato a história de toda uma série de
artimanhas, de mascaramentos, de evitações, mas
também de criações de imaginário coletivo em
relação a uma passagem obrigatória em toda
existência humana” (p. 59).
Trata-se, entre outras perspectivas, da ritualização
do luto, que implica em teatralizar culturalmente
esta passagem. Nos cemitérios, a própria
paisagem - cenário cultural de continuidade e
depuração da morte na geografia dos vivos -
demanda aspectos rituais que indicam e revelam
formas de conviver com a ausência: a perda, a
culpa, a saudade e o remorso. As oferendas e
ex-votos, visíveis aos olhos, ornamentam e
diferenciam os túmulos. As velas que iluminam o
caminho de quem se foi, as coroas de flores, os
pertences que retratam a personalidade do morto
(instrumentos de sua representação), as imagens
e ícones dos santos de devoção, a localização da
tumba na ala nobre ou marginal do cemitério e o
estilo construtivo e adornos das sepulturas muito
revelam sobre os rituais ali representados e
vividos. Bastam alguns momentos no cemitério
para que possamos ler a paisagem edificada e
experienciada para além da sobreposição histórica
de seus elementos visíveis. É possível, para além
de ver, imaginar os rituais professados.
Importante registrar as práticas rituais que se
associam, nos cemitérios, às figuras santificadas
(sobretudo, popularmente), cuja mitificação
heroica da vida do morto é marcada por vivências
sublinhadas em oferendas, pedidos, orações e
agradecimentos, o túmulo se transforma em altar.
Quase sempre a trajetória em vida se associa a um
martírio, sacrifício, tragédia, sofrimento ou
tortura, tornando o(a) falecido(a) digno de
glorificação e reverência, estando apto, inclusive,
a operar milagres e conceder graças. Ouvem-se e
espalham-se as narrativas das dádivas, as
visitações se multiplicam, o túmulo torna-se local
de encontro, sociabilidade, peregrinação e fé,
sendo que os rituais revelam a diversidade das
crenças e o perfil dos romeiros. Questionamos,
dessa forma, por que e quem realmente se
apropria do cemitério e o que ele representa
enquanto espaço ritual?
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Impossível refletir sobre a ritualização do luto nos
cemitérios sem assinalar as práticas culturais
associadas ao sepultamento infantil. Aos heróis
adultos, que foram canonizados ou santificados,
as oferendas são condizentes com sua trajetória
em vida, por outro lado, às crianças que
precocemente faleceram os ex-votos objetivam
acarinhar e afagar os pequenos anos cuja
passagem foi encurtada pelos mais variados
motivos. São balas, doces, chocolates, brinquedos,
roupas e até pertences de outras crianças
carinhosamente depositados sobre os túmulos
evidenciando a dolorosa despedida de quem
partiu cedo demais ou nasceu para não viver. Em
alguns lugares, até os sete anos, são chamados de
anjos cuja brevidade da vida não permitiu pecar.
Registram-se também os cemitérios
exclusivamente infantis, por vezes, associados a
um protetor religioso ou a um santo. Os rituais
percebidos nesses campos santos indicam
“confidências”, como a não aceitação do luto
infantil.
É possível também perceber o cemitério enquanto
espaço ritualístico, cuja associação permite
desfrutar de sentimentos de paz, harmonia,
tranquilidade; sendo que em algumas necrópoles
o paisagismo dá origem a um cenário bucólico e
idílico, permitindo um encontro direto com cada
espiritualidade, dores, angústias e sofrimentos
oriundos da separação material dos entes amados.
Isso se torna perceptível nos cemitérios parque
jardim e memoriais quando os elementos visíveis
do entorno dos túmulos arquitetam uma brisa
aprazível ao lugar, atraindo, assim, novas práticas
e experiências rituais muito ligadas à natureza e a
manifestações artísticas.
Dessa maneira, concordamos com Guerrero
(2011, p. 193) quando este afirma que os
cemitérios são vistos “como lugares de
significado y aprendizaje para rastrear las
huellas y memorias de todos aquellos procesos
históricos y culturales que definen a una región,
pero vista a través de sus muertos y prácticas
rituales”. A universalidade da morte lega ao
imaginário coletivo práticas culturais (ritos) que
se revelam na paisagem enquanto cenários da
morte. Assim como práticas verbais e
performativas, que envolvem a teatralidade da
despedida, na mitificação heroica e santificação de
personagens (virtuosos e/ou martirizados), de
todas as idades, “acolhidos” nesse espaço,
aprazível e aberto ao desconhecido.
Acrescentamos que se tratam, portanto, de
lugares de memória, sendo que “só é lugar de
memória se a imaginação o investe de uma aura
simbólica [...] só entra na categoria se for objeto
de um ritual” (NORA, 1996, p. 21), mesclam-se na
projeção de ritos e recordações.
IV. A PERSPECTIVA DA MEMÓRIA E DAS RECORDAÇÕES
“Los ‘difusores’ de la memoria por excelencia son
los monumentos a los muertos, las necrópolis, los
osarios, etc. y, de manera más general, todos los
monumentos funerarios que son el suporte de
uma fuerte memoria afectiva”.
(CANDAU, 2006, p. 93).
Richter (2005), ao analisar documentos
epigráficos, destaca que o “cemitério carrega a
memória social de determinada época” (p. 47) e
quando combinamos sua reflexão com a de
Candau (2006) reportada acima, temos que a
memória ao se enraizar no concreto e no visível
permite fazer das necrópoles um ingrediente
difusor na busca por referências passadas e
recordações. É o que, nesta perspectiva,
chamamos de “lugares de memória”, ou seja, que
“nascem e vivem do sentimento que não há
memória espontânea” (NORA, 1996, p. 13), sendo
necessário cria-la, organizá-la, pois estas
operações não são naturais. Dessa forma, os
cemitérios acionam, por meio de elementos
visíveis e intangíveis, diferentes tipos de
recordações e lembranças. Bastianello apresenta
como “o túmulo ou monumento tumular que se
torna lugar de memória, sua edificação oportuniza
o direito à memória, à imortalização do sepultado
na terra” (2010, p.98), ou seja, os artefatos e
elementos cemiteriais proporcionam referências
acerca tanto do falecido quanto da própria
história social.
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Santos (2011), ao discutir o processo de
dessacralização da morte, contribui no sentido de
afirmar que os campos santos são considerados
“hoje como lugares de memória, como um cenário
composto por jazigos-capelas, túmulos
monumentais, esculturas e símbolos que
ultrapassam sua função” (p. 187), se convertendo,
desta forma, em locais de preservação da história
social e se tornando patrimônios culturais dos
lugares. Neste sentido da criação e apropriação da
memória, Le Goff (1994, p. 535), ao discutir a
questão das memórias coletivas, coloca que esta
pode ser analisada a partir de dois materiais:
monumentos e documentos. Os primeiros se
relacionam ao desejo de perpetuar testemunhos e
legados de um povo, ao passo que os documentos
se constituem de provas históricas.
Assim sendo, o cemitério pode ser entendido
como um cenário que faz parte do cotidiano e age
como repositório de memórias que podem ser
históricas, sociais, emocionais, devocionais,
estéticas, políticas e ambientais cujos elementos
objetivam acionar lembranças e indicar
referências, acionando Ricoeur (2008) podemos
dizer que a memória consiste em uma modalidade
temporizadora que se refere ao passado por meio
do ato de recordar.
De uma forma mais objetiva, Santos (2011) coloca
que os jazigos “suntuosos ou modestos são
espaços onde se encontram traços pulsantes da
memória daquelas pessoas, verdadeiras obras
arquitetônicas que mostram o prestígio dos que lá
residem, em especial dos ilustres da história local”
(p. 230), recordatórios e relicários também são
elementos e/ou adornos que se destacam por
mobilizarem memórias diretas dos falecidos, nas
palavras de Guerrero (2011), portanto, o cemitério
“no es simplemente un depósito de restos
humanos” (p. 204).
Abreu afirma que no campo da memória, os
contornos do sujeito são “delimitados
fundamentalmente a partir das construções
póstumas. Máscaras mortuárias, discursos por
ocasião do enterro e biografias são algumas das
formas de manter viva a memória do indivíduo.
Memória que, diga-se de passagem, é construída
item por item” (1996, p. 67), desta forma, é
através dos indicativos póstumos que se inicia a
construção da memória do herói, da sua
imortalidade.
O contraponto, no discurso da mitificação dos
mortos, dá-se por anonimato. O cemitério
também abriga, especialmente em suas galerias
periféricas, os chamados por Losonczy (2015) de
mortos não reivindicados, cujo conjunto “é
representado na efígie da ‘anima sola’ (‘alma
solitária’, conglomerado de mortos anônimos [...]”
(p. 464) e constituem “a figura mesma da
dissolução da identidade: sem sepultura
individual, sem nome, sem narrativa sobre sua
vida que os situe em uma individualidade” (idem).
Figura o abandono e o esquecimento post
mortem. É bastante comum encontrar nos
cemitérios espaços dedicados aos indigentes ou
mesmo túmulos abandonados cujas memórias já
se dissolveram no tempo.
Entremeio aos extremos dos mortos
emblemáticos e dos mortos não reivindicados,
figura uma série de perspectivas, visto que os
cemitérios permitem “dar cuenta de la
complejidad y reapropiación social a través de
un mapa de representación de memorias como
herramienta para la construcción de un
conocimiento.” (GUERRERO, 2011, p. 206),
sendo que o exercício de seu entendimento
permite “construir y organizar memoria,
conmemorar el pasado, resignificar el presente,
activar el olvido y luchar contra el silencio.”
(idem).
V. A PERSPECTIVA DE NOVOS USOS: LAZERES E TURISMO
Ao enfocar a arte, a história, o turismo e o lazer
em cemitérios de São Paulo, Osman e Ribeiro
(2007) destacam que estes são espaços carregados
de história e memória e que o lazer e o turismo
nesses locais podem significar uma forma de
contribuição para a sua preservação, introduzindo
a próxima perspectiva a ser considerada.
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O cemitério é, de fato, um atrativo turístico
consolidado nos diferentes lugares do mundo
(OSMAN e RIBEIRO, 2007), roteirizado e
procurado por estudiosos dispostos ler suas
paisagens-códigos, rituais e memórias como
“atrativos”. Desde sua origem, após a proibição
dos enterros ad sanctos pós Brasil colonial, ou
seja, no início da Primeira República (SANTOS,
2011) e, sobretudo, com as políticas higienistas do
século XIX (BASTIANELLO, 2010), vem se
apresentando enquanto espaço simbólico
construído e edificado por distintas coletividades
e, como tal, dotado de características peculiares
capazes de promover verdadeiras peregrinações.
Boa parte destes é marcada pela mistura de
identidades, religiosidades e diferentes formas de
encarar e compreender a morte como
representação dos lugares de vida.
Além das jornadas aos túmulos dos mortos
santificados, temos a visitação turística aos
túmulos de personalidades, heróis e celebridades.
São visitações, por vezes, guiadas e pertencentes a
roteiros religiosos, acadêmicos, que podem ser
realizadas individualmente ou em grupo. Durante
o percurso, obras de arte, estilos construtivos,
paisagismo, adornos e até o artesanato local
podem ser vistos e apreciados. Pegaia (1967)
coloca ainda que o fator nacionalidade
manifesta-se também de maneira peculiar em
certos cemitérios. Entre eles, podemos destacar os
de origem étnica e sua incessante caça por
genealogistas e interessados em busca de
informações sobre antepassados.
As demandas de curiosos e especialistas só se
multiplicam nessa perspectiva de interação
turismo, lazer e conhecimento. Dessa maneira,
enquanto atrativo multifacetado, o cemitério
demanda uma organização estrutural de forma a
atender e facilitar o acesso aos seus chamarizes,
Bittar (2018) informa que:
Hodiernamente ocorre uma intensa visitação aos
túmulos, com diferentes comportamentos,
conforme as tradições locais. Há aqueles que se
juntam sobre os túmulos dos seus amados, e ali
passam o dia, fazendo-lhes companhia, como se,
em verdade, eles ali estivessem encerrados; os que
levam comidas e bebidas, para alimentar o
espírito do morto; os que levam velas e flores para
iluminar e alegrar a última morada. (p. 184).
Para tanto, planejar a disposição de seus
elementos como setores, arruamentos, praças,
placas informativas, numeração e identificação
tumular, espaços administrativos, condições
sanitárias e áreas de convivência torna-se um
padrão de sustentabilidade urbana. A
turistificação dos cemitérios é em um só tempo
mercadoria com finalidades comerciais e modelo
de racionalidade ambiental. Trata-se do discurso
político e econômico que circunda a necrópole, na
“venda” da paz espiritual, em harmonia com o
ambiente pelo desenho paisagístico e, dessa
forma, publicidade e marketing trabalham com a
metáfora do paraíso ecossistêmico.
Neste sentido, Losonczy (2015) exemplifica com a
confiscação do cemitério central de San Pedro, na
Colômbia, pela lógica patrimonial nacional que,
classificado como bem de interesse cultural,
passou a receber saraus, animações poéticas,
musicais e teatrais de artistas locais. É o que a
autora chama de “reciclagem simbólica do
cemitério” (p. 468).
De fato, as necrópoles convivem com o comércio
de artigos comuns em seu entorno e movimentam
o comércio de produtos especializados, com
características definidas. Os primeiros
beneficiam-se do movimento de pessoas para o
cemitério e são legalmente estabelecidos como
bares, lojas, lanchonetes; já os segundos, são
tipificados como os “comércios de ocasião”
(PEGAIA, 1967, p. 117), surgem de maneira
esporádica e adensam feriados religiosos como o
Finados, que utilizamos para abrir esse artigo.
Soma-se a isso, a proposição de Grassi (2018)
acerca da associação entre turismo cultural e
educação patrimonial, quando a autora coloca que
a “implementação de ações a médio e longo prazo,
como visitas guiadas com periodicidade fixa
trazem a oportunidade de estruturação de ações
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mais efetivas” (p. 110), tornando a necrópoles
espaços de formação.
VI. UM PATRIMÔNIO EDUCATIVO NA ATUALIZAÇÃO DE PERSPECTIVAS
“Os conjuntos de monumentos funerários
formam um verdadeiro museu a céu aberto, onde
arte, cultura e história se encontram”.
(BASTIANELLO, 2010, p. 16).
Os cemitérios condensam tempos, tensões e cenas
de povoados, vilas e cidades como se recontassem
suas histórias em uma só geografia. Por essa razão
se torna possível rever seu lastro patrimonial
percorrendo os túmulos (conhecidos/
desconhecidos) com intencionalidade educativa.
Isto é, existe em seu desenho cumulativo a
condição enciclopédica de favorecer, aos
mediadores do saber local regional, um processo
curricular de sistêmico, no qual patrimônio
edificado e representações dos falecidos atuem
como uma narrativa consistente, incluindo
tendências futuras.
Dominique Poulot (2008), ao contribuir com as
discussões acerca da preservação do patrimônio
cultural material discutindo um “ecossistema do
patrimônio”, coloca que este tem a ver com
interpretação e só pode ser bem entendido a
partir da elaboração de significados. Isso implica
considerar que o reconhecimento do patrimônio
cultural não se define como dado, mas é
construção histórica e social. Reflexão que,
quando combinada a de Bastianello (2010) acima
destacada, permite conjecturar que a necrópole se
constitui em sua materialidade enquanto
patrimônio cultural, museu a ser explorado, cuja
rede de significados de um ensino/aprendizagem
social.
Dessa maneira, considerando que o cemitério
carrega a memória social de determinada época,
defendemos a ideia de que muitos merecem “ser
elevados à condição de patrimônio histórico e
artístico, pois apresentam um artefato de época –
o túmulo; uma técnica – as construções; uma arte
– as esculturas; documentos iconográficos”
(RICHTER, 2005, p. 47). Os cemitérios e seus
elementos tornam-se lugares de memória
“transcendendo a função utilitária para se
transformar em monumentos artísticos,
personificação de uma organização inconsciente
da memória coletiva diante da vida e da morte,
peculiares ao patrimônio cultural de cada lugar”
(MENDES, 2007, p. 66). É possível, portanto, que
a necrópole se apresente como bem cultural e
espaço privilegiado de educação patrimonial.
A própria legislação brasileira, por meio da Lei
nº3. 924, de 26 de julho de 1961, que dispõe sobre
os monumentos arqueológicos e pré-históricos,
assim atesta no Artigo 2º, alínea “c”: “os sítios
identificados como cemitérios, sepulturas ou
locais de pouso prolongado ou de aldeamento,
‘estações’ e ‘cerâmios’, nos quais se encontram
vestígios humanos de interesse arqueológico ou
paleoetnográfico” (BRASIL, 1961), estão sob a
guarda e proteção do poder público. Motta (2010,
p. 66-67) ao tratar das representações literárias e
artísticas que já favoreciam as tratativas
patrimoniais dos cemitérios de grandes centros
urbanos nos dá uma pista para essa
monumentalidade da necrópole como sítio/
espaço privilegiado, no exemplo da ex-capital:
O quadro de urbanidade que se delineava nos
cemitérios, seguindo à risca o calendário dos
vivos, evidenciava-se com maior intensidade
durante as datas de aniversários, de falecimento e
dia consagrado aos mortos, espelhando os novos
valores e modus vivendi da sociedade fluminense
da época. Provavelmente, por ser o Rio de Janeiro
à época a capital do país e, portanto, o centro de
articulação do poder e das decisões políticas, teve
o privilégio de abrigar o maior número de
cemitérios, quando comparado a outros centros
urbanos.
Essa possibilidade, de condensar, mesmo em
localidades remotas, uma ancestralidade que
reúne artes, epidemias, poderes familiares,
crimes, costumes de época e memoriais de valores
personalizados, vai impondo um direcionamento
territorial ao exercício da política como cultura
educativa. Algo que no Brasil – e nos exemplos
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estaduais de cidades interioranas do Paraná e
Ceará – ainda se apresenta muito insipiente, em
razão da menor associação das necrópoles com os
poderes públicos do que com as ingerências
eclesiais. O que pode ser revertido, mediante a
confluência de alguns fatores diretamente
relacionados à “ética da ancestralidade”: o acesso
tecnológico/digital ao subsolo e aos materiais dos
cemitérios; a busca pelo reconhecimento dos
antepassados, afrodescendentes e indígenas,
silenciados da historiografia oficial e a emergência
de socioambientais que fizeram das necrópoles
áreas privilegiadas nos indicadores de fixação
populacional. Por todos esses elementos, a
Educação Patrimonial tende a delimitar os
cemitérios como espaço referencial para aulas de
campo.
VII. O TRATAMENTO DIDÁTICO-PEDAGÓGICA DOS
CEMITÉRIOS
“[...] un cementerio es un complejo de obras de
arte, significaciones, simbolismos, coreografías,
estrategias, misterios, prácticas y seres humanos
que de consuno y sin saberlo actúan creando un
mundo espectacular más digno de admiración y
de asombro que de temor”.
(GRISALES, 2017, p. 83).
Brandão (2016) coloca que os cemitérios além de
referências históricas também são fontes de
pesquisa geográfica, sociológica, literária,
arqueológica e demográfica e Catroga (2001) cita
que as necrópoles, como museus a céu aberto, não
revelam somente as recordações identificadas na
simbologia, mas também se apresentam como
organizações bibliotecárias que podem ser
utilizadas com intenções cívico-educativas. Ainda
neste sentido, Bastianello (2010) destaca que os
cemitérios podem promover profícuos diálogos
interdisciplinares nas Ciências Humanas a partir
da História, da Geografia, da Arqueologia, da
Arte, da Antropologia e da Economia, sobretudo,
porque suas ferramentas analíticas estão sujeita a
tensões constantes; ou seja, permitem ocupar-se e
problematizar os modos de sentir, pensar e viver
das sociedades.
Assim sendo, promover visitações guiadas aos
cemitérios com fins pedagógicos pode muito
contribuir no (re)conhecimento do patrimônio
cultural e se apresentar como interessante
ferramenta didático-pedagógica, em especial,
quando considerada a possibilidade de pesquisar
em campo. A citação de Grisales (2017), em
destaque acima, evidencia justamente o caráter
espetacular da necrópole para além do assombro e
do temor que sua perspectiva pode incialmente
conjurar. O envolvimento pedagógico possibilita
ainda a formação de agentes multiplicadores que,
ao explorar a realidade, partem para propagar
perspectivas e conhecimentos.
O cemitério pode, portanto, se configurar como
espaço educacional, permitindo a definição de
temas geradores e norteadores com vistas a
problematizar questões interdisciplinares. Neste
sentido, Bellomo (2000), ao analisar a arte, a
sociedade e a ideologia em cemitérios do Rio
Grande do Sul, sugere seis promissoras
possibilidades: fonte histórica para preservação
da memória familiar e coletiva; fonte de estudo
das simbologias das crenças religiosas; forma de
expressão do gosto artístico; forma de expressão
da ideologia política; forma de preservação do
patrimônio histórico; e, fonte de preservação das
identidades étnicas.
Rigo (2010) ao discutir o cemitério enquanto
fonte de inspiração cênica propõe uma
metodologia intitulada “Pedagogia Cemiterial”
que apresenta um roteiro a ser considerado
quando da utilização do cemitério como recurso
pedagógico. Se o tema já merece destaque em
trabalhos relacionados às políticas culturais e de
turismo em cidades capitais – Paris, Buenos Aires,
Montevidéu, México, Lisboa, entre outras
agregam seus roteiros de visita a certa
“obrigatoriedade” de acesso a suas necrópoles –
também já é possível reconhecer tal preocupação
no âmbito do órgão brasileiro responsável pelas
políticas de patrimonialização Reportagem de
2013 do Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico e
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Artístico Nacional (IPHAN) indica sua parceria
com a Central de Postais (Correios do Brasil) para
emissão de selos que ajudam na divulgação desses
bens nacionais tombados. Notadamente: o
Cemitério de Santa Isabel de Mucugê (BA), o
Portão do Cemitério de Arez (RN), o Cemitério do
Batalhão (PI) e o Cemitério da Soledade (PA) . Em 2
que medida tais espaço aproveitaram essa
visibilidade para difundir seu papel
histórico-geográfico, cabe ser considerado em
futuras investigações.
VIII. OS CASOS SIMBÓLICOS EM EMERGÊNCIA (NO PARANÁ E NO
CEARÁ)
Ruiz (2004) coloca que perante a realidade da
morte e a incompreensão existencial e angustiante
da vida, “o símbolo estabelece um equilíbrio vital
que possibilita ao ser humano dar um sentido à
sua morte e transcender sua realidade empírica,
significando-a positivamente, de modo
sentimental e esperançoso” (p. 144-145). Neste
sentido, Urbain (1978) destaca que o cemitério,
por sua vez, é concebido como um local, por
excelência, de reprodução simbólica do universo
social e das expectativas metafísicas dos membros
de uma dada coletividade, destacando que este
simbolismo é resultante de um forte vínculo entre
o culto dos mortos e a memória, tanto individual
quanto coletiva. Bakhtin (1986) falaria em signos,
os quais são uma construção social que só existe
em um determinado contexto que lhe dá
significado e sentido.
Considerando o cemitério enquanto resultante de
uma construção social e, portanto, de reprodução
simbólica, trazemos à discussão dois casos em
emergência: os cemitérios de anjinhos de São
João Maria, no Paraná e o cemitério de Ocara, no
Ceará, ambos, porém cada um a seu modo
possuem um sistema de significados, signos e
sentidos resultantes de um contexto e que,
atualmente, constituem-se em desafios
patrimoniais.
2Notícia publicada no Portal do IPHAN
http://portal.iphan.gov.br/noticias/detalhes/494/selos-retra
tam-cemiterios-tombados , acesso em 27/01/2020.
8.1 Cemitério de Anjinhos de São João Maria em São Mateus do Sul/Paraná
No Paraná, particularmente em São Mateus do
Sul, polvilham-se lugares sagrados atribuídos à
figura mítica, lendária e simbólica de São João
Maria. Profeta, político ou guerreiro que se
mesclou no imaginário popular é ícone construído
e desenhado por várias mãos e congrega
diferentes expressões de resistência (WELTER,
2012). Para além da sacralização de elementos da
natureza alguns destes lugares foram sendo
ressignificados pela incorporação de um forte
elemento identitário: o cemitério de anjinhos.
Essa prática fúnebre iniciou-se nas últimas duas
décadas século XX quando o Santo popular ainda
perambulava pela região e “havia dado ordem”
para enterrar crianças falecidas em seus lugares
de pouso na floresta, tidos como “valiosos”. A
partir daí, muitos lugares associados a São João
Maria passou a receber e abrigar os anjinhos
nascidos para não viver: recém-nascidos
natimortos, fetos que nasciam antes do tempo e,
em casos menores, crianças que morriam antes
dos sete anos de idade, sendo que muitos eram
seus afilhados espirituais . No mosaico de imagem 3
a seguir (Figura 02), alguns dos cemitérios de
anjinhos:
3 Tal qual Padre Cícero no Ceará eram comuns os laços de
apadrinhamento com São João Maria no Paraná.
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Figura 02: Cemitérios de Anjinhos em São Mateus do Sul-PR
São lugares sagrados, cenários da morte,
simbólicos, onde a paisagem lida na sobreposição
de textos se associa à religiosidade e revela
comportamentos. Percebem-se os elementos mais
recentes que, entretanto, convidam e provocam a
decodificar sistemas históricos, universos mentais
e experiências vivenciadas. Se são os cemitérios
espelhos da sociedade, testemunhos históricos,
que valores, crenças e ideologias são revelados por
estes anjinhos? São lugares de lembrança, de
comunicação, de vivência e significado. Não há
suntuosidade nem estilo construtivo, são
pequenas cruzes na terra, delimitadas por
cercadinhos adornados de coroas e flores,
oferendas e ex-votos. Consiste em uma paisagem
religiosa intimamente ligada à natureza, nas
Matas Mistas do sul do Brasil, que abrigaram João
Maria, próximo às fontes de água por ele
santificadas (FÖETSCH, 2019).
Na perspectiva do ritual, a teatralidade da morte e
a vivência do luto evidenciam o inconformismo
com a partida dos que precocemente faleceram.
Passagem obrigatória e incontestável para todos,
o sentimento diante da morte de crianças suscita
diferentes reações, práticas verbais e
performativas que tornam estes cemitérios em
especial, locais de acolhimento revelado nas
oferendas e, sobretudo, na localização escolhida
para as pequenas sepulturas: em locais sagrados,
sob a proteção espiritual de São João Maria,
destacando que os rituais também confidenciam a
não aceitação do luto infantil.
Os cemitérios de anjinhos são difusores do fazer
recordar, são lugares de memória, memória
afetiva que necessita se enraizar no concreto e no
visível. São cenários cuja existência material
oportuniza o direito à lembrança, fazem parte do
cotidiano, são acessíveis e acionam lembranças,
não são simples depósitos. Entretanto, há que se
registrar que nos cemitérios de anjinhos existem
também os mortos anônimos, sem nomes, sem
narrativas, figurando o abandono e o
esquecimento.
Em uma primeira leitura, não são locais de
visitação turística, porém, a associação a São João
Fonte: Acervo dos Autores (2019)
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Maria os torna, de fato, distintos e atrativos a um
público interessado na trajetória do Santo
popular. É possível pensar, nesta proposição, na
reciclagem simbólica dos cemitérios que saltam de
locais de tristeza para lugares de visitação. Esta
discussão encaminha para a questão da
patrimonialização dos cemitérios de anjinhos, nos
provocando a pensar sobre a função religiosa
destes lugares sagrados, seu significado e o fato de
transcenderem sua função utilitária podendo ser
vistos como bens culturais e defendidos à luz da
educação patrimonial.
Um sentido interessante, para tanto, pode partir
de uma perspectiva didático-pedagógica
entendendo o cemitério enquanto ferramenta,
recurso e campo de estudo em uma gama
considerável de áreas temáticas, num diálogo
profícuo que paute pela transversalidade e pelo
reconhecimento das práticas culturais locais.
Além disso, o envolvimento do pedagógico origina
uma gama significativa de agentes multiplicadores
que muito podem contribuir na valorização destes
espaços.
8.2 A Festa das Almas no Cemitério de Ocara – Ceará
Cemitério de Ocara, “um cemitério que nunca
morre” (KUNZ, 2006, p. 59) escolhido como
segundo caso simbólico, em emergência a ser
exemplificado nesta discussão é motivo de
embates religiosos, sexuais, políticos e
econômicos no Ceará. Isso porque a vivência da
Festa das Almas, ou de Finados, foi também
sendo ressignificada para além dos muros do
cemitério por meio do que hoje se chama de
“Mostra da Cultura Popular de Ocara”. Buscando
compreender essa dinâmica, foi realizada uma
incursão de campo de forma a permitir um 4
diálogo com moradores e visitantes e uma
vivência experienciada no auge das festividades.
4 Foram desenvolvidas entrevistas semiestruturadas aplicadas por estudantes vinculados à Disciplina de “Dinâmica dos Lugares Simbólicos: Imaginação e Planejamento – DLS-IP”, na Pós Graduação em Geografia da Universidade Federal do Ceará em conjunto com alunos de Graduação da Licenciatura em Geografia.
As informações somadas às observações in loco,
leituras prévias e trocas de experiência
permitiram refletir sobre quem faz, quem vivência
e para quem é o cemitério e a Festa.
Segundo Alves (2015) até a década de 1920
quando ocorria algum falecimento, era necessário
percorrer 18 quilômetros até o cemitério da
comunidade vizinha de Vazantes. A comunidade
de Jurema, hoje Ocara, resolve então construir
um cemitério local por volta de 1918-1919. Porém,
os animais começaram a invadir a cidade dos
mortos e profanar os corpos. É aí que Pai Dodó 5
“recorreu aos leilões para obter recursos para a
compra de cal – insumo necessário para fazer a
argamassa, que uma vez colocada entre as pedras
retiradas do sopé do serrote transformavam-se
numa sólida estrutura” (p. 31). Os leilões
ocorreram entre 1920 a 1936 com participação
intensa tanto nas doações de prendas como nos
arremates. Alves (2015) descreve que o “rito
noturno de Finados tinha como foco o cemitério, o
culto aos mortos” (p. 32), tratava-se de um evento
social religioso de cunho comunitário e coletivo.
Possuía caráter endogâmico, ou seja, não recebia
gente de fora, os estrangeiros, forasteiros.
Entretanto, entre meados da década de 1970 aos
anos 1980, as festas dançantes e a prostituição
vinculada, sobretudo à pessoa de Bento
Evangelista Lima (que de forma perspicaz percebe
o potencial da festa) expande o espaço-geográfico,
“o corredor igreja-cemitério vai se expandido para
outras direções” (ALVES, 2015, p. 60) visando
atender a nova clientela. Surgem os discursos de
censura e borbulham os conflitos entre moradores
e “os de fora”.
A partir de 2005 juntamente com a Festa das
Almas é instituído o Dia da Cultura no município
com o objetivo de atrair turistas e amenizar
tensões religiosas. A programação assume caráter
folclórico com grupos de capoeira, teatro, bumba
meu boi, música, mamulengos esculpidos em
umburana, gastronomia típica, artesanato,
5 ALVES, A. Pai Dodó: o patriarca de Ocara. Uma homenagem aos 150 anos do nascimento de Pai Dodó – 1866-2016. Fortaleza: Expressão Gráfica Editora, 2015.
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cordéis, jogos, brinquedos, praça de eventos,
barracas de comércio e serviços, inclusive
prostituição. Dessa maneira, é possível perceber
que o foco e a dinâmica inicial do encontro social
religioso com fins coletivos modificaram-se
assumindo um caráter mercadológico, turístico,
capitalista, feito para o “alheio”. Ressignifica-se a
sociabilidade: antes em torno do cemitério no dia
das Almas e de Finados e, então, em torno dos
festejos, do turismo, do lucro. Neste sentido, Alves
(2015) coloca que a “festa se amplia e ganha vigor
à proporção que aumenta o número de mortos
enterrados no cemitério e de vivos a habitar os
mais longínquos recantos da região” (p. 48).
Os moradores, trabalhadores principalmente
vinculados ao poder público, aposentados,
agricultores, comerciantes e do lar afirmam, sem
sua maioria, participar da festa, entretanto, sem
frequentar as “atividades noturnas”, uma
entrevistada conta que vinham “dois caminhões
de primas de Quixadá para os solteiros”. 6
Figura 03: Cemitério de Ocara - Ceará
Fonte: Acervo dos autores (2018).
A principal reclamação gira em torno da falta de
religiosidade alegando que a principal relevância
das festividades está nos valores comerciais e na
arrecadação municipal. Queixam-se de
desrespeito aos mortos e de perda da essência
original, participam dos momentos religiosos e
deixam os atrativos para os visitantes. Ao serem
questionados sobre o símbolo da cidade, a maioria
destaca que antes era o cemitério, porém, hoje é a
festa. Relembram de histórias vividas ou ouvidas
acerca da relação histórica com os mortos, contam
sobre o Terço das Almas detalhando as oferendas:
missas, novenas, flores, velas, orações. As imagens
(Figura 03) que ilustram o Cemitério de Ocara –
feitas no dia de encerramento das celebrações de
2018:
É certamente uma combinação polêmica de data e
local cuja alternância varia entre aprovações e
reprovações, aceitação e repúdio. Algo que se
expressa particularmente nas dificuldades da
Prefeitura local em difundir as atividades
comemorativas durante a semana que antecede o
feriado de Finados. Primeiro porque compreende
a presença de visitantes na cidade, durante a
programação da Mostra Cultural e Festa das
Almas algo “explosivo’, ou seja, muito além da
capacidade de recepção do município, que só
possui duas pousadas e não tem recursos para
organizar acampamentos com infraestrutura
planejada. Depois – e essa dimensão é mais
representativa dos limites culturais – as
6 Prostitutas, pombinhas, meretrizes, que ficavam no
“Curral”, “expressão usada porque ele [Bento] fazia um
cercado onde ficavam expostas as mulheres disponíveis e
promover a fruição sexual dos homens” (ALVES, 2015, p. 61).
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Geografia Simbólica Dos Cemitérios Em Perspectivas
transformações confessionais que incidem sobre
as disputas de católicos e evangélicas –
evidenciam uma tentativa a festa se restrinja a um
campo religioso tradicionalista, sem “espaços para
imoralidades”. O que termina por enfraquecer a
potencialidade de desenvolvimento do local a
partir de sua necrópole.
IX. CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS
Espaço-reduto da atividade fim da morte, o
cemitério, como descreve Bittar (2018), atrai e
rejeita, está “repleto de significados que atestam
fenômenos sociais como a estratificação social,
símbolos, além de relações de poderes temporais e
místicos” (p. 178). Componente inexorável da
paisagem cultural brasileira: dormitório, lugar do
repouso eterno, são eufemismos adotados para
suavizar a incompreensível e inaceitável situação
de desaparecimento do mundo natural.
O cemitério é, portanto, campo de representações
simbólicas. Os múltiplos signos presentes nesse
espaço vivido, o projeto vital da sociedade,
associada à noção de subsistência e sobrevivência,
além de suas crenças e aspirações revelam o mais
íntimo de suas práticas culturais (CORRÊA, 1995,
p. 30-35). Catroga (1997) tão bem complementa
quando coloca que o cemitério foi se
transformando em um campo teatral onde se
representavam cenas da vida humana e Peter
Burke (1992), ao enxergar o mundo como cena,
destaca que a humanidade faz uso dos
monumentos para moldar uma memória nacional,
momento em que o espaço, geograficamente
considerando, passa a exercer papel fundamental
e as imagens que se queria recordar deveriam ser
destacas em locais específicos, os “teatros da
memória” (p. 241).
Grisales (2017) coloca que as necrópoles
constituem-se de “através de los cuales el
recuerdo del fenecido permanece atado a signos
materiales, que le impiden al muerto y a la
familia bajar de estatus” (p.83) e Pegaia (1967, p.
115) afirma que, de um modo geral, os cemitérios
fazem “transparecer bem os sentimentos
religiosos de seu povo, através da presença
considerável dos símbolos que os identificam”.
Ao discorrer sobre os mortos mais que especiais,
ou seja, os mártires, Nascimento (2013) coloca
que seu exemplo de perseverança serve como
fonte de inspiração e às suas relíquias são
atribuídos diversos milagres, sendo que para
celebrá-los, a comunidade recria “narrativas,
inicialmente orais que serviram para compor
martirológios e obras hagiográficas de grande
significado” (p. 126). Trata-se do que Bastianello
(2010) chama de heroização do espaço mortuário,
cuja leitura dos artefatos desvela o culto ao herói e
o túmulo reverencia sua memória. Tal heroísmo
assentado nas necrópoles, e reconhecido pelos
movimentos contemporâneos de uso e visitação
fornece a essa geografia uma confluência especial
de santuários (tradicional, metropolitano, natural
e festivo) conforme a tipologia que desenvolvemos
para pensar a atualização dos modelos receptivos
do turismo religioso (OLIVEIRA, 2004).
Dessa forma, as necrópoles oportunizam as
análises da densidade cultural como espaço
simbólico, categoria de associação de contrários
(vida/morte, atração/repulsão, passado/futuro),
que fornece a geografia Humana (e geografia
Cultural, em especial) uma conjunção de
realidades que fortalecem o dimensionamento das
representações contemporâneas – apresentamos
sei, mas podem ser mais – da Necrópole. A
paisagem que pode revelar, pela leitura de suas
camadas de representação, a espacialidade da
morte em sua fértil interação com a vitalidade
imagética dos lugares; a ritualização que evidencia
a teatralidade, as linguagens e as práticas
performativas que nos ligam intangivelmente à
espiritualidade; a força da memória, enquanto
repositório do fazer significativo no ato de
recordar, que oportuniza reflexões quanto à
referência espacial e o enraizamento territorial; a
turistificação das práticas de visitação do/no
cemitério, seus atributos, reciclagem simbólica e
uso enquanto mercadoria entretenimento e lazer;
a patrimonialização que transcende a função
utilitária da necrópole e a eleva à categoria de bem
cultural, embora demande novos fluxos de política
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efetiva de investimento; e a perspectiva
didático-pedagógica, que possibilita frutíferos
diálogos interdisciplinares enquanto recurso
pedagógico na formação de agentes
multiplicadores.
Por fim, aceitamos a provocação de Pegaia (1967,
p.116) quando nos questiona abertamente, sobre
como serão num futuro distante o espaço
cemiterial: afinal “qual será a paisagem interna
das necrópoles no futuro?”. Certamente as
dimensões que reunimos para nos debruçar sobre
a riqueza desse objeto não são suficientes para
compor uma resposta fechada para qualquer
localidade no Brasil, país onde as necrópoles,
mesmo em áreas centrais, são facilmente
reduzidas a periferias. Mas considerando as
localidades que investigamos, nos estados do
Paraná e Ceará, ainda que de forma preliminar,
pode-se propor a resposta inversa: Dificilmente
haverá futuro no desenvolvimento cultural de São
Mateus do Sul e Ocará, eu independa do
amadurecimento político, cultural e ambiental no
uso estratégico de suas necrópoles. E neste
sentido a geografia simbólica dos cemitérios,
presente em todas as regiões precisa entrar na
perspectiva de qualquer futuro das paisagens
humanas.
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Cemiteriais, 2010.
51. RODRIGUES, C. Lugares dos mortos na cidade
dos vivos. Rio de Janeiro: Secretaria Municipal
da Cultura, Departamento Geral de
Documentação e Informação Cultural, Divisão
de Editoração, 1997.
52. RUIZ, C. B. Os paradoxos do imaginário.
Editora Unisinos: São Leopoldo, 2004.
53. SANTOS, A. R. dos. Processo de
dessacralização da morte e a instalação de
cemitérios no Seridó, séculos XIX e XX.
Dissertação (Doutorado em História).
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Goiás, Goiânia-GO, 2011.
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55. URBAIN, J. D. La societé de conservation?
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57. WELTER, T. Discursos e interpretações
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"The authors would like to thank the CAPES
PGPSE Proc. 88887.123947 / 2016-00 projects:
Coastal Environmental Systems and economic
occupation of the Northeast; CAPES PRINT Proc.
88887.312019/2018-00: Integrated socio-
environmental technologies and methods for
territorial sustainability: alternatives for local
communities in the context of climate change; and
CAPES / FUNCAP Proc. 88887.165948 /
2018-00: Support to the Scientific Cooperation
Strategies of the Graduate Program in Geography
- UFC "
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ABSTRACT
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The Irregularity of the Uthmanic Orthography of the Holy Quran in Contrast with the Standard
Orthography: A Pragmatic Reading
Dr. Manal Najjar
The Uthmanic orthography of the Holy Qu’ran is distinctively miraculous. In different contexts in Qu’ran, one word could exhibit a variety of distinct forms of orthographic constructions, either by adding or deleting a letter for example or even by a total change in the word from in comparison with its standard. This opens the door for new levels of meaning that go in harmony with their contextual use. By varying the written shapes of a word in different contexts of Qu’ranic verses, new dimensions of meaning can be elicited. This study aims at setting apart the differences between the Uthmanic orthography and the conventional Arabic writing system in writing certain words, and as a result what differences in meaning that variation could create. Hence the study stresses the need to examine why a word is written in different variants in different Qu’ranic verses: one variant complies with the conventional orthography, such as writing the medial long vowel alif /a/ in the form of alif mamdūdah in words: - /Salah/ةالص prayer, ةاكز /zakah/ - charity, ةايح /hayah/ - life, - ghadah/ةادغ dawn, ةاجن /najah/ - survival,ابر /ribah/ - monetary illegal interest, ةاكشم /mishkah/ - a round hole in the wall; whereas in other Qu’ranic verses, the same word is shaped in a different variant following the Uthmanic orthography where the medial long vowel alif /a/ is written in the form of the Arabic letter /wa/ but with identical pronunciation, becoming ةولص /salah/, ةوكز /zakah/ ةوادغ/ghadah, ةوجن/najah/, اوبر /ribah/, ةوكشم /mishkah/, and ةويح /hayah/.
Keywords: NA
Classification: 130399, 200403
Language: English
© 2020. Dr. Manal Najjar. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercial use, distribution, andreproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
For Code:
University of Ttabuk
The Irregularity of the Uthmanic Orthography of the Holy Quran in Contrast with the Standard
Orthography: A Pragmatic Reading
Dr. Manal Najjar ____________________________________________
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27 © 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
ABSTRACT
The Uthmanic orthography of the Holy Qu’ran is
distinctively miraculous. In different contexts in
Qu’ran, one word could exhibit a variety of
distinct forms of orthographic constructions,
either by adding or deleting a letter for example
or even by a total change in the word from in
comparison with its standard. This opens the
door for new levels of meaning that go in
harmony with their contextual use. By varying
the written shapes of a word in different contexts
of Qu’ranic verses, new dimensions of meaning
can be elicited. This study aims at setting apart
the differences between the Uthmanic
orthography and the conventional Arabic
writing system in writing certain words, and as
a result what differences in meaning that
variation could create. Hence the study stresses
the need to examine why a word is written in
different variants in different Qu’ranic verses:
one variant complies with the conventional
orthography, such as writing the medial long
vowel alif /a/ in the form of alif mamdūdah in
words: /Salah/صالة - prayer, زكاة /zakah/ -
charity, حیاة /hayah/ - life, ghadah/غداة - dawn,
نجاة /najah/ - survival,ربا /ribah/ - monetary
illegal interest, مشكاة /mishkah/ - a round hole in
the wall; whereas in other Qu’ranic verses, the
same word is shaped in a different variant
following the Uthmanic orthography where the
medial long vowel alif /a/ is written in the form
of the Arabic letter /wa/ but with identical
pronunciation, becoming صلوة /salah/, زكوة
/zakah/ ,ghadah/غداوة نجوة /najah/, ربوا /ribah/,
مشكوة /mishkah/, and حیوة /hayah/. This variation
in shaping the vowel alif implies meaning that
this paper seeks to unveil in the light of
pragmatic analysis, calling at the same time for
utilizing such variants in our everyday writings
and speeches to convey more dimensions of
meaning intended in a way not accessible with
conventional Arabic orthography. Using
Qu’ranic orthography is historically established
and acknowledged by Prophet Mohammad,
Islamic nation through all generations.
Author: University of Tabuk
I. INTRODUCTION
The orthography cited in the Holy Quran, in many
of its occurrences, is distinguished by its
dissimilarity with the Arabic conventional system
of writing. Such phenomenon has received
considerable attention to understand, providing
different interpretations. This study endeavors to
open new horizons and perspectives of
interpretation which looks beyond the narrow
scope of the traditional conventions of the writing
system strictly stated in text books or educational
ones. Such strict and narrow treatment with the
Arabic writing system does not cover the required
dimension related to the variety of uses in real
occurrences of communication. This study sets off
from the concept that the variation and
inconsistency of orthography inevitably imply a
hidden meaning and an intended goal at the
linguistic and social levels. To closely examine this
rationale, the current study takes, as example,
Quranic words where the mamdudah long alif (a:)
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The Irregularity of the Uthmanic Orthography of the Holy Quran in Contrast with the Standard Orthography: A Pragmatic Reading
is written in the form of wa /wa:/, with an attempt
to finding out the underlying meaning of such
variation.
Therefore, the study seeks to answer the following
research question:
1. Why are the Quranic words مشكوة، نجوة، صلوة،
،ربوا زكوة، غدوة ،حیوةwritten in the wa (و) instead of their conventional
form with alif (ا), such as الزكاة written الزكوة?
Some of Arabic modern scholars believe that the
dissimilarity of the writing system followed in
Quran came in consistency with the usage
common in its time of descending. In this respect,
Alhamad (1986) conducted a contrastive study
between the writing system in Quran and that
found on the Islamic and Pre – Islamic
inscriptions. He concluded that the Uthmanic
Quranic system of writing is not unusual or odd;
rather it represents a recognized stage in the
history of development in the Arabic writing
system, following the prevailing conventions of its
early time of existence. Alhamad added in another
reference that the Uthmanic orthography
remained, for a considerably long time, the
system followed by Prophet Mohammad’s
followers and second followers even in their
everyday practice. In line with the
aforementioned, according to the writing system
development known in the history of the Arabic
language, the unconventional word forms cited in
the Quran actually came in harmony with the
usage of the time in its descending and decades
before so that the Quranic verses could be read
and understood by its people (Alhafni,1988).
Thus, Quran copiers since then used their own
common writing rules of their time. As a
testimony of this rationale, Ibn Qutaiba explained
the phenomenon of writing the long alif as wa in
words such as حیوة زكوة، صلوة، as following the norm
and usage of their time i.e. Arabs in the time of
early Islam used to normally write with wa instead
of alif, such as the Arabs of Quraysh, therefore
those Arabs who were entrusted to copy the Holy
Quran followed this way of writing of such words.
While other Arab tribes such as Hatheel, and
Thaqif did not adopt the wa in writing such words
(Aldani,1983). This is proved in the words of the
Prophet’s follower Othman bin Affan when he
said that if the copier of the Quran was from
Hatheel or Thaqif, he would write in a different
way in spite of their remarkable competence in
the Arabic language (Aldani,1983).
In a later stage, there appeared the need to unify
the rules of the writing system, seeking to
maintain the consistency between writing and
pronunciation of words to be easier to learn and
apply (Alsamarqandi, 1986). Hence, Arabic
language scholars established a set of rules based
on the syntactic and morphological parameters
(Alhamad, 2001). Such movement commenced in
the time of bloom for books production written in
Arabic in cities as Basra and Kufa (Alsae’ed,1967).
Since then, the conventions of the writing system
in Arabic have been standardized and unified,
drifting away from the old and archaic word
forms. However, the Quran copiers have not
adopted this trend; rather they maintained the old
Uthmanic system of writing as exactly was written
in the time of Othman bin Affan, the Prophet
follower.
Such inconsistency of word forms in Quran (of
Uthmanic writing) in comparison with the
conventional known system of writing nowadays
has created a debate of various views among Arab
scholars for the sake of comprehensible
interpretation. Some said that it was based on
instructions from Prophet Mohammad for divine
reasons (Alkurdi,1365 H; Almubarak,1306 H;
Alzarqani,1943); while others defied the fact that
Prophet Mohammad dictated how to copy the
Quran since there is no Hadith to testify the
existence of such instructions, adding that it was
the choice of his followers to adopt the Uthmanic
system in copying. Other modern scholars go far
to claim that such dissimilarity and
unconventional writing was a mistake made by
old followers or the copiers of Quran (Ibn
Qutaiba,1954, Ibn Qutaiba,1326 H; Ibn
Khaldun,1956; Alfera’,1955; Aldani,1983).
Whereas some other scholars believe that it is
possible to have words with different forms that
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are considered correct with regard to the variant
readings of the Qura’n (Qira’at). (Alzarqani,1943;
Alsayoti,1967; Alqastalani,1972). Others see that
such forms are originated from one of the
languages of old Arabs (Ibn Jini,1952, Ibn
Jini,1954; Saybawi,1317 H.). In the same vein,
some scholars refer the unconventional word
forms to their origin of usage in old times as
identical to what they used to be in both letter and
sound (Alanbari,1971; Aldani,1983; Hammodah,
1948; Alhamad,2001). Aldani,(1960) stated in this
regard that old Arabs of the Prophets’ followers
through generations were known by their
language competence and eloquence; hence, their
choices of written words in Quran must have been
built within the limits of accuracy and correctness.
In other interpretations, Arab scholars attribute
this unconventional written word forms in Quran
to a kind of shifting from common forms to other
uncommon though correct ones (Aldani,1960).
Among Arab scholars are those who consider such
a phenomenon as being purposeful and intended
for reasons only known by its producers
(Alkurdi,1365 H.). Alkurdi (1365 H. ) added that
the Prophet Mohammad’s followers, all passed
away, were the ones who copied the Quran, hence
the interpretations nowadays are mere
speculations and assumptions. He added that the
writing system adopted by the followers was
intended for a specific purpose, not accessible to
people in the present time.
In the current study, it is entirely excluded that
this dissimilarity in word forms between the
Uthmanic orthography and the present Arabic
writing system refers to a mere mistake. Rather,
the Uthmanic choice of word forms or shapes in
Quran is not random, but it contributes to the
meaning considerably whatever was the reason or
interpretation behind using it. Moreover, choices
made exhibit the great competence and delicacy of
language that our followers and copiers of Quran
used to enjoy. Such deep understanding of
language meaning made them write the words in
the way it meant more than the way it should be
written with. In this regard, Aldani (1983) stated
that if the Arabs of the tribes Thaqif and Hatheel
were entrusted to copy the Quran and not the
Arabs of Quraish, they would have followed the
spelling of words as commonly used without
giving the required attention to meaning. Alkurdi
(1365 H.) also argued that the Prophet’s followers
who copied the Quran at that time were fully
aware of the Arabic orthography and different
varieties of word forms. He added that their
decisions how to write imply specific effect
(Alkurdi,1365 H.) and intended meaning
(Aldani,1983).
Therefore, the authority Arab scholars in
consensus have recommended that the Uthmanic
orthography must be maintained in copying the
Quran (Aldani,1983; Alsayoti,1967; Alkurdi,1365
H.); moreover, this system should be learned
(Almarghini,1995). For example, the authority Ibn
Hanbal stressed on the obligation to copy Quran
by using the Uthmanic writing and considered any
change of this practice as forbidden in Islam
(Alzarkashi,1957; Alsayoti,1967).
In the current study, the researcher believes that
the Arabic language like any other languages
witnesses a historical development in its
orthography and writing system. What was
common in a stage is not necessarily common in
another. In the course of development, changes
and alternations are very possible. Such changes
could be equated with the current social and
contextual conditions of each stage (Alhafni,1988;
Alhamad,2001). In the early era of Islam, Quran
addressed people of various social environments
and backgrounds with their own language and
writing system – as an attempt to establish a
context of effective communication and open
channels of understanding. The unconventional
Uthmanic orthography, hence, made possible the
achievement of more comprehensive meanings in
the context of past times. In addition, the system
we know today is a different stage of writing that
aims to provide easier manners of orthography
and spelling than those of old times. However,
abandoning the old Uthmanic system, we could
argue, has led to unrecoverable loss of meaning
pertaining to the word forms or shapes.
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The Irregularity of the Uthmanic Orthography of the Holy Quran in Contrast with the Standard Orthography: A Pragmatic Reading
In line with the aforementioned, the study takes
the use of the wa /wa:/ instead of the mamdoudah
long alif /a:/ in the words نجوة، حیوة، غداوة، زكوة، صلوة،
ربوا مشكوة، to be intended for another level of
pragmatic meaning. In this perspective, this
distinguished form of writing will merit those
words with other shades of meaning, in addition
to more value and recognition so as to be more
clearly notable from other surrounding words
(Aldayeh,2010). For instance, Al Marakishi (721
H.) gives explanation to the use of the wa in words
cited in Quran as in } (Ala’araf surah) to add more
distinction to the word to be noticed by readers,
driving them to think deeper of the threat
embedded in the verse line (Al Marakishi,1957).
The researcher believes that the word صلوة
(prayer), which is normally written as ,صالة is used
in both forms in Quran for a pragmatic meaning
that serves the context in which it was used. When
Quran refers to the prayer in general, the word
was written normally with alif صالة and that is
cited in (9) Quranic verses (Shamlul, 2000).
While the word prayer was written with the wa (
(صلوة in (67) Quranic verses in contexts that
exhibit its distinguished value and pillar
significance in Islam, in the relation between
humans with Allah their Creator and this
dimension of meaning is particularly activated in
the words of the Prophets when in dialogue of
persuasion aims either with believers or with the
disbelievers (Aldayeh, 2010).
The word زكوة (Islamic Charity), normally written
with long alif ,زكاة is cited with wa in all instances
of 32 verses in order to give this pillar of Islam its
obligation and sense of unavoidable commitment
to spend for the sake of Islam and Allah
(Shamlul,2000; Aldayeh,2010). Such Islamic duty
requires deep faith and effort, therefore, it is
difficult to perform if not a true believer of all
times. This is why the wa was chosen to be written
with in all its occurrences, since the writing of the
wa requires also more effort to draw than the long
alif. In general, the two pillars of Islam the regular
daily five prayers Al Salah and the spending of
Islamic Charity Al Zakah are actions that call for
determination, and strength spiritually and
physically, thus, their shape with the letter wa will
be more expressive to convey such sense than
with the long alif.
The word غداوة (the dawn), normally غداة with alif,
is cited in Quran two times with the wa (Alan’am
surah, and Alkahf surah) with the purpose of
showing the significance of prayers or Al Salah at
this specific time (Shamlul,2000). Getting up
from deep sleep at dawn to wash and pray this
faridah (duty) is performed with spiritual strength
and physical effort endowed only in true believers.
Therefore, copiers chose the wa to add this shade
of meaning, where both require more zeal and
effort.
Interestingly, the word حیوة (life) was written with
the wa instead of alif in 71 instances in Quran
when equated with the Muslims and true
believers, implying a difficult life of jihad,
challenges and determination on the righteous
track (Shamlul,2000), as the curved/crooked
shape wa is more expressive of such difficulty
than the long straight alif. Whereas the same word
life was written in the conventional way with alif
حیاة in 5 occurrences in the contexts equated with
the life of non muslims.
The word نجوة (survival) was written with wa
instead of the conventional alif in one place in
Quran (Ghafir surah) to draw attention to the
context of a dialogue between one of the believers
of the Prophet Moses to his tribe or people under
the rein of Egyptian Pharos, inviting them to join
the believers as the only way of real survival
(Shamlul,2000). This wa form of نجوة was
intentionally and carefully chosen to emphasize
the difficulty of survival of those believers from
the tyranny of the Pharos.
Another example is the word الربوا (monetary
illegal interest), which is normally written as ,الربا
is cited in 7 verses in the Holy Quran. It came in
the wa to draw people’s attention to the threat of
such forbidden practice in their financial matters.
In contrast, the same word was used in its
conventional form with the long alif in one verse
only as referring to its basic concept, being
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The Irregularity of the Uthmanic Orthography of the Holy Quran in Contrast with the Standard Orthography: A Pragmatic Reading
compared with Zakah (Alrum surah). Moreover,
the end alif was added to both forms in all
instances, of الربوا and یربوا while the normal
spelling is without that end alif, i.e. الربو and .یربو
By this, another level of pragmatic meaning is
being implied to emphasize the danger of such sin
as if this end long alif borders the wa to give time
to readers to contemplate on the round and
curved shape of the wa, being crooked as the deed
itself.
The word ,مشكوة originally written as ,مشكاة was
cited only one time in Quran and was written with
the wa (Alnour surah). This selected shape of wa
is probably used in order to evoke in the mind of
readers the shape of this word, similar to the
shape of wa, as it means a round hole in the wall
in which the light was used to be placed.
In conclusion, the study seeks to argue that the
shapes in which the unconventional Uthmanic
writing system exhibited in many word forms in
Quran are not randomly selected and are capable
of evoking other levels of meaning in the minds of
readers. And those meanings could vary as the
perception of people of them could vary, i.e. this
current study does not say that there is only one
meaning to be equated with a specific shape, and
interpretations of the meaning of those shapes are
open to the imagination and understanding of
readers in accordance with their experiences as
well as their contextual environments. Hence, in
such processing of meaning, the attempts made
by readers to perceive and comprehend meaning
could be acceptable for some and unacceptable by
others (Alfarmawi,1977).
It is possible to say that some interpretations of
meaning could be incomprehensible in the
current time, lost in the course of history due to
the absence of concern to teach the rules and
orthography of Quran (Alhusaini, 1432 H.;
Almarghini,1995; Alfarmawi,1977).
Therefore, the study calls for reviving this
important science of Uthmanic Orthography,
including it in the curricula of schools and
universities. In addition, this study invites our
Arabic language scholars to take into their careful
understanding and application the levels of
meaning that the Uthmanic Quranic orthography
render. Moreover, the study recommends that this
science is worpractices of language use instead of
abandoning it in the modern time, being ranked
as odd and archaic. This Uthmanic system of
writing will maintain to be part of the Arabic
writing system in all its stages of development,
enriching our Arabic language with more varieties
and dimensions of meaning.
As well, one of the major tendencies that this
study argues to pursue is to consider and include
as an integral part of meaning the forms or shapes
of words particularly those that deviate from the
standard orthography. Hence, it is of paramount
importance to create and establish a translation
theory pertinent to the Uthmanic orthography of
the Quran. Such theory could provide effective
framework and strategies to reach a more
comprehensive realization of meaning in the Holy
Quran.
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Lishu’n Aleslamiyah.
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1967). Alhusaini Publication.
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(Ed. 1943). Cairo: Dar Ihiyaa’ Alkutub
Alarabiyah. 3rd edition.
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Rasm Almushaf wa Alnuqush Ala’rabiyah
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1952). Alkutub Almasryah, Cairo.
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ABSTRACT
Scan to know paper details andauthor's profile
Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
Dennis Zami Atibuni
Busitema University
This is a conceptual critical review paper. It analyses the match and mismatch between the autonomy and interdependence of internal and external quality assurance mechanisms in higher education institutions in Africa as they strive to deliver quality graduates. The mark of quality of graduates is their employability and relevance in the job market. However, the current generation of graduates of higher education institutions in Africa is often blamed for negative issues regarding accountability, control, compliance, and improvement. Considering accountability, the graduates are noted to offer less value for money, fitness for purpose, and quality service delivery and transparency in the world of work. Their legitimacy, integrity, and standards when compared across the board is often questioned. The paper unravels the fact that these quality concerns are a result of the challenges of autonomy and interdependence between internal and external quality assurance mechanisms operating in the institutions. It asserts that the negative traits indicate that the curriculum, pedagogy, resources, appraisal, and feedback systems of courses taught to these graduates while still studying at the higher education institutions had gaps due to ineffective quality assurance.
Keywords: external quality assurance, higher education institution, internal quality assurance, quality assurance mechanism.
Classification: 130103
Language: English
© 2020. Dennis Zami Atibuni. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercial use, distribution, andreproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
For Code:
Dennis Zami Atibuni
____________________________________________
ABSTRACT
This is a conceptual critical review paper. It
analyses the match and mismatch between the
autonomy and interdependence of internal and
external quality assurance mechanisms in higher
education institutions in Africa as they strive to
deliver quality graduates. The mark of quality of
graduates is their employability and relevance in
the job market. However, the current generation
of graduates of higher education institutions in
Africa is often blamed for negative issues
regarding accountability, control, compliance,
and improvement. Considering accountability,
the graduates are noted to offer less value for
money, fitness for purpose, and quality service
delivery and transparency in the world of work.
Their legitimacy, integrity, and standards when
compared across the board is often questioned.
The paper unravels the fact that these quality
concerns are a result of the challenges of
autonomy and interdependence between internal
and external quality assurance mechanisms
operating in the institutions. It asserts that the
negative traits indicate that the curriculum,
pedagogy, resources, appraisal, and feedback
systems of courses taught to these graduates
while still studying at the higher education
institutions had gaps due to ineffective quality
assurance. The paper argues that both internal
and external mechanisms of quality assurance
should be fostered in the higher education
institutions in order to strike a balance between
improvement and accountability. Strategies for
enhancing the autonomy and interdependence of
the two mechanisms are proposed with a view to
promoting quality culture in the higher education
institutions.
Keywords: external quality assurance, higher
education institution, internal quality assurance,
quality assurance mechanism.
Author: Department of Education, Faculty of Science
and Education, Busitema University, Uganda.
I. INTRODUCTION
Education in general, and higher education in
particular, has been variously acclaimed as
fundamental to the construction of the knowledge
economy of society in all nations (El-Maghraby,
2012; Kisanga & Machumu, 2014; Mulu Nega,
2012; Oladipo, Adeosun, & Oni, 2009; World
Bank/UNICEF, 1996). Malcolm (El-Maghraby,
2012; Gillis, 1999) points out that the wealth
and/or poverty of nations depends on the quality
of higher education at the present more than ever
before in human history. Oladipo and colleagues
particularly point out the causal relationship
between heavy investment in higher education
and economic growth and social development in
developed nations.
Research indicates that major and drastic changes
including massification of education, greater
diversity in terms of programme provision and
student types, matching programmes to labour
market needs, shrinking resources, heightened
accountability, and indirect steering of higher
education (Kayombo, 2015; Mulu Nega; 2012) are
already shaping the higher education landscape in
Africa. Governments in several African countries
Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
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have inevitably allowed and even encouraged
private providers, distance education programs
and foreign institutions to provide higher
education. This has accordingly ushered in the
establishment of private higher education
providers in addition to massive private
sponsorship in public institutions to complement
the very few slots offered on government
sponsorship in the public institutions, which is
quite insignificant to accommodate the
skyrocketing numbers of qualified candidates
seeking to attain higher education (Galafa, 2018).
This has caused a disproportionately larger
fraction of higher education institutions as well as
programmes and students in public universities
and colleges in Africa to be private.
These developments have come with a down side
to the quality of education offered in the higher
education institutions in Africa. Galafa (2018)
notes that the provision of higher education by the
disproportionately higher percentage of private
institutions in addition to the privately sponsored
provisions in public ones is characterised by
chaos. Hayward (2006) observes that private
higher education institutions are mainly of poor
quality and that many are more interested in
making money than providing a quality education.
El-Maghraby (2012) confirms that many higher
education institutions in Africa do not like to seek
accreditation from the agencies set up for that
purpose, and so the quality of their students and
staff as well as programmes, scholastic and
physical resources does not match the required
standards.
On the other hand, Swanzy, Langa, and Ansah
(2018) posit investment in quality higher
education as Africa’s best chance of speeding its
development and helping it become competitive
in the knowledge-driven economy. Kisanga and
Machumu (2014) proffer quality assurance as the
main driver of investment in quality education,
arguing that no university will survive the present
competition with other universities locally and
internationally without paying attention to quality
assurance. Luckett (2006) notes that fostering
quality assurance is deemed to lead to the
improvement of higher education management
capacity, which in turn should provide the
conditions for high quality provision, which will
reciprocally produce large numbers of high
quality graduates, which will lead to national
economic and social transformation and
development.
This paper is concerned with the match and
mismatch between the autonomy and
interdependence of quality assurance mechanisms
– internal and external – which should be
emphasized in the provision of higher education
in Africa in order to make the purported impact.
Scholars such as Harvey (2018) and Okoche
(2017) have argued that internal quality assurance
is more critical and paramount in the pursuit of
quality in the provision of university education as
it promotes improvement of standards, as
opposed to external quality assurance by national
accreditation bodies which merely drives
accountability. The paper seeks to provide
answers to questions of what the common
grounds of autonomy and captivity are between
the two quality assurance mechanisms, what
challenges are experienced in quality assurance
due to the issues and concerns of autonomy and
captivity between internal and external quality
assurance, and how these challenges can be
overcome. It is argued in the paper that both
internal and external mechanisms of quality
assurance should be fostered in the higher
education institutions in order to strike a balance
between improvement and accountability.
The paper is structured in such a way as to
smoothly transit from an understanding of the key
concepts of quality and quality assurance through
the purpose of quality assurance to the contextual
and conceptual scopes of quality assurance. Then
a synthesis of the critical issues concerning the
autonomy and interdependence of the internal
and external quality assurance mechanisms in
higher education institutions in Africa is
presented as a gist of the paper. The benefits and
strategies for enhancing autonomy and
interdependence of the mechanisms is then
capped. The following sections give an
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Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
understanding of the meanings of quality, quality
assurance, internal and external mechanisms of
quality assurance with reference to higher
education.
II. MEANING OF QUALITY IN HIGHER EDUCATION (HE)
Oladipo et al. (2009) and LH Martin
Institute/INQAAHE (2012) note that “quality” is a
slippery concept with many definitions, meaning
that it implies different things to different people.
Accordingly, it could mean what best satisfies and
exceeds customers’ needs and wants, in which
case it can be said to lie in the eyes of the
beholder. Okafor (2015) similarly posits quality to
be a multi-dimensional concept with various
interpretations, such as excellence, perfection,
value for money, transformation, meeting
customers’ needs, conformity to standards, fitness
for purpose, and fitness of purpose. Kisanga and
Machumu (2014) submit that quality is best
determined by the product users, clients or
customers and to some extent by society in
general. However, there has got to be a reference
point or established standard against which the
quality of a product, service, or phenomenon is
gauged as relatively below, same to, or superior to
other similar ones. Given that quality is generally
associated with the level and quality of education,
then it is imperative to focus attention on what
the term means in the realm of higher education.
According to Vlsceanu, Grünberg, and Pârlea
(2007, p. 70), “Quality in higher education is a
multi-dimensional, multi-level, and dynamic
concept that relates to the contextual settings of
an educational model, to the institutional mission
and objectives, as well as to specific standards
within a given system, institution, programme, or
discipline.” Quality education, according to Mosha
(1986), is thus “measured by the extent to which
the training received from an institution enables
the recipient to think clearly, independently and
analytically to solve relevant societal problems in
any given environment” (pp. 113-134). This
implies that quality higher education is inferred
from the ability or degree to which a higher
education institution conforms to the established
standards of relevance and appropriateness of
programmes, student admissions, staff
recruitment, infrastructural development, and
managerial processes in order to effect teaching
and learning, research, and community outreach
for which it is established. In other words, the
quality of a higher education institution is to be
judged from the input, throughput, output, and
outcomes of the institution; meaning that it is a
continuous rather than a one-step process. This
leads us to the meaning of quality assurance.
III. MEANING OF QUALITY ASSURANCE
El-Maghraby (2012) presents many terms
associated with quality improvement in higher
education. These include Quality Assessment,
Quality Assurance, Quality Control, Total Quality
Management (TQM), and Quality Audit. “Quality
assurance” stands out as the most popular,
conventionally accepted as an “all-embracing
term referring to an on-going, continuous process
of evaluating (assessing, monitoring,
guaranteeing, maintaining, and improving) the
quality of a higher education system, institutions,
or programmes” (Vlsceanu, Grünberg, & Pârlea,
2007, p.74). Oladipo et al. (2009) posit that
higher education quality assurance is about
consistently meeting product specifications or
getting things right the first time, and every time
as far as academic matters, staff-student ratios,
staff mix by rank, staff development, physical
facilities, funding, and adequate library facilities
are concerned. To Alele – Williams (2004),
quality assurance is a mechanism which indicates
the pre-eminence and special features that make a
higher education institution distinct from other
forms of institutions.
All these definitions point out an accountability
and improvement function of quality assurance.
From the definitions, quality assurance can be
taken to mean all activities that are aimed at
ensuring that the process and product of an
educational system serve fitness for and of
purpose. This implies that as a regulatory
mechanism, certain minimum standards are put
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in place for the continuous monitoring of the
quality of input, process (throughput), output,
and outcomes of the higher education institution.
The indices chosen should cover the inhibiting
and facilitating entry behaviours, characteristics,
and attributes of learners; entry qualifications,
values, pedagogic skills, and professional
preparedness of teachers; structure of the
curriculum and learning environment of the
teaching/learning process; and the adequacy and
regularity of the flow of operational funds.
Netshifhefhe, Nobongoza, and Maphosa (2016)
allude to the fact that quality assurance measures
are vital in adding value to the product and are
best applied during the process of implementing a
programme and not merely inspecting the final
product.
Quality assurance has two components: internal
and external. El-Maghraby (2012) categorizes
quality assurance into ‘institutional’ and
‘programme or professional’. Institutional quality
assurance is when the institution as a whole is
accredited, in which case the accreditation review
process focuses on evaluating the institution as an
entity. In the ‘program or professional’ quality
assurance, a specific program of study offered by
an institution is accredited, in which case the
accreditation review process focuses on just one
department, program or curriculum (Koenig,
2004). It should be noted that both the
institutional and programme arms of quality
assurance do fit into internal and external quality
assurance.
IV. MEANING OF INTERNAL QUALITY ASSURANCE AND EXTERNAL QUALITY
ASSURANCE
According to various scholars including Kisanga
and Machumu (2014), Mulu Nega (2012), and
Odera-Kwach (2011), internal quality assurance
refers to an institution’s own mechanisms such as
having and practicing certain policies within its
policy framework to attain its own objectives and
standards in a manner that ensures and improves
its quality. UNESCO cited in Kisanga and
Machumu affirms that internal quality assurance
ensures that the institution is fulfilling its own
purposes, as well as the standards that apply to
higher education in general, or to the profession
or discipline in particular.
Based on the fundamental idea that quality
assurance is mainly the responsibility of the
institution itself (El-Maghraby 2012), higher
education institutions often have their internal
mechanisms to ensure good performance.
Processes within the internal mechanism usually
include, but are not limited to, policy and
procedures for quality assurance; approval,
monitoring and periodic review of programmes
and awards; assessment of students; appraisal of
teaching staff; learning resources and student
support; information systems; and public
information. Higher education institutions are
largely independent in instituting and actualising
these processes, but also yield to oversight by
external quality assurance agencies.
On the other hand, according to Kisanga and
Machumu (2014), Mulu Nega (2012), and
Odera-Kwach (2011), external quality assurance is
performed by an independent organization or
quality assurance agency external to the
institution to determine if the institution meets
the agreed upon or predetermined standards that
apply to higher education in general, or to the
profession or discipline in particular. External
quality assurance often includes accreditation,
review, assessment, and evaluation or audit of the
inputs, throughputs, outputs, and sometimes
outcomes of the higher education institution. The
aim of external quality assurance is mainly to
provide accountability and enhance the
institution’s performance.
External quality assurance is often the preserve of
an independent agency with legal autonomy. The
agency is often comprised of a governing board
composed of members from various sectors that
represent higher education stakeholders in the
country. It usually operates under an appropriate
quality assurance framework that is sensitive to
local context and is consistent with international
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practices, using transparent procedures so as to
ensure accountability. In order to efficiently and
effectively perform its functions, the external
quality assurance agency needs to be adequately
financed and resourced with competent staff and
external reviewers of unquestionable integrity.
The agency needs to continuously review the
impact of external quality assurance processes on
the higher education system it oversees so as to
appraise its relevance.
V. NEED FOR QUALITY ASSURANCE IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS
Hayward (2006) notes that the main reason for
quality assurance in higher education institutions
is the desire to improve quality, be competitive
internationally, protect the public from fraud, and
be accountable to the stakeholders. According to
El-Maghraby (2012), quality assurance helps the
institutions to improve their internal coherence
and provides an opportunity for regular
interactions between the programmes and
universities in a given setting. It also encourages
exchanges with other peers from other
institutions through quality assurance and
accreditation bodies and agencies. LH Martin
Institute/INQAAHE (2012), drawing on European
Standards Guidelines (2005, 2007) and
Woodhouse and Stella (2008), summarises the
functions and hence need for quality assurance as;
to foster accountability, safeguard academic
standards, enhance user protection, provide
independently verified information, assist
institutional efforts in quality control, and
standardise operations within the institution.
Brennan and Shah (Mulu Nega, 2012) posit four
forms of quality values that quality assurance
seeks to attain. These include academic,
managerial, pedagogic, and employment focus
values. The academic values emphasise
establishment of and adherence to broad
disciplinary and professional authority among the
staff and students. In imparting managerial
values, the basic assumption is that good
management can produce quality, in which case
quality assurance serves as a tool of management
to foster quality within the institution. Pedagogic
values lay emphasis on teaching skills and
classroom practices; effective pedagogy is claimed
to yield quality student learning in terms of
knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes as
required by the job market. Employment focus
values target graduate output characteristics,
standards, and learning outcomes such that the
learners are accordingly provided with more
experiences/training outside the classroom
setting with a semblance of the job market so that
they graduate ‘fit for purpose.’
Brennan and Shah reviewed 12 quality agencies
(LH Martin Institute/INQAAHE (2012) and
identified 10 statements of purpose for quality
assurance. These include the following:
● To ensure accountability in the use of public
funds;
● To improve the quality of higher education
provision;
● To inform funding decisions;
● To inform students and employers;
● To stimulate competitiveness within and
between institutions;
● To undertake a quality check on new
(sometimes private) institutions;
● To assign institutional status;
● To support the transfer of authority between
the state and institutions;
● To encourage student mobility;
● To make international comparisons.
With specific reference to external quality
assurance agencies, LH Martin Institute/
INQAAHE (2012) identifies the following
functions:
● To develop standards and procedures for
self-assessment and external review
● To manage data on higher education
institutions
● To select and train of external reviewers
● To liaise with higher education institutions on
the quality assurance processes and site visits
● To monitor, make decision and report to the
public on key quality outcomes
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Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
● To manage appeals of higher education
institutions (if any)
● To organize capacity building interventions
● To promote external relations and networking
with other quality assurance agencies
Each of these functions encompasses a number of
administration, coordination and decision-
making roles and responsibilities that overlap.
Mhlanga (2010) notes that internal quality
assurance systems are generally associated with
institutional improvement while the external
systems are associated with ensuring compliance
of the institution with set standards and provision
of accountability to the stakeholders. In order to
realise the need for quality assurance, the quality
assurance agencies must observe certain basic
principles as described below.
VI. BASIC PRINCIPLES OF QUALITY ASSURANCE
• Providers of higher education have the
primary responsibility for the quality of their
provision and its assurance;
• The interests of society in the quality and
standards of higher education need to be
safeguarded;
• The quality of academic programmes need to
be developed and improved for students and
other beneficiaries;
• There need to be efficient and effective
organisational structures;
• Transparency and the use of external expertise
in quality assurance processes are important;
• There should be encouragement of a culture of
quality within higher education institutions;
• Processes should be developed through which
higher education institutions can demonstrate
their accountability, including accountability
for the investment of public and private
money;
• Quality assurance for accountability purposes
is fully compatible with quality assurance for
enhancement purposes;
• Institutions should be able to demonstrate
their quality at home and internationally;
• Processes used should not stifle diversity and
innovation.
The violation of any of these principles could
interrupt the harmony between internal and
external quality assurance mechanisms in the
African higher education space. The section below
highlights the context of quality assurance in
Africa which could provide a recipe for violation
of the quality assurance principles.
Quality assurance systems are a relatively recent
development in Africa (Swanzy et al., 2018) with
Kenya being the first country in Africa to set up an
external quality assurance agency for higher
education in 1985. However, Materu (2007) notes
that the concept is gaining momentum as a result
of the growing importance of private tertiary
institutions and private sponsorship in public
institutions whose activities need to be regulated.
This implies that though the majority of the
African countries have national quality assurance
agencies established by an act of parliament to
oversee the quality of higher education in both
public and private institutions in the respective
countries, there are still some countries within the
continent that do not have quality assurance
mechanisms. It further implies that even within
countries that have quality assurance
mechanisms, not all higher education institutions
and even departments and faculties within the
institutions undertake quality assurance with the
same zeal, mainly given the diverse understanding
and practices of quality assurance.
However, a study by Swanzy et al. (2018) reveals a
cohort of recent developments in Africa which
indicate that quality assurance is being upheld as
an important mechanism to make higher
education more relevant to developmental needs.
The study unveils several initiatives by the African
Union such as the Association of African
Universities (AAU), the African Higher Education
Harmonization Strategy, the Tuning Africa Pilot
Project, and the African Quality Rating
Mechanism, to promote quality and excellence in
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Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
VII. THE CONTEXT OF QUALITY ASSURANCE IN HIGHER EDUCATION
INSTITUTIONS IN AFRICA
Africa’s higher education systems. Another more
recent initiative is the Joint Africa–European
Union Strategic Roadmap 2014–2017 which
emphasizes quality assurance as the primary
action line to strengthen higher education in
Africa. A yearly International Conference on
Quality Assurance in Higher Education in Africa
has also been established as a platform to develop
ideas and suggest strategies for the provision of
quality education.
The African Union has further identified quality in
higher education as one of the focal points in the
Plan of Action for the Second Decade of Education
for Africa (2006-2015), which resultantly has
caused the development of the Continental
Education Strategy for Africa (2016-2025). These
initiatives are aimed at producing a harmonized
higher education system characterised by
enhanced trust and confidence, quality, relevance
and sustainability. Subsequently, the Pan-African
Quality Assurance and Accreditation Framework
(PAQAF) has been established in response to the
desire to achieve harmonized quality assurance
practices in the continent. PAQAF sets the
principles and rules of engagement for higher
education institutions and agencies in the
continent.
A number of regional quality assurance agencies
have also been formed to upscale the regional
networking and mobility of students and staff in
the regional blocks. These include the African and
Malagasy Council for Higher Education (CAMES),
the Inter-University Council for East Africa
(IUCEA), and the Council for Quality Assurance
and Accreditation in Arab countries. Over time, a
number of quality assurance networks have also
been established across Africa. Notable among the
networks are the African Quality Assurance
Network (AfriQAN), the Arab Network for Quality
Assurance in Higher Education (ANQAHE), and
the Southern Africa Quality Assurance Network
(SAQAN)
According to Swanzy et al. (2018), about 25
African countries had established national quality
assurance agencies by 2015 to oversee their higher
education systems, and some others were at
advanced stages of establishing theirs. The
national quality assurance agencies are either
semi-autonomous or part of the government’s
departments. Their mandate is mainly to
undertake external quality assurance activities
through accreditation of higher education
institutions and programmes. They are also
responsible for periodic monitoring and
evaluation of the quality assurance aspects in
higher education institutions as well as auditing
the institutions for continuous enhancement of
quality. These activities entail assessing inputs,
processes, outputs, and sometimes outcomes of
the institutions through the use of external peer
reviewers and making decisions with regard to
quality aspects of the institutions based on
predetermined minimum standards.
Generally, more emphasis has been placed on
external agencies with relatively little attention
given to institutions. So, the focus of quality
assurance is seen to be more on compliance and
accountability rather than improvement of the
institutions, which could potentially threaten the
autonomy of the institutions. The institutions are
usually captives of a witch-hunt by the external
quality assurance agencies. However, in many of
the countries, support is being provided to
enhance internal quality assurance activities in
the higher education institutions so as to blend
logically with the external quality assurance
activities.
VIII. CONCEPTUAL SCOPE OF QUALITY ASSURANCE
Middlehurst (2001) describes five key dimensions
of the scope of quality assurance. These include
regulation, the educational process, curriculum
design and content, learning experiences, and
outcomes. The ‘regulation’ dimension
encompasses everything to do with but not
limited to legal frameworks, governance,
responsibilities, and accountabilities. The
educational process dimension deals with quality
of admissions, registration or enrolment,
curriculum design and delivery, support for
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learning, and assessment of learning. Curriculum
design and content dimension entails
mechanisms for validation and approval
frameworks, levels and standards. The dimension
of learning experiences involves consumer
protection, enhancing students’ experience, and
handling of complaints and appeals among
others. Outcomes dimensions involves
ascertaining the quality of qualifications,
certificates, transcripts, security, transferability,
recognition/currency and value. This scope
includes what Okafor (2015) describes as the
input, throughput, output and outcome of quality
assurance.
Luckett (2007) poses a set of critical questions
that a conceptual scope or framework of quality
assurance should be able to capture. These
include ‘Who decides what counts as quality?’
‘Who decides what the criteria or measures of
quality should be?’ ‘Who owns the quality
system?’ ‘For whom is the evaluation done?’ To
answer these critical questions, she proposes a
modification of Barnett (1999) and Trow’s (1999)
frameworks. The proposed framework (Figure 1)
is used for analysing quality systems at
programme, institutional, and national levels.
Figure 1: Conceptual Framework for Analysing Quality Assurance Systems. Adopted from Luckett, K.
(2007). The introduction of external quality assurance in South African higher education: An analysis
of stakeholder response. Quality in Higher Education, 13(2), 97-116.
The framework in Figure 1 indicates that quality
assurance is motivated by two main dimensions:
‘power and control’ and ‘purpose’. The ‘power and
control’ dimension on the horizontal axis shows
that quality assurance systems are owned and
controlled by actors internal as well as external to
the institution. In answering the critical questions
of ‘who conducts the evaluation?’ and ‘to whom
are they accountable and in whose interests are
they acting?’ posed by Luckett (2007), ‘power and
control’ dimension considers the former as
nonsignificant while the latter takes precedence.
In this case, both the internal and external
mechanisms of quality assurance impact on and
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reinforce each other in striving to achieve the
functions of the institution. The mechanisms are
shown to have similar strengths and weaknesses
for the institution based on power relations.
The ‘purpose’ dimension on the vertical axis
provides answers to Luckett’s (2007) questions of
‘who is to be enlightened by the evaluation?’, ‘who
determines the evaluation criteria?’, and ‘to what
extent is the self-understanding of those being
evaluated enhanced as a result of the evaluation
process?’. Accordingly, self-understanding is
maximised when it is self-generated within the
institution, and minimised when other-generated
from outside the institution; implying that
internal quality assurance maximises, while
external quality assurance minimises, systemic
improvement. Following Habermas’s (1987)
framework, when the purpose of quality assurance
is to communicate the status of performance
(communicative action) rather than to judge
(strategic action), members of the institution
develop mutual understanding because of being
considered genuine persons (as subjects) rather
than as objects.
In the framework adopted in Figure 1, Luckett
(Mulu Nega, 2012) presents four ways of thinking
to quality. These include collegial rationality,
managerial rationality, facilitative rationality, and
bureaucratic rationality. Collegial rationality and
managerial rationality are generated from within
the institution and hence constitute internal
quality assurance, while facilitative rationality and
bureaucratic rationality are driven from outside
the institution and hence constitute external
quality assurance. In collegial rationality, the
quality assurance system is under the control of
academic peers internally within the department
or faculty. Managerial rationality is driven by the
cadres of management within the institution with
the assumption that good management is key to
quality, and hence quality assurance serves as a
management tool. In facilitative rationality,
external quality assurance agencies play a support
role to the institution to enable the members of
the institution to up their performance in critical
areas of the quality assurance chain. Meanwhile in
bureaucratic rationality, the norms are external to
the institution, and imposed on the institution.
Bureaucratic rationality typically serves an audit
or accountability function with an emphasis on
fitness for purpose and value for money.
The origin and operationalization of managerial
and bureaucratic rationalities impart compliance
tendencies in the quality assurance procedure
such that the purpose seems to be ‘strategic
action’. On the other hand, collegial rationality
and facilitative rationality are geared towards
institutional improvement such that the strategy
of quality assurance is mainly communicative
action. However, in practice, there is often tension
between the autonomy and interdependence of
internal and external mechanisms of quality
assurance in higher education institutions in
Africa. One mechanism is often held captive by
another such that rather than improving quality
and providing effective accountability, the process
of quality assurance ends up eroding quality
through generating unnecessary conflict within
the institution and between the institution and the
external quality assurance agencies. The critical
issues of autonomy and interdependence of
quality assurance mechanisms are synthesized in
the following section.
Critical Issues of Autonomy and Interdependence
of Internal and External Quality Assurance
Mechanisms.
According to Hayward (2006), the gateway to
economic growth and development of a country is
the full participation in knowledge societies of the
country’s higher education institutions as engines
for that transformation. However, Hayward
admits that there is very little evidence about the
link between quality education and economic
growth for Africa. Instead, Kisanga and Machumu
(2014) assert that there is an open and wide link
between low quality of graduates and quality
assurance practices in most African countries. The
disjoint between the university outcomes and
market demands exists because of lack of
appropriate, well-coordinated, controlled, and
maintained quality assurance practices both
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internal and external to the institutions. The
ultimate aim of quality assurance is employability
and relevance of the graduates in the job market.
According to the World Bank (2003), higher
education institutions cannot produce high
quality graduates without adequate investment in
a well-coordinated quality assurance framework
encompassing both the internal and external
mechanisms.
Okafor (2015) notes that the current generation of
graduates from higher education institutions in
Africa is characterised and so often blamed for
negative issues regarding accountability, control,
compliance, and improvement. Considering
accountability, the graduates are noted to offer
less value for money, fitness for purpose, and
quality service delivery and transparency in the
world of work. Netshifhefhe et al. (2016) similarly
note that there is a skills gap between what
university graduates possess and what employers
look for.
According to Dada, Wunti, and Martin (2017), the
public concerns on the ill preparedness of
graduates for work and further studies in higher
education institutions in Africa and elsewhere in
the world are as a result of poor quality human,
physical, and financial resources in the
institutions. Ansah, Swanzy, and Nudzor (2017)
similarly note that the higher education
institutions are indeed characterised by negative
factors including limited funding, inadequate
infrastructure, inadequate staffing, low research
output, and limited graduate employable skills.
These grossly compromise the graduates’
legitimacy, integrity, and standards when
compared across the board. In short, there is a
blame game (Figure 2) within the quality
assurance process as to who contributes most to
the poor quality of educational outcomes.
Figure 2: The blame game within the quality
assurance process in Africa. Adapted from Okafor,
T. U. (2015). External quality assurance in higher
education: Nigeria and South Africa (Doctoral
dissertation). University of Nottingham, the
United Kingdom.
According to Oladipo (2009), there are scores of
unemployed graduates roaming the streets of
cities and towns in Africa, and more
embarrassingly, some who are lucky to secure
employment have to undergo remedial training in
order to bridge the huge knowledge and skills
gaps left over from the training institutions.
Kisanga and Machumu (2014) argue that jobless
graduates engage in illegal cases of drug
trafficking, human trafficking, sexual harassment,
sexual for money. Oladipo enumerates other
defining characteristics of the higher education
context in Africa including a poor state of
economy, weak internal capacity, poor
governance, poor research activities, brain drain,
political interference, incessant industrial actions,
unruly and destructive conduct of
undergraduates, poor preparation of entering
students, unsuitable policy environment, poor
funding, shortages in instructional materials,
laboratory equipment and poor library facilities,
questionable government policy of automatic
promotion at the primary and secondary levels of
education. All these indicate that the curriculum,
pedagogy, resources, appraisal, and feedback
systems of courses taught to students at the
higher education institutions in Africa have gaps.
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This tends to negate the tenet of higher education
as a producer of a quality workforce for national
development. This ultimately begs for conscious
continental, regional, national, and institutional
efforts to boost the quality of the academe and
hence graduates in the continent.
The IUCEA (2014) argues that in the face of
globalization which has led to increased
internationalization of higher education, there is
need to develop strategies to ensure comparability
of degrees and certificates, transferability of
educational achievements and international
competitiveness of both institutions, staff,
students, and graduates of higher education
institutions. It therefore becomes very critical for
African countries, regions, and institutions to
establish quality assurance mechanisms to guard
the standards of their higher education systems
and programs to suit both local and international
standards.
However, Ansah et al. (2017), Kayombo (2015)
and Mhlanga (2010) observe that higher
education institutions in Africa mainly copy the
quality assurance frameworks of developed
countries instead of conceptualising their own
frameworks suited to delivering quality higher
education outcomes in the context of Africa.
Hence there is a notable degree of reliance on
external or international expertise in developing
most quality assurance frameworks in higher
education institutions in Africa. Similarly, Harvey
(2018) notes that some governments and agencies
ignore problems in other countries and
institutions when implementing accreditation
systems to the extent that they grossly inhibit
mobility with other countries and institutions.
Oladipo et al (2009) observes that some foreign
educational providers come along with poor
quality programmes; different quality standards;
indifference or general ignorance to the national
criteria, local needs and policies; issues of
comparability of quality of education; less
qualified staff; and lack of clear information.
Many of them are insensitive to issues of cultural
differences and recognition of qualifications
outside of their mother countries. But because
they are rich in most cases, they fraudulently
manipulate the national quality assurance
agencies and get more favours. Hence the
operations of some regulatory agencies are
discriminatory between foreign and local
institutions.
Luckett (2007) observes that the idea of quality
involves issues of power and values, and that the
introduction of a national quality assurance
system is likely to be embroiled in efforts to
empower new interests and challenge traditional
values. As noted by Hayward (2006), it is difficult
to find an approach to quality assurance that
fosters improvement, encourages quality inputs,
points faculty to areas and resources that will
improve teaching, research, and service quality
simultaneously. According to Mhlanga (2010),
most universities in sub-Saharan Africa are torn
between addressing issues of redress, social
transformation, and accountability on one hand
and the struggle to maintain high levels of
scholarship that can give them international
competitiveness on the other hand. The redress,
social transformation, and accountability arm of
the tension involves enrolling greater numbers of
learners from disadvantaged social groups of
society under the oversight of external and
politically motivated quality assurance agencies.
This compromises the envisaged high standards
of scholarship that are usually promoted by
internal quality assurance policies and practices of
the institutions. This indicates that there is
tension between the internal and external quality
assurance mechanisms in the higher education
institutions.
Different African countries and institutions are at
different levels of development and hence quality
assurance. Hence institutional autonomy of
internal and external quality assurance varies
from country to country across Africa. Many
African governments are in a drive to institute
internal and external quality assurance
mechanisms in higher education institutions with
an aim of addressing the concerns of employers in
various markets about the poor performance of
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graduates (Hayward, 2006). The move is also
aimed at curbing the concerns about competition
of private tertiary institutions, many with dubious
quality, which constitute the majority of higher
education providers, with public ones, and the
impact of foreign providers within the countries.
Garwe (2013) observes that private institutions
face more quality assurance challenges as a result
of poor financial resources. Hence, they are not
capable of acquiring adequate human and
material resources to support quality teaching and
learning, thus they mainly depend on part-time
teachers or those who are on sabbatical leave,
mainly from public institutions.
Matei and Iwinska (2016) argue that internal
quality assurance has a positive effect on quality
improvement, though mostly in developed
countries. Hayward (2006) notes that the
internal-external quality assurance process in
Africa is often compromised by peer reviewers
who are not experts in their fields, those who are
unprepared for the site visits, or those insensitive
to the need to be impartial and respectful
throughout the site visit and peer review process.
Harvey (2018) laments that quality assurance
processes mainly emphasise accountability rather
than improvement to the extent that the notion of
quality education has been replaced by quality
assurance processes. Apart from decrying the
excessive politicization of quality assurance,
Harvey notes that there is also excessive
bureaucratisation of procedures, increased
administrative workload for academic staff,
stifling of creativity and individuality and a lack of
trust and de-professionalisation of academic staff.
This impinges on the legitimacy of the process as
it instills fear and animosity within the
institutions and between the players involved in
the two quality assurance mechanisms.
Relatedly, Castell (Luckett, 2006) argues that
higher education institutions are dynamic systems
with contradictory functions in which research
and scholarship (epistemic function) should be
protected from immediate economic, social and
political processes (ideological function).
However, it should be noted that Third World
universities – including those in Africa – are
mainly state apparatuses used for the generation
and reproduction of nationalist and culturally
assertive ideologies. Luckett observes that the
ideological function has tended to crowd out the
epistemic function. In pursuing the government
interests, external quality assurance agencies
often use policing style and show of might rather
than a quality improvement approach. According
to Jonathan (cited in Luckett), whereas the state
needs to intervene and regulate higher education
in the public interest because the radical change
required in the system will not be delivered
through voluntarism or through market forces,
the state should leave the curriculum content,
pedagogy, and research to the expertise of
individual academics and to their disciplines and
institutions.
The use of internal quality assurance protocols as
a basis for external quality assurance operations
often compromises external quality assurance
outcomes. Given that officers of internal and
external quality assurance mechanisms are vastly
incompetent (Kisanga & Machumu, 2014), it is to
be expected that the sharing of protocols will lead
to poor quality assurance practices. Moreover, as
observed by Tamrat (2019), the process is already
awash with political interference at national and
institutional level, and intrigue at personal levels.
In addition, Tamrat contends that internal quality
assurance is nearly always captive to external
quality assurance in terms of deficiencies such as
lack of leadership support, lack of resources,
exclusive focus on the academic wing as
contrasted with research and administrative
functions of universities, challenges of
overburdened and limited quality audit staff and a
high staff turnover rate. In many cases, higher
education institutions are required to cover the
costs of external quality assurance processes.
Moreover, the quality assurance practices do not
explicitly include student engagement. Coates
(Harvey, 2018) argues that quality assurance
needs to take account of student engagement in
developing productive learning. Not listening
directly to students continues to impose negative
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effects on the success of internal quality assurance
systems, holding them captive to the external
agencies who often have the financial muscle to
conduct student surveys to pin down the internal
mechanisms.
Another critical issue that requires attention in
the internal-external debate of quality assurance
is the discouraging work environment of quality
assurance officers. Kisanga and Machumu (2014),
Harvey (2018), and Swanzy et al. (2018) note that
quality assurance officers in Africa often do not
have enough office space, working tools, no
defined boundary between official duties and
other administrative work. Most of the officers
have capacious responsibilities including
teaching, research, supervision of students’
research, assessing students’ academic progress,
attending trainings, organising quality assurance
workshops, conducting evaluations, and making
follow-ups. Coupled with the incompetency
among the quality assurance officers as noted
above, low staff morale and poor performance in
nearly all aspects of the input, throughput, and
output of the educational process are eminent.
The ultimate negative multiplier effect is
witnessed in poor student outcomes, low quality
publications, and almost zero community
engagement. Otherwise, harmony between the
internal and external mechanisms yields
tremendous benefits to all stakeholders.
IX. BENEFITS OF INTERDEPENDENCE OF INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL QUALITY
ASSURANCE MECHANISMS
Concurrent and harmonious undertaking of
internal and external quality assurance yields
great dividends at institutional, national, as well
as international levels. Harvey (2018) argues that
external processes are a necessary prerequisite of
internal improvement. Mhlanga (2010) observes
that the internal-external link serves both an
accountability and self-enlightenment function
through regular and systematic self-review
processes. The accountability function enables
external stakeholders to understand better what
goes on in the institution, and self-enlightenment
has great potential for enhancing institutional
improvement. Hence, interdependence of internal
and external quality assurance mechanisms
ensures that higher education institutions and
programmes largely meet benchmark standards
set at national, regional, and international levels.
It further ensures that the institutions and their
programmes move in a set direction towards
continuous quality improvement.
Harvey (2018) observes that a combination of
external and internal processes instills rigorous
course approval procedures, increased awareness
of students’ perspectives on teaching, and an
intensification of debate about effective learning.
An effective external quality assurance process is a
necessary condition for the development of
institutional structures such as internal quality
processes and specialist quality units that
promote quality culture within the institution and
can be used as an academic management tool to
legitimise cultural and organisational change. Gift
and Bell Hutchinson (Harvey, 2007) note that a
synchrony between the two mechanisms offers a
means of modernizing systems, citing an example
in Germany where the implementation of
accreditation procedures marked a fundamental
shift in the relationship between higher education
institutions and the state. It also generates
interdepartmental competition for resources
which boosts teamwork among the staff and
hence improvement in research, teaching, and
community outreach.
Hayward (2006) reports that peer reviewers learn
useful lessons from site visits, which lessons are
useful for improving quality at their own
institutions. In case the reviewers are drawn from
both the public and private institutions, then the
interdependence of internal and external quality
assurance will promote the mutual existence of
public and private higher education and ease
transfer of credits. Institutions are also able to
benchmark and incorporate diversity in their own
courses, delivery mechanisms, and creation of a
unique identity through programme
diversification. This produces graduates with
higher employability because employer attitudes
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are raised due to enhanced stakeholder
confidence.
X. STRATEGIES FOR ENHANCING THE AUTONOMY AND INTERDEPENDENCE OF
INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL QUALITY ASSURANCE MECHANISMS
To achieve the ultimate aim of quality assurance,
that is, employability and relevance of the
graduates, there is need to ensure quality
independence and interdependence of internal
and external quality assurance mechanisms.
Strategies targeting continuous improvement in
teaching and learning processes and facilities;
programme design and review; staff recruitment,
welfare, and continuous professional
development; service delivery and infrastructural
development; as well as community engagement
should be well thought out and implemented. As
stated by Kayombo (2015), the establishment of
effective quality assurance systems beyond those
of institutions and nations should be set as a
precedence in every agenda of the institutions and
governments.
According to Tamrat (2019), the establishment of
a continuous and sustainable quality
improvement scheme at the institutional level and
at the level of academic disciplines should be top
on the institutional priorities. Such an internal
system would serve as a precursor to the national
external quality assurance mechanisms like
accreditation and quality audits. Galafa (2018)
urges universities to work on achieving and
maintaining the minimum standards set by the
national agencies in order to avoid claims of bias
but rather promote collegiality between the
institutions and agencies. Swanzy and Potts
(2017) recommend transparent and merit-based
staff and student recruitment processes as the
roots of a quality link between internal and
external quality assurance mechanisms. The staff
recruitment processes for both systems should
include staff induction, laying bare and upholding
the staff rules and regulations, staff formal
appraisal methods, staff workshops and seminars,
further studies for staff, and short training
courses for staff.
The student recruitment process on the other
hand should include student orientation,
simulated workplace for students, student
academic counselling, student disciplinary
associations, student graduation ceremonies, and
alumni tracer studies. Akpan (2011) Quality in
higher educational institutions is influenced by
the quality of students admitted from the lower
levels. It has been observed that students in
secondary and post-secondary institutions are no
longer committed to hard work and scholarship
but rather they tend to gravitate towards cultism
and examination malpractice. Where the majority
of students admitted into higher education
institutions are from the examination malpractice
and cultism backgrounds, the institution has more
work to do on the youths to get them to see the
need for hard work on their studies.
Where the government provides student loan
schemes, private universities should also be
considered to host the students as they are also
helping in the expansion of access to higher
education (University World News, 2013). This
would amicably resolve issues of equity and
quality of entry students. In addition, the
government would then have more say and
control over the private providers. In the same
vein, another workable strategy is to affiliate
private universities to reputable public
universities (Galafa, 2018). This would foster
collaboration in various fields such as research
projects and quality assurance. The private
universities would benefit tremendously as they
stand to learn a lot from the established public
institutions in various practices.
With regard to funding of the quality assurance
processes, Dada et al. (2017) suggest that the
governments should set up special budgetary
allocations for the national agencies to conduct
accreditation and audits. This would ease the
financial strain on the institutions which usually
lack the financial muscle to effectively provide for
all their needs in addition to cost-sharing the
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Autonomy and Interdependence of Higher Education Quality Assurance Mechanisms in Africa
expenses of external quality assurance processes.
Compromises such as lack of thoroughness of
appraisals and audits that arise as a result of the
institutions paying the national agency reviewers
for external quality assurance are eliminated.
Another effective strategy proposed by Hayward
(2006) is for the government to partner with
existing professional associations (or groups of
professionals) to develop an external quality
assurance process which meets both national and
professional needs. Membership of such
associations is often at a fee, and so the
government would be saved the costs of
accreditation and audits.
According to Luckett (2006), the nature of the
relationship between the state and higher
education needs to be rethought to inculcate more
of a social contract. Mhlanga (2010) argues that
the state should engage more in facilitation rather
than in interference in developing and
maintaining robust quality assurance systems.
Luckett (2007) suggests institutional mergers of
historically disadvantaged institutions with
selected historically advantaged institutions as
one of the social contract facilitations. Hayward
(2006) however warns that the process should be
transparent, open, and free of political and other
non-academic influences in order to uphold its
legitimacy. Hayward further insists that the
national quality assurance agencies should handle
a limited number of program reviews in order to
be effective.
In a review of studies on quality assurance,
Hayward (2006) captures a number of other
strategies that can enhance the autonomy and yet
interdependence between the internal and
external quality assurance agencies. These include
upholding the payment of peer reviewers, holding
continuous consultations between the internal
and external mechanisms, and using technology
to ease the quality assurance process. Harvey
(2018) argues for transparency and reciprocity
between internal and external quality assurance
agencies, noting that such reciprocity reduces the
potential for dissembling and game playing.
However, he warns that too much reciprocity
could lead to ‘negotiating the truth’ which
damages the credibility of the quality assurance
process.
XI. CONCLUSION
This paper notes that the graduates of higher
education institutions in Africa are largely
wanting in skills of being innovative, analytical,
articulate, balanced and adaptable to the ever
changing world. The graduates are accused of
lacking the love for life-long learning and they
struggle to contribute meaningfully to their
personal as well as national wellbeing. This is
largely attributed to the inefficiency and
ineffectiveness of the autonomy and
interdependence between the internal and
external quality assurance mechanisms which are
supposed to be mutually reinforcing. The paper
argues that it is necessary to foster the
independence and interdependence of internal
and external quality assurance mechanisms to
ensure that the purpose of quality assurance –
employability of the graduates – is achieved. It is
recommended that institutional leaders as well as
governments give the needed attention and deploy
appropriate resources towards strengthening the
link between the internal and external quality
assurance mechanisms in order to foster
institutional changes and meet emerging
challenges in a manner that promotes quality
culture in the higher education institutions. In
essence, quality assurance should be a continuous
rather than a one-stop process.
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higher education: An analysis of stakeholder
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15. Luckett, K. M. (2006). The quality assurance
of teaching and learning in higher education
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(Doctoral dissertation, Stellenbosch:
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16. Machumu, H. J., & Kisanga, S. H. (2014).
Quality assurance practices in higher
education institutions: Lesson from Africa.
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17. Matei, L., & Iwinska, J. (2016). Quality
assurance in higher education: A practical
handbook. Budapest: Central European
University, Yehuda Elkana Center for Higher
Education.
18. Materu, P. N. (2007). Higher education
quality assurance in Sub-Saharan Africa:
Status, challenges, opportunities, and
promising practices. The World Bank.
19. Mhlanga, E. (2010). Quality assurance in
higher education in Southern Africa: The case
of the universities of the Witwatersrand,
Zimbabwe and Botswana (Unpublished
doctoral dissertation). University of the
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20. Mulu Nega, K. (2012). Global voices in higher
education: Critical issues and practical
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21. Netshifhefhe, L., Nobongoza, V., & Maphosa,
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ABSTRACT
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Overcome Depression by Spirituality in the Bhagavad Gita
Dr. Ku. Richa Shrivastava
The expression depression indicates the feelings of lowliness and inferiority complex. From the despair, we have to come in the state of happiness or gaiety. If water is heated up, it will come to its state, it will become cool. Howsoever lowered we get; we have to move towards in the status of cheerfulness as high spirits is human nature. Similarly, if water gets warm, it could burn the skin although we put water in fire, it extinguishes fire. That's the nature of the water. If misery enters our life, correspondingly dispirited is not our temperament. It ensued because of the stipulation, we may undergo gloominess in some one's company, in dwelling with someone, and for the time has been the conduct of someone causes despair rather we may get depressed than we will arrive at the ultimate delight by devotion to Almighty. Fundamentally, kids are the exemplariness of zeal, joy, gladness and merriment that have been observed. Children have never been watched to be discouraged. In case, if the children turn out to be annoyed for something or the other but they alter themselves quickly into affection. As we people get friendly and familiar with society, we adopt the wretchedness and the worry of other people. Thereby we turn into saddened. Therefore depression has been discussed in this research paper. This research paper aims to attain cheerfulness from the depressed state of mood disorder.
Keywords: bhagavad gita: spiritual book of hindus: bhakti path: the path of devotion, granthas: spiritual books, guru: teacher.
Classification: 220499
Language: English
© 2020. Dr Ku. Richa Shrivastava. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercial use,distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
For Code:
Overcome Depression by Spirituality in the Bhagavad Gita
Dr. Ku. Richa Shrivastava
____________________________________________
ABSTRACT
The expression depression indicates the feelings
of lowliness and inferiority complex. From the
despair, we have to come in the state of
happiness or gaiety. If water is heated up, it will
come to its state, it will become cool. Howsoever
lowered we get; we have to move towards in the
status of cheerfulness as high spirits is human
nature. Similarly, if water gets warm, it could
burn the skin although we put water in fire, it
extinguishes fire. That's the nature of the water.
If misery enters our life, correspondingly
dispirited is not our temperament. It ensued
because of the stipulation, we may undergo
gloominess in some one's company, in dwelling
with someone, and for the time has been the
conduct of someone causes despair rather we
may get depressed than we will arrive at the
ultimate delight by devotion to Almighty.
Fundamentally, kids are the exemplariness of
zeal, joy, gladness and merriment that have been
observed. Children have never been watched to
be discouraged. In case, if the children turn out to
be annoyed for something or the other but they
alter themselves quickly into affection. As we
people get friendly and familiar with society, we
adopt the wretchedness and the worry of other
people. Thereby we turn into saddened.
Therefore depression has been discussed in this
research paper. This research paper aims to
attain cheerfulness from the depressed state of
mood disorder. In Bhagavad Gita, Lord Krishna
attempts to overcome Arjun's gloominess and
resume his cheerfulness. The Bhagavad Gita is
very extensive to confer in a research paper. So
shortly, it's written that how Arjun overcomes
dejection. It is not possible to discuss the
Bhagavad Gita in every feature so the essence
has been written. I would be akin to notify
spirituality through characterizations of various
characters in The Bhagavad Gita.
Keywords: bhagavad gita: spiritual book of
hindus: bhakti path: the path of devotion,
granthas: spiritual books, guru: teacher.
Author: PhD, IITR, Roorkee, Hoshangabad Road,
Bhopal, M. P.
I. INTRODUCTION
If we deliberately look for the implication of
Arjun's name in Sanskrit, we would simply find
the meaning. Arjun connotes 'White' which
signifies a clear hearted and pure-hearted
individual. The devotee must be comprehensible
one. Krishna denotes the one who attracts;
thereby Krishna's denotation in Sanskrit is black.
The person with white colour aura could be
modified into any other colour of the aura. The
black coloured people could never be altered into
any other colour of this world. Bhagavad Gita
mentions that Supreme Being, Krishna has the
darkest complexion amongst Indians. Lord
Krishna had the Golden aura which could be
equated with the radiance of the thousands of
suns. On the one hand, the luminosity of the sun
gives pain to the eyes. On the other hand, the
bright light of Lord Krishna's aura is calm, clear
and soothing to eyes and with no burning
sensation to eyes as revealed in Bhagavad Gita.
When we colour textile, we have to clean it. At
first, we will have to remove the previous colour of
the cloth. We have to either convert the colour of
the cloth material into white colour or any very
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light colour. As much as the colour of the cloth is
light, it will get coloured in a better way.
Lord Krishna is the Guru; Arjun is the disciple of
Lord Krishna. Thereby it means that every student
ought to be inquisitive and simple in front of their
Guru. If a person with pure consciousness would
go to Guru, he would have an in-depth effect. That
person will get coloured in the colour of love with
Lord Krishna that is holiness in such a way that
his holistic life could not be changed. Thereby,
first of all, we ought to be pure-hearted. Our
innermost self must be cleared.
If we paint our home, we foremost take out, the
old scratches and the old patchy signs. Labour
would clean and clear the wall. What would
happen if the wall is not plain, or if we tint our
vehicle without removing the old colour? Firstly
we have to rub out the old colour of the concrete
wall. Similarly, we have to take out the paint and
decolour the vehicle to colour it again. If you wish
to colour your life, clear your consciousness daily,
remove old and useless thoughts, to assume a
revived life. You may take out some papers write
all your hurts, pains and sufferings and
whatsoever is redundant in your life. After writing
about all these stings which are the cause of your
anguish, burnout these papers and flush them, so
they could be decomposed completely. Repeat the
process, if you feel upset again. Adopt a new life.
In the same manner, it is said we should get
cleansed of ourselves by taking a bath and be
dressed in clean clothes if we go to any religious
place; and we ought to remove our shoes.
Thereby, no dirt must enter a sacred place. If our
wits are preoccupied from envy, suspicion, rage
and clash and we might enter any spiritual set up;
it would affect the auspiciousness of that setup. If
we could visit any spiritual place with a pure
heart, we would acquire peace within us,
completely; when we would leave that place. If
you would go to a religious place with hostility
and hatred, we would come back with much
hostility and more hatred, because the world is
like a mirror, what we reflect it comes back to us.
To enter a temple, church or mosque, be simple
and be with a clear conscience. You would attain
peace, pleasure and your desires will get fulfilled.
It is always appreciated to be of rough and tough
nature because no one could hurt the crooked
nature person. Similarly, the straight trees are
fallen. The shapeless trees are never cut down.
Public always hurt the straight forward persons. It
is harmful to be good, to be crooked is beneficial.
It's not like that. In this world, all crooked and
wicked people are never able to achieve anything.
They were not able to do something constructive.
If we cut straight trees from forests them are
either ought to be arranged in the construction of
the building or them will be the decorative pieces
of that building. People do not cut the curved
trees, if we cut the curved trees from forests than
the zig-zag trees would be used for burning, they
could not be used for construction. If there is a
person of devious nature he would always feel
envious, because he creates nothing, no one would
remember him. The world will not memorize such
a person. Be simple, because you have to plan
your career so that you could have the prosperous
future. Good human beings in the society,
formulate a good nation, thereby if you would
improve yourself a better world could be formed
by you. Yet, this is an example. The reason is that
the cutting of trees is a wrong task in itself. Never
deforestation should be done. It's beneficial to a
forestation as many trees as possible. More the
greenery is the much, it is better. Wheresoever's
human beings reside that densely populated areas
should be forested with at least thirty per cent of
trees. The greenery promotes well – being.
In India, it's the greatest misfortune as many trees
are fallen in comparison to that eleven per cent or
thirteen per cent of trees are grown there. That's
why the climate and ecology are affected. Balance
has been perturbed, seasons are influenced.
Diseases are augmented. The ozone layer is
depleted. Tension has been increased. Gentry are
stressed. The biosphere is getting affected. Nature
is getting unbalanced, cosmos is getting
imbalanced. It's at all times said what is in the
human body that is in the cosmos. We have the
effect of the whole universe; it is to be understood
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that the people should follow a simple lifestyle
and generate constructive ideas which could be
implemented for the welfare of entire cosmos.
Arjun is plain but there is a wonder about him as
stated below.
Krishna means black and the name of Lord
Krishna is Baake – Bihari; Baanka – pan, why
does someone is called "Banka"? Arjun is straight
forward. Lord Krishna is flexible. Here "flexible",
does not mean clever and crooked. Here, the
admiration, the adoration, the reverence, the
fondness has taken this form. Although Lord
Rama is remembered for his simple nature, it's
also easy to take his name. It's not straightforward
to take Lord Krishna's name; if we speak of his
name the lips get twisted. The personality of Lord
Rama is effortlessly implicit and if we study about
his lifestyle, it is simply perceived. If we interpret
about Lord Krishna's lifestyle, it could not be
easily perceived. He could not be understood
because of his mysterious nature. If we attempt to
realize him, as the pointer is mildly tilted, if
something falls in water or if a vessel falls in the
water, then in case we put the pointer, it brings
back that picky object or vessel out of water. It is
well said if there is sin in our heart, similar to as
it's creating complicatedness for us. That is the
cause of worry, and then enchants the mantra,
"Om Namah Bhagavate Vasudevaya"; that is
Krishna's name, as he is tilted. If some feeling or
emotions are hurting you, if it could not be
resolved easily, does the mantra – jap (a
meditation technique) of Lord Krishna's name, in
addition to this study Bhagavad Gita. Every
dilemma will be resolved by reading of Bhagavad
Gita as persistently as many are the predicaments.
As we came out of the troubles by comprehension
of Bhagavad Gita, you could also come out of your
dangers.
We interpret in Bhagavad Gita about the Lord
Krishna's well – being. The word Krishna
connotes black and Arjun indicates white. At this
point, we have to consider one thing, white colour
paint could be converted into any other colour of
the paint but if we take out black colour of paint
and mix with it other colours, it will be converted
into black colour. It signifies if someone ensues
the adherent devotee of Lord Krishna that person
befalls his affectionate one. Friendship of Lord
Krishna has great strength, he is affable. He would
be with you when you would need great strength
to stand in life, you would wish to transpire like
him.
In India, it has been decided, the black colour
coats as the uniform of all lawyers. It represents,
that the person will not affect any side, as well as
he will not affect his client also. To dress in black
colour suggests, you turn out to be the voice of
justice and you must be away from bribery and
trickery. This example has been stated.
Remember one more craze that magician, in
magic keeps black colour in front of him.
Similarly, Lord Krishna is an infatuation. He is a
magician who attracts everyone with divine love.
The Parmatma's (God's) arrangement is likely that
every night the sky is black, as we may sleep
peacefully at night. More and more you become
spiritual, you will feel serene and calm. The night
is associated with darkness, whenever we have
sound sleep at night; we arise fresh in the
morning. In reality, the attraction of Lord Krishna
is magical. To be, in fascination with Lord Krishna
is to attain his bliss and be in amity with him.
Spiritual awakening is the reason for
enlightenment. The most precious passion is
spiritual awakening and one may attain
enlightenment by enchanting Krishna's mantra:
"Om Namah Bhagavate Vasudevaya"! This mantra
has already been mentioned earlier.
After this conversation between the Guru as
Krishna and follower as Arjun, we ought to
proceed forward towards the benefits of
inquisitive nature. Consider this; if we have to get
noticed ourselves with spiritual knowledge, we
ought to have to be spiritually awakened.
Inquisitive nature is the utmost requirement of a
devotee. When we come to this world; after that
when we became conscious, while we learn to
speak, then we are the most inquisitive, the
inquisitive nature is an innate quality which is the
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reason behind our understanding and our
interpretation of this world.
The inquisitive nature of Dhritrashtra is
responsible for the conversation between him and
Sanjay; both of them are sitting in the palace.
Dhritrashtra asks Sanjay – notify me from your
vision, what has happened in Kurushetra; the
battlefield. From the Dhritrashtra's
inquisitiveness the sightless one, the Bhagavad
Gita begins.
That's why remembering this until when you are
alive in this world, do not leave your inquisitive
nature. Do not let your student life to be finished.
Keep learning; keep asking about the knowledge
of life. Inquiring and learning about the
knowledge of the way towards life is the most
important. Our development is possible only
when we will get spiritually awakened. Asking
questions with the inquisitive mind is bliss. The
best desire is the desire to be inquisitive. What we
ought to know? We ought to know the Almighty,
but these worldly people are not inquisitive about
Almighty. They are interested to know about this
world and the powers to acquire worldly
possessions. This Dhritrashtra is unsighted in
addition to this; he does not incline to procure
spiritual knowledge. Thereafter, he is not a
religious aspirer. He yearns to make out the
circumstances of the battlefield. He hopes to reign
over the state.
Memorize this, whosoever person tried to empire
over this world, his condition has been like
Dhritrashtra. 'Dhrit' is a Sanskrit word implies
'blind person', 'Rashtra' is also a Sanskrit word
denotes, 'Nation' the complete word suggests
blind person trying to rule over this nation, blind
means blindness from eyes as well as person's
wish to acquire worldly materialism blindly, i. e.
Not in adherence to the rules of society. He has
been demanding to seize the throne.
Retain this information whosoever tried to
acquire these worldly possessions; whosoever
tried to inherit the properties, whatsoever the
person tries to acquire wealth and avarice.
Everyone tries to get his hands on materialistic
life. In the beginning, everyone has the same
aspiration as Dhritrashtra. Everyone wishes to
obtain all the tenures. At the beginning of
childhood, everyone wants to catch hold of
everything. Children run after several things to
catch them. They catch good things plus bad
things also. The whole life span of a human being
is dissipated in getting hold of worldly
ownerships. In the end, the person expires and his
hands are empty without gaining anything. After
death, the empty hands of a person stand for the
person tried to acquire his level best but he could
not take anything to heaven. Everything is left in
this world. The people whom destruction is
confirmed, they do not wish to remember
Almighty. They do not wish to acquire knowledge
about God. As previous sins of the sinners, do not
allow the sinners to discuss Lord. Likewise, as
when the person is suffering from fever, he does
not feel hungry. When the temperature of body
increases; the hunger decreases, when we intake
water, we sense it bitter; the taste is affected,
nature becomes irritable. These are the symptoms
of fever. It has been supposed that, similar to
fever, when the person becomes sinful his anger
increases. He will misbehave and feel glad. He will
attempt to dominate others, he will be the reason
of others worry; he will exploit and harass women.
Jealousy and animosity would be his nature. If we
would discuss God with him; he would
understand it to be a futile discussion. If we would
tell him the way towards progress, he would
perceive it, that he is being blamed by others for
his deeds.
Keep this in mind, when the sky gets clouded and
it starts drizzling. The rainfall is alike in barren
land as well as infertile land. Thence infertile land
either the flowers will be blown or the crops will
be grown. In a barren land, after receiving the
same rainfall as fertile land but there will be
grown only thorny plants. Drona – Acharya has
given the same knowledge of weapons and
artilleries to their students comprising both
Kauravas and Pandavas. He has given analogous
teachings and discourses to both the groups.
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Overcome Depression by Spirituality in Bhagavad Gita
Likely, the rainfall is akin in barren and fertile
land; this happens, when the rainfalls to Neem
trees, it increases its bitterness which had been
previously bitter. When the rain falls to Sugarcane
plants, it increases its sweetness which already
tastes sweet. Similarly, when the rain falls to
lemon plants, it increases its sourness. When the
rainwater will fall to chilly plants, it will add to its
pungency. Therefore, its best do not keep poison
within you. Do some hard work and endeavour to
keep some divine nectar within you. Pray to
Parmatma (Almighty) for his bliss that he may
give the boon to you that ambrosia i. e. Divine
nectar within you may multiply thousands of
times and thus source your welfare.
Duryodhana - the truth about the birth of wicked
person who stings others is expressed awfully –
When Duryodhana was born, in the day time, the
foxes and the jackals shrilled. The eagles and the
crows were flying high in the sky. Sage Vyas
explicates that a person for the destruction of
human beings has been born. It would take the
lives of millions of the human race.
In this world, certain dictators dictated millions of
people; everyone has anger, hatred, irritation and
resentment for them. They are the reasons behind
the mass killing of millions of humans. There have
been many dictators who existed. These human
killers have only one motto in mind that has been
to add up their arrogance and pride.
As you know some people are creative and they
devote themselves to their creativity, they do not
have the time to take out the shortcomings of
anyone. The person who has no achievements, as
he could not do anything in his lifetime, that
person would find faults of successful people.
That individual would count the wrong deeds of
flourishing persons. As if he could not do anything
at all, the person who has attained zenith in life,
he would be covetous and offended with
victorious people. In addition to this, he will
discuss counterfeit and disparaging hearsays
about them. As he could not win the hearts of the
human race, he would attempt the downfall of
other thriving beings. Duryodhan had such a
mind.
Drona – Acharya has given similar teachings and
imparted the same knowledge to Yudhistir and
Duryodhan, but he could not procure the same
results from both of them. That's why in
Mahabharata this awful depiction has been
discussed.
Drona – Acharya has to take the exams of
Yudhistir and Duryodhana, so he has sent both of
them for examination. He has asked both of them
to make a list of all the good people in this world
as well as to make a list of all the bad people in
this world. Both of them have departed and both
of them returned without the list. Their papers
have been blank. Drona – Acharya says, "Some
miracle has taken place because of my teachings
both of you have brought blank papers".
Drona – Acharya has asked Duryodhana – "Have
you met with good people of this world? Have you
noted down their names?"
Duryodhana answered – "I have to read
everyone's mind, I have tried to enquire every
person, I have found that no person exists of good
qualities, I have seen only bad qualities in them. I
have found the people of this world thousands of
times worse than me. That's the reason if I have to
write the name of a good person that's me. I have
to write my name and that's not fair."
Drona – Acharya has asked Yudhistir, "You have
not written any name?"
Yudhistir folded his hands and wished pranam in
front of Drona – Acharya and said, "There are so
many good people in this world, this paper is
insufficient as well as if we comprise all the
papers, even those papers will be less to write the
names of good people because in every human
being there are thousands of good qualities and if
I have to write the name of a bad person why to
spoil this sheet of paper. The person who is
standing in front of you, that's me who could be
the bad person. No one is worse than me. I am the
worst person in this world. Thereby, all the people
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Overcome Depression by Spirituality in Bhagavad Gita
of this world are better than me. I could see all the
good qualities in all of them. I am here with the
blank paper. If you would like to know about me, I
could not accomplish achievements what I could
have achieved. I could have attained zenith in life
which I could not have reached, even now, I have
many expectations, Gurudev (Respected Teacher).
Thereafter, good people are spread all over in this
world".
After listening to Yudhistir, Drona – Acharya hugs
him and blesses him. He tells him, you are my
disciple, I am thankful to divinity for you.
Remember this – if someone has lots of children
but if only one is responsible son or daughter,
then, it's like this that there is one moon amongst
millions and billions of stars. Likewise, if there are
thousands of disciples and if only one is a
responsible disciple then it's comparable like the
moon as to our galaxy.
II. CONCLUSION
It's thoughtful to think that, what are our qualities
as a disciple? Most of the people are cautious to
watch Guruji's (teacher's) qualities. Could he
perform any miracle? They do not correct
themselves as a true disciple. Miracle may
certainly take place with every disciple but he
should become a true follower. Confirm that you
are a true partisan to your Guru (teacher), believe
in yourself and prove yourself then see the Guru's
miracle.
Arjun as a disciple is pure-hearted. Krishna is a
Guru and companion. Guru has to be like a friend.
The problem which could not be shared with
parents, it could be shared with acquaintances
and if the Guru is friendly with the disciple, the
disciple could open-heartedly share his or her
problem to Guru without any hesitation. If Guru is
a therapist, he could understand the disciple and
do the best therapy. Lord Krishna is the mate,
Lord Krishna is the Guru, and Lord Krishna is the
saviour. See the reflection of all relations in Lord
Krishna. Believe in Guru. You will acquire many
good things.
WORKS CITED
1. BhagvadGita.net
2. C. Rajgopalchari. Mahabharat, Mumbai:
Bhartiya Vidya Bhawan Press. 2015. Print.
3. "Om Namo Bhagavate Vasudevaya - Moksha
(Liberation Mantra) eaning", www.
Awakeningstate.com 2020 Web 17 Feb 2020.
4. www.awakeningstate.com/spiritual-awakenin
g/com... Web 17 Feb 2020.
5. "Ramayana: Asia Society". Asiasociety.org.
2020 Web 17 Feb 2020.
6. https://asiasociety.org/education/ramayan.W
eb 17 Feb 2020
7. "Shastra: Hindu Scriptures".
Hinduonline.com 2020 Web 13 Jan 2020.
8. http://hinduonline.co/Scriptures/Shastras.ht
ml.Web13Jan2020.
9. Sudhanshuji Maharaj.net.
10. Swami, Prabhupada, A. C. Bhaktivedanta.
Bhagavad Gita as it is, Watford: ISKON
Reader Services, 2010. Print.
11. "Vedanta Concepts and Application", Kolkata:
Ramkrishna Mission Institute of Culture,
2000. Print.
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Overcome Depression by Spirituality in Bhagavad Gita
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ABSTRACT
Scan to know paper details andauthor's profile
Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio- Economic
Status: A Descriptive Survey StudySahidul Alam & Dr. Md Rofikul Islam
Aligarh Muslim University
The appraisal of academic performance has been a regular process in the educational field for a long time. The aim of education is to bring the all-round development of an individual by imparting knowledge, skill and imbibing values in them. But with the passage of time, the aim of formal education is being changed from all-round development of an individual to solely the academic success of the students which narrows down the broader meaning and aim of education. The contemporary study was carried out to examine the association between the academic achievement of secondary students with their study habits and socio-economic status. The researchers took 250 students, selected from different secondary schools of Aligarh district of Uttar Pradesh as the sample of the study by using simple random sampling technique. Study Habits Scale (2015) developed by Rani and Jaidka and Socio-economic Status Scale developed and standardized by Kalia and Sahu (2012), as instruments were administered to collect the data. The researchers found that academic achievement, study habits and socio-economic status were correlated with each other.
Keywords: academic performance, secondary students, study habits, socio-economic status.
Classification: 139999
© 2020. Sahidul Alam & Dr. Md Rofikul Islam. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative CommonsAttribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercialuse, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Language: English
For Code:
Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-
Economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study Sahidul Alamα & Dr. Md Rofikul Islamσ
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57 © 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
ABSTRACT
The appraisal of academic performance has been
a regular process in the educational field for a
long time. The aim of education is to bring the
all-round development of an individual by
imparting knowledge, skill and imbibing values
in them. But with the passage of time, the aim of
formal education is being changed from
all-round development of an individual to solely
the academic success of the students which
narrows down the broader meaning and aim of
education. The contemporary study was carried
out to examine the association between the
academic achievement of secondary students
with their study habits and socio-economic
status. The researchers took 250 students,
selected from different secondary schools of
Aligarh district of Uttar Pradesh as the sample of
the study by using simple random sampling
technique. Study Habits Scale (2015) developed
by Rani and Jaidka and Socio-economic Status
Scale developed and standardized by Kalia and
Sahu (2012), as instruments were administered
to collect the data. The researchers found that
academic achievement, study habits and
socio-economic status were correlated with each
other. The study revealed that no critical
statistical difference exists in scholastic
achievement, study habits and socio-economic
status among the secondary students on the
grounds of gender and locality but the significant
difference exists among the secondary students in
academic achievement, study habits and
socio-economic status on the grounds of their
school types which means the significant
difference between govt. and private schools. The
study also revealed that there was a significant
main and interaction effect of study habits and
socio-economic status on academic achievement.
It further showed that study habits and
socio-economic status were significant predictors
of academic achievement of the secondary
students.
Keywords: academic performance, secondary
students, study habits, socio-economic status.
Author α: Research Scholar, Dept. of Education,
Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, U.P-202002
σ: Asst. Professor (M. Ed.), Education College, Domkal,
Murshidabad, W.B, India-742406
I. INTRODUCTION
In the post-modern era of science and technology,
society has become extremely competitive
throughout the whole world, everyone is
competing with others in achieving their life goals
in society. Among dissimilar fields of competition,
academic pursuit appears as the most important
and relevant faces of one’s life. An individual
makes every possible effort to do his best in
academics. The aim of true education is to bring
the all-round development of an individual by
conveying knowledge and skill and imbibing
values in them. But the aim of formal education is
being changed with changing time from all-round
development of an individual to exclusively the
academic performance or success of the learners
which restricts the wider meaning of education. It
is the requirements of the time because in the
competitive modern society everybody wishes
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
academic brilliance i.e. good academic
achievement or performance. Eysenck and
Arnold, in the Encyclopaedia of Psychology
(1972), defined academic performance as,
‘General term for the successful attainment of a
goal requiring certain effort’.
Academic achievement or performance is a
multidimensional and multifaceted phenomenon
also it is complex behaviour. Researches
throughout the world have regularly shown that
academic accomplishment is not a result of any
single factor; rather it is the product of the
interaction of a large number of factors. There are
a countless number of factors which affect the
academic accomplishment of the students viz.
heredity, intelligence, motivation, home
environment, school environment, interests,
attitude, aptitudes, socio-economic status of the
parents, and so on so forth. The above-mentioned
factors and other similar mechanisms might play
a pivotal role in determining one’s achievement in
academic performance.
It could be expressed that the factors that impact
the scholastic performance of students overall fall
in the accompanying four classes featured as
Associated to Student, Associated to Teacher,
Associated to School, and Associated to Home.
Firstly, Associated to Students: anxiety,
intelligence, interest, attitude, achievement
motivation, emotional maturity, aptitude, study
habits, and language skills etc. come under this
domain. Secondly, Associated to Teacher: method
of teaching, teaching skills, classroom interaction,
teacher motivation, teaching experience,
home-work, and reinforcement etc. Thirdly,
Associated to School: this domain includes types
and location of the school, school climate, the
medium of instruction. Lastly, Associated to
Home: home atmosphere, socio-economic status,
family size, religion, and cultural effect etc comes
under this domain. This study will address the
enhancing importance of the student’s academic
performance measured by the annual scores,
through examining the study habits and
socio-economic status of the students in its
relation. So, a question arises in mind whether
these factors are associated with academic
performance or achievement or not and if
associated then up to what extent? The present
study is an effort to search the answers to these
questions.
II. STUDY HABITS AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE
Often, performance is measured by how well or
poorly something is finished. It holds great
significance to society because it is the sole basis
of measuring learners’ output. In educational
parlance, performance demonstrates through
scholastic success, which is the outflow of a
student’s study propensity and fortified through
education. Great study habits are similarly
significant and supportive in the scholarly field as
well as in picking a future profession. The
interrelationship of the scholarly accomplishment
or success and study propensity for the students
can’t be disregarded on the grounds that to an
enormous degree it shapes an individual
predetermination. The basic conviction wins in
the public arena is that students with great study
habits are probably going to sparkle than those
with pitiable study habits. ‘Study habit means the
habit that an individual might have formed with
respect to his learning activities’ (Nagaraju, 2004,
p.16).
III. ACCORDING TO CREDE AND KUNCEL (2008),
‘Study habits are studied routines, including but
not restricted to, the frequency of studying
sessions, review of the material, self-testing,
rehearsal of learned material, and studying in a
conducive environment’.
Studies revealed that the Study Habits of the
students play a key role in the academic
achievement of students.
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
IV. PREVIOUS STUDIES RELATED TO STUDY HABIT AND ACADEMIC
PERFORMANCE
Chamundeswari and Kumari (2014) and Ayodele
and Adebiyi (2013), in their study, found a
positive huge connection between study habits
and scholarly success or accomplishment.
Mashayekhi et al. (2014) conducted a study on
220 graduate-level students of Islamic Azad
College Jiroft Branch and found that 89% of
students have moderately alluring study habits,
and furthermore found that study habits and
scholastic accomplishment were positively
correlated. The researchers selected the sample
randomly and collected data from both the
College of Agriculture and Humanities. Anwar
(2013) also found that students with poor and
good study habits differed significantly in their
academic performance, students with good study
habits performed well in their academics and
vice-versa. In (2012), Sharma while studying the
study habit and academic achievement of 250
students of 9th-grade high school students found
that good study habits very often lead to a higher
level of academic achievement. The study also
showed that girls had a bitter study habits in
comparison to boys. Pillai (2012) in his study
found a significant difference in study habits
between male and female students. Bhan and
Gupta (2010) in their research on study habits
and academic performance found no significant
effect of study habit on the academic performance
of students in relation to the sexual role. Sarwar et
al. (2009) in their study found that higher
achievers had better study habits than the lower
achievers. Prema (2007) while studying the
relationship between study habits and academic
success found that girls had better study habits
and performed well than the boys in their
academic performance. The study also highlighted
that significant difference among the students of
Govt., Govt. Aided and Private schools. Lastly, it
also revealed a significant positive relationship
between study habits and academic achievement.
The researchers selected a sample of 450 senior
secondary students from different administration
schools. Sud and Sujata (2006) after
investigation, concluded by saying that girls were
better in their Study Habits than the boys. Sirohi
(2004) found that poor study habits of the
students were one of the main reasons for low or
under-achievement. Thakkar (2003) concluded
that a significant difference exists between low
and high achiever rural students in their study
habits. Baland (1999) in his study found that
study habits of males were bitter than females
students. It also revealed that the study habits of
urban males were significantly lower than that of
urban females.
V. SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE
The word socio-economic status is a composite
term comprising two measurements dimensions
i.e. societal status and economic status. The
socio-economic status of an individual or family
can be estimated based on education, salary,
profession, wellbeing and material had, and so
forth in contrast with others in the public arena.
Socio-economic status is a proportion of an
individual or family’s relative economic and social
positioning in the general public and it is
frequently made out of the parents’ education
level, parent’s occupation, family income,
community network, and size of the family.
‘Socio-economic status is the position of an
individual or group on the socio-economic scale,
which is informed by a combination or interaction
of social and economic factors, such as income,
amount and type of education, kind of prestige
and occupation, place of residence and in some
society’s even ethnic origin and religious
background’ The American Psychological
Association (APA) in Dictionary of Psychology
(2007).
So, Socio-economic status not only helps a pupil
in getting higher education but it also helps in
choosing a future career. In Indian society, there
is a common saying that higher the socio-
economic background better the educational
facilities are available together with more
intellectual stimulation. The socio-economic
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background looks to influence a student’s
attitudes, motivation, values, etc. and thus, his
academic achievement or accomplishment.
VI. PREVIOUS STUDIES RELATED TO SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS AND
ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE
Plenty of studies have been finished by the
researchers before to look at the problems and
investigate socio-economic status as a
contributing element in scholastic performance or
achievement and their examination indicated an
alternate result. Faaz and Khan (2017) directed an
investigation to know the connection between the
socio-economic status of upper primary students
with their scholarly or academic performance and
found that socio-economic status and scholastic
success of the students had a positive critical
relationship. Sanjurjo, Blanco and Fernández-
Costales (2017) found that socio-economic status
adversely influences lower socio-economic status
foundation students in their learning of CLIL
while concentrating the impact of socio-economic
status on the scholarly accomplishment of the
students and Gabriel et al. (2016) likewise found
an insignificant relationship or relationship
between scholastic achievement of the students
and their parent's occupation while researching
the effect of parental socio-economic status on the
scholarly accomplishment or performance of
secondary students. Farid et al. (2016) in their
investigation saw that socio-economic status
significantly affected student’s academic
performance. Gul and Rehman (2014) in their
study saw that socio-economic status had a
critical and positive effect on the scholastic
performance of the students. It additionally
uncovered that high socio-economic status
students perform well in their academics. Zaki et
al. (2014) after their investigation closed by saying
that the scholastic performance of students has a
hugely positive association with their parent's
socio-economic status. Suleman et al. (2013) in
their study reasoned that parent's Socio-economic
status i.e., parent's education, occupation and
salary influence secondary students’ academic
performance. Sirin (2005) while leading a
meta-diagnostic research study of the exploration
articles distributed in a different noted scholastic
diary in the middle of 1990-2000 to survey the
connection between socio-economic status and
scholarly achievement found a moderate to solid
degree relationship between socio-economic
status and academic achievement of the students.
VII. JUSTIFICATION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROBLEM
The educational career of each and every student
is very often full of tests and examinations
thoroughly. It is an acknowledged fact that school
days are more challenging than any other level of
education for the students to do well in academics
because at this level they have encountered many
problems. Students to perform well need proper
learning facilities, effective study habits and
sound socio-economic family background which
very often leads to productive learning.
Forecasting or predicting academic success of the
students is one of the most essential tasks in
modern-day education. Educationists, acade-
micians, researchers, guidance workers and
counsellors always tried to predict and maximize
academic achievement of the students through
studying students achievement with certain other
psycho-social variables, and researchers and
educationists have made many attempts in this
direction e.g., use of intelligence test scores as a
predictor of academic achievement. But, today,
there is a growing realization among the
educationists that other psychological,
sociological, cognitive, non-cognitive, and
environmental factors must be considered in
order to maximize the student’s performance and
to lessen the error in bringing good academic
achievement.
In this way, in the present study investigators
make an endeavour to trace the impact of study
habits and socio-economic status on the academic
or scholastic achievement of secondary students.
An examination of the related literature further
uncovers that a countable number of studies had
been directed in India on U.P. Board students
identified with the dimensions attempted in the
present study i.e., study habits, and
socio-economic status. Be that as it may, no
researcher has concentrated on the connection
between scholastic achievement and the
previously mentioned factors. Likewise, nobody
has endeavoured to utilize these factors as
conceivable prescient files of academic
performance at the secondary stage. The present
study is, along these lines, defended in light of the
fact that it is the arrangement of its sort, intended
to investigate the relationship of two predictors
i.e., study habits and socio-economic status with
one criterion i.e., academic achievement which
may fundamentally add to the forecast of the
scholastic accomplishment of the secondary
students. The present study will be advantageous
for instructors as a ruler and educators
specifically in light of the fact that the information
on the relationship of these variables understudy
will empower the teachers and instructors to
design their instructive program remembering the
connection of these above-said factors. The
present study will give a piece of knowledge to the
guardians to manage their children and
youngsters with the goal that they will have the
option to build up a comprehension of the
significance of study habits and socio-economic
status. This understanding will likewise help the
teachers to make a progressive, friendly,
agreeable, warm and loyal, passionate and
favourable atmosphere in instilling great study
habits at school and appropriate direction and
counselling might be given to the children
accordingly. In addition, based on the findings of
the study, educators may assist the students in
modifying their conduct as to study habits and
socio-economic status. Educational admini-
strators and planners, curriculum organizers,
guidance workers and counsellors may likewise be
profited by the consequences of this study. The
results yielded by this work might be of incredible
practical use with the end goal of the preparation
of the educational program of the teachers or
instructors. Results of the study might be used at
the hour of confirmation of the students in
different scholarly and proficient courses of study.
Educationists may likewise find new difficulties or
new spaces for further investigation. The present
study is along these lines imagined serving a
multidimensional cause in the ever-growing field
of
education.
VII. RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. Does study habits affect the academic
performance of secondary students?
2. Whether secondary students differ in their
study habits?
3. Does socio-economic status affect the
academic achievement of secondary
students?
4. Whether secondary students differ in their
socio-economic status?
5. Whether secondary students differ in their
academic performance on the grounds of
gender, locality, and types of school?
6. Whether study habits and socio-economic
status have a combined or interaction effect
on the academic achievement of the
secondary students?
7. So, as to respond to the above research
questions, the accompanying objectives have
been formulated in reachable terms.
VIII. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
1. To study the inter-relationship of academic
performance, study habits and socio-economic
status of the secondary students.
2. To study the combined impact of study habits
and socio-economic status on the academic
performance of the secondary students.
3. To study the difference in academic
performance, study habits and socio-economic
status of the secondary students on the
grounds of their sexual orientation, residential
locality, and school type.
4. To study the main and interactional effect of
study habits and socio-economic status on the
academic performance of the secondary
students.
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
XI. HYPOTHESES OF THE STUDY
The researchers formulate null hypotheses in the
present study for testing purposes. They are as:
H0-1: There is no noteworthy relationship among
academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status of the secondary students.
H0-2: There is no noteworthy combined impact of
study habits and socio-economic status on the
academic performance of the secondary students.
H0-3: There is no noteworthy distinction in
academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status of the secondary students
on the grounds of their sexual orientation,
residential area, and school type.
H0-4: There is no main and interactional impact
of study habits and socio-economic status on the
academic performance of the secondary students.
X. METHOD
The researcher adopted a descriptive research
design for the present study and collected data
from 250 secondary school students of Aligarh
District by applying a simple random sampling
technique.
XI. PARTICIPANTS
In the present study, samples include 125 boys
and 125 girls of class IX of Aligarh district.
Research Variables
The present research is a correlational study that
thought about the criteria of descriptive research
and depends on two factors to be namely
autonomous variables (study habits and
socio-economic status) and the dependent
variable (academic performance).
XII. RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS
Following are research tools:
i) Study Habits Inventory
For collecting information regarding student’s
study habits, the researchers used the 1Study
Habits Scale (2015) developed by Rani and
Jaidka. The scale consists of 46 items having the
reliability of 0.872 by the split-half method.
ii) Socio-economic Status Scale
Socio-economic Status Scale developed and
standardized by Kalia and Sahu (2012). It has five
dimensions consisting of 40 items. The content
validity was measured by the experts and criterion
validity was measured by correlating SES scale
developed by Singh, Sharma and Kumar (2006)
and the value was 0.86 which is very highly
significant. Reliability of the scale was measured
with the help of Split half and Test-retest method
and the values are 0.68 and 0.86 respectively.
iii) Academic Performance
The researchers took the final examination marks
of students as academic performance and
collected from the schools’ official record book.
Procedure
First of all, the researchers took permission from
the school authorities to conduct the research and
later participants were informed about the
purpose of the study and further their consent was
taken. At that point, they were approached to
peruse the questionnaire cautiously and select the
alternatives which really mirrors their frame of
mind. The two instruments i.e., Study Habits
Scale (SHS) and Socio-economic status (SES)
scale were controlled so as to quantify the impact
of study habits and socio-economic status
separately on a students’ academic achievement.
The level of a students’ academic performance
was measured by their obtained annual marks in
the last year final examination.
XIII. STATISTICAL TECHNIQUES
The researchers used a t-test, Pearson’s
product-moment correlation, factorial ANOVA,
Multiple Regression Analysis for testing the
hypotheses and analyzing the data.
Normality of the Data
No. Mean S.D. Kolmogorov-Smirnov a Shapiro-Wilk
Statistic df Sig. Statistic df Sig.
SH 250 82.30 28.111 .161 250 .000** .922 250 .000**
SES 250 60.28 12.413 .118 250 .000** .953 250 .000**
AA 250 72.04 12.191 .070 250 .005* .979 250 .001**
** Significant at 0.01 level.
* Significant at 0.05 level.
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
Study Habits, SES and Academic Performance
XIV. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE STUDY
Analysis and interpretation is the most significant
undertaking of any research work. As it were,
analysis and interpretation of data is the spirit of
any research study. The analysis procedure
incorporates information or data gathering,
sorting out, organizing and outlining to get the
objectives and to test the null hypotheses of the
study. In the present study, data has been
analysed and interpreted to scrutinize the
probable effect of study habits and
socio-economic status (individually or
combinedly) of the secondary students on their
academic performance in relation to their gender,
locality and types of school. The researcher also
tried to know the difference in academic
performance or achievement, study habits and
socio-economic status of secondary students in
relation to their sexual characteristics, area of
The perusal of the above table shows that the data
of study habits, socio-economic status, and
academic performance are normally distributed.
The Kolmogorov-Smirnov and Shapiro-Wilk test
results also highlight that the distributions are
significant at both 0.05 and 0.01 levels of
confidence. Following figures further clearly
depicts the distributional pattern of the
above-said variables.
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living and types of school. For analysing the data,
the researchers fit the raw scores in MS Excel and
then, export the raw data into the IBM SPSS- 20.0
software. (IBM Statistical Package for Social
Science).
XV. CORRELATIONAL STUDY
In order to study the interrelationship among
academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status of secondary students, the
researchers applied Pearson’s product-moment
coefficient of correlation which gives the results as
shown in the following table:
Variables AA SH SES
Academic Performance
(AP)
Pearson Correlation 1
.600** .555**
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000 .000
N 250 250
Study Habits
(SH)
Pearson Correlation
1
.445**
Sig. (2-tailed)
.000
N 250
** Significant at 0.01 level.
Interpretation and Discussion: The perusal of the
above table shows that academic performance and
study habits are significantly positively correlated
(P=.000<0.1) with each other and the degree of
correlation (r=.600) is moderately high. Similarly,
Academic performance and socio-economic status
also positively correlated (r=.555). The table
further depicts the significant positive
inter-correlation between study habits and
socio-economic status (r=.445).
XVI. DIFFERENTIAL STUDY
Under this headings, the researchers want to
know is there any significant difference in
academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status of the secondary students
in the ground of their sexual characteristics, area
of living and types of their school. They are as
under:
i) Comparison of Academic Performance of Secondary Students on the grounds of Gender, Locality
and type of Schools
GENDER-WISE
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Male 125
248
72.48 13.456
.570 .569NS
Female 125 71.60 10.816
LOCALITY BASIS
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Rural 125 248 71.15 11.692 -1.152 .250NS
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Urban 125 72.93 12.655
TYPE OF SCHOOLS BASIS
Variables NO.
df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Govt. 125 248
67.22 10.814 -6.788 .000**
Private 125 76.86 11.608
NS-Not Significant, * Significant at 0.05 level, ** Significant at 0.01 level.
The perusal of the above table shows that there is
no significant difference in academic performance
between male-female, and rural-urban students
while a significant difference exists between govt.
and private school students as the P=.000<0.05
which further reject the null hypothesis.
ii) Comparison of Study Habits of Secondary Students on the grounds of Gender, Locality and type of
Schools.
GENDER-WISE
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Male 125 248 82.54 27.246 .139 .899NS Female 125 82.05 29.057
LOCALITY BASIS
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Rural 125 248 83.22 28.786 .517 .606NS Urban 125 81.38 27.504
TYPE OF SCHOOLS BASIS
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Govt. 125 248 74.53 25.807 -4.538 .000** Private 125 90.06 28.269
NS-Not Significant, * Significant at 0.05 level, ** Significant at 0.01 level.
From the perusal of the above table, it has been
found that there is no statistically significant
difference in study habits between male and
female, and rural and urban secondary students
whereas significant difference exists between govt.
and private secondary students.
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
iii) Comparison of Socio-economic status of Secondary Students on the grounds of Gender, Locality
and type of Schools
GENDER-WISE
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Male 125 248 61.46 11.081 1.502 .134NS
Female 125 59.10 13.558
LOCALITY BASIS
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Rural 125
248
59.90 12.393
-.488
.626NS
Urban 125 60.66 12.471
TYPE OF SCHOOLS BASIS
Variables NO. df Mean S.D t-value Sig.
Govt. 125 248 55.56 13.126 -6.490 .000**
Private 125 65.00 9.603
NS-Not Significant, * Significant at 0.05 level, ** Significant at 0.01 level.
From the perusal of the above table, it has been
found that no significant difference exists between
male and female, and rural and urban secondary
students in their study habits whereas a
significant difference exists between govt. and
private school students.
Main and Interaction Effect of Study Habits and Socio-economic Status on Academic Performance
Source Type I Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Corrected Model 36423.933a 233 156.326 4.300 .001**
Intercept 1297440.400 1 1297440.400 35688.905 .000**
SH 21965.485 85 258.417 7.108 .000**
SES 5141.511 47 109.394 3.009 .010**
SH * SES 9316.938 101 92.247 2.537 .019*
Error 581.667 16 36.354
Total 1334446.000 250
Corrected Total 37005.600 249
The perusal of the above table shows that the
main effect of study habits (F=7.108, P=.000) is
significant at 0.01 level whereas the main effect of
socio-economic status (F=3.009, P=.010) is
significant at the 0.01 level. The interaction effect
of study habits and socio-economic status is
(F=2.537, P= .019<0.05) also significant at 0.05
level of confidence.
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
XVII. PREDICTIVE STUDY
Here, the researchers applied multiple regression
analysis to know the individual and combined
effect of study habits and socio-economic status in
predicting academic performance of secondary
students.
Model Summary
Model R R
Square
Adjusted
R Square
Std. Error
of the
Estimate
.681 .464 .459 8.965
From the above table it is found that R= 0.681; R2
= 0.464; and the adjusted R2 = 0.459. The
regression coefficient (R) = 0.681 highlights that
significant moderate positive relation exists
between independent variables (study habits and
socio-economic status) and dependent variables
(academic performance). The coefficient of
determination (R2) of .464 indicates that 46.4% of
the observed variability is explained by the
independent variables and 54.6 % unexplained
variability caused by some other extraneous
variables. This further leads to the verification of
the regression fit as stated in the ANOVA table.
Anova
Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Regression 17154.195 2 8577.098 106.720 .000**
Residual 19851.405 247 80.370
Total 37005.600 249
NS-Not Significant, * Significant at 0.05 level, ** Significant at 0.01 level.
From the above ANOVA table, it is found that the
‘F’ value=106.720; P=0.000<.001 which is
statistically significant at .01% level which reveals
that the regression model is statistically
significant, valid and fit, and could be used to
predict academic performance of secondary
students. This further highlights each and every
individual factor’s contribution in predicting
academic performance of the secondary students
in the following coefficient table:
Model
Unstandardized Coefficients
Standardized
Coefficients t-value Sig.
B Std. Error Beta
(Constant) 35.054 2.858 12.264 .000**
SH .191 .023 .440 8.451 .000**
SES .353 .051 .360 6.910 .000**
NS-Not Significant, * Significant at 0.05 level, ** Significant at 0.01 level.
From the above table, it is found that the study
habits (SH) (t = 8.451, P = 0.000<.001), and
socio-economic status (SES) (t = 6.910, P =
0.000<.001) are statistically significant at .01%
level and highlights that study habits (beta-44 %)
and socio-economic status (beta-36) have
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
significant contribution in academic performance
and predict achievement by study habits and
socio-economic status respectively. The beta value
of study habits (.44) would mean that one unit
increase in study habits, academic performance
would increase by 0.44. Similarly, one unit beta
increase of socio-economic status (beta-.36)
would mean .36 unit increase of academic
performance.
XVIII. FINDINGS OF THE STUDY
The researchers found that academic
performance, study habits and socio-economic
status were correlated with each other. The study
revealed that no significant difference exists in
academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status among the secondary
students on the ground of gender and locality but
the significant difference exists among the
secondary students in academic performance,
study habits and socio-economic status on the
grounds of their school types which means the
significant difference between govt. and private
schools. The study also revealed that there was a
significant main and interaction effect of study
habits and socio-economic status on academic
performance or achievement. It further showed
that study habits and socio-economic status were
significant predictors of academic performance of
the secondary students.
XVIII. DISCUSSION
After analyzing the data, the researchers found
that academic performance, study habits and
socio-economic status were correlated with each
other. Adeyemi (2014), Chamundeswari and
Kumari al. (2014), Mashayekhi et al. (2014),
Anwar (2013), Sharma (2012), and Sarwar et al.
(2009) in their study found a positive significant
relationship between study habits and academic
achievement whereas Faaz and Khan (2017),
Farid et al. (2016), Gul and Rehman (2014), Zaki
et al. (2014), Suleman et al. (2013), and Sirin
(2005) in their study found that socio-economic
status and academic performance of the students
had positive significant correlation.
XIX. EDUCATIONAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY
The findings of the present study could help
psychologists, educationists and counsellors to
better comprehend educational issues and
problems and further to assist students with their
academic problems. Now, coming to the
implications of study habits and on academic
performance, we can suggest some individual &
Group guidance measures which could be used to
improve the study habits and further lead the
academic performance of the students and
minimize the rate of underachievers and failures.
Now, coming to the implications of
socio-economic status on academic
performance/achievement of the students as it is
positively correlated with academic performance
we could bring good performance from the
students by empowering their social and
economic status which directly correlated with
family expenditure in the education of the child.
Summarize, the present research presents a
predictive instrument of academic performance
that can be utilized by parents, teachers,
administrators and guidance personnel for
substantially enhancing the academic
performance of students by empowering the
socio-economically backward classes who often
have low study habits as compared to higher
classes students, especially for those studying in
senior secondary schools.
XX. SUGGESTIONS AND DELIMITATIONS
The present research study was conducted on
secondary students and a similar study can be
carried out in different settings (e.g., school or
college students.). The study has identified
affirmative effects of study habits and
socio-economic status on academic performance
or achievement of the secondary students. Though
the researchers tried to know and measure is
there any difference among the secondary
students in their academic performance, study
habits and socio-economic status on the grounds
of gender, living locality and type of schools and
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Academic Performance of Secondary Students in Relation to their Study Habits and Socio-economic Status: A Descriptive Survey Study
found a significant difference between govt. and
private schools students in their academic
performance, study habits and socio-economic
status background. Therefore, action should be
taken to minimize the gap between govt. and
private schools in the above dimensions.
The study had certain delimitations, they were as:
❖ The study was delimited to only one district
i.e., Aligarh District, Uttar Pradesh, India.
❖ This study only considered academic
performance as the dependent variable of the
study.
❖ Study habits and socio-economic status were
predictors of this study.
❖ The study was exclusively focused on
Secondary Students.
XXI. CONCLUSION
Since, Academic performance or achievement of
the students found correlated with study habits
and socio-economic status of the students, it is
very much essential for the institutions that they
should play an important role in encouraging and
promoting good study habits and positive learning
attitudes among students as we all know that
study habits are learnable and teachable and
hence, institutions should take innovative
measures to improve the study habits of students.
Besides study habits, socio-economic status was a
good predictor and correlated with academic
achievement. Modern-day, educating a child is a
good function for school with lots of expenditure.
So, it is the responsibility of the planners,
administrators and govt. authorities to make
provisions, policies and programs for the
betterment of the downtrodden and
socio-economically weaker sections which could
make them able to send their child in a good
school.
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LJP Copyright ID: 573337Print ISSN: 2515-5784Online ISSN: 2515-5792
London Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences
Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
ABSTRACT
Scan to know paper details andauthor's profile
Corruption as a Perennial Theme in Nigerian Literature
Psalms Chinaka
Literature in its form is not only about oral or written artistry, it equally encapsulates nonfictional writings including works with autobiographical elements. In this study, the comparison of a fictional and nonfictional narrative enforces the interface of both genres and also accentuates the verisimilitudinous qualities encapsulated in fictional writings. The subject under study is the question of the enigmatic nature of corruption in Nigeria. Through a sociological approach, the study comparatively evaluated some of the archetypal characters in Festus Iyayi’s The Contract, a fictional text, with those in Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s Corruption is Dangerous, a nonfictional text. The presentation of both author’s storyline provides a comparative background in terms of characterization and theme. The essay argued that corruption in Nigeria has become a phenomenon that has been viciously animated by Nigerian public servants who are vulnerable to the frenzy of unethical acquisition of wealth; this compulsion has bracketed and confined Nigerians within a system of savagery. In other words, the archetypal behavioral pattern of all the identified characters in Iyayi and Okonjo-Iweala’s fictive and non-fictive narratives, not only revealed the vulnerability of the characters in terms of baiting, compulsion and indulgence in corrupt and criminal practices, but equally exposes the implication of the exploitative actions of these public administrators at the detriment of the collective wellbeing of the people. In its conclusion, the study proposed that unlike Ogie’s failed reformative posture in The Contract, Nigerian leaders must, like Okonjo-Iweala, be compelled to devise a sustainable political will capable of re-ordering the fate of the state by reviewing the transparency strategies and policies in the Nigerian constitution, placing it above self.
Keywords: NA
Classification: 160699
Language: English
© 2020. Psalms Chinaka. This is a research/review paper, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncom-mercial 4.0 Unported License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/), permitting all noncommercial use, distribution, andreproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
For Code:
Corruption as a Perennial Theme in Nigerian Literature Psalms Chinaka
____________________________________________
ABSTRACT
Literature in its form is not only about oral or
written artistry, it equally encapsulates
nonfictional writings including works with
autobiographical elements. In this study, the
comparison of a fictional and nonfictional
narrative enforces the interface of both genres
and also accentuates the verisimilitudinous
qualities encapsulated in fictional writings. The
subject under study is the question of the
enigmatic nature of corruption in Nigeria.
Through a sociological approach, the study
comparatively evaluated some of the archetypal
characters in Festus Iyayi’s The Contract, a
fictional text, with those in Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s
Corruption is Dangerous, a nonfictional text. The
presentation of both author’s storyline provides a
comparative background in terms of
characterization and theme. The essay argued
that corruption in Nigeria has become a
phenomenon that has been viciously animated by
Nigerian public servants who are vulnerable to
the frenzy of unethical acquisition of wealth; this
compulsion has bracketed and confined
Nigerians within a system of savagery. In other
words, the archetypal behavioral pattern of all
the identified characters in Iyayi and
Okonjo-Iweala’s fictive and non-fictive
narratives, not only revealed the vulnerability of
the characters in terms of baiting, compulsion
and indulgence in corrupt and criminal practices,
but equally exposes the implication of the
exploitative actions of these public administrators
at the detriment of the collective wellbeing of the
people. In its conclusion, the study proposed that
unlike Ogie’s failed reformative posture in The
Contract, Nigerian leaders must, like
Okonjo-Iweala, be compelled to devise a
sustainable political will capable of re-ordering
the fate of the state by reviewing the
transparency strategies and policies in the
Nigerian constitution, placing it above self.
I. INTRODUCTION: CONTEXT AND DEFINITION
The peculiar nature of this mode of comparative
literary scholarship foregrounds the enforcement
of the concept of verisimilitude in order to
emphasize the sensitive nature of the subject at
hand. The scope of the study is extended beyond
fiction so as to appreciate the essence of literature
not only as written works with artistic value, but
also, to appreciate it from an etymological or a
much more general perspective. In other words,
literature, according to Joseph Nwachukwu-
Agbada, can also appear in the form of “written or
printed material ... books on history, chemistry,
navigation, sociology, economics, geography …
Articles and monographs …” (373). Ultimately,
literature is not only about artistry but can also be
experienced in nonfictional writings such as
works with autobiographical elements. Therefore,
in this discourse, the comparison of a fictional and
nonfictional narrative will not only underscore
some of the elements bridging the two fields, but
will also accentuate the verisimilitudinous
qualities encapsulated in fictional writings. No
subject demands such comparative approach in
the Nigerian literary history than corruption. This
is true since it is apparent that Nigeria’s lengthy
and troubled history in her nationhood has failed
to outlive corruption, a term Stanley Igwe
identifies as “one of many social pathologies
ravaging Africa” (88).
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Igwe defines corruption as “any organized,
interdependent system in which parts of the
system are either not performing their duties as
ethically expected or are performing them
improperly to the detriment of the system’s
original purpose” (88). Within the first epoch of
Nigeria’s history, the pioneer writers were able to
diagnose or observe corruption as a postcolonial
phenomenon which is exemplified in Chinua
Achebe’s No Longer at Ease. Sequel to this
publication, Nigeria’s historiography recorded a
substantial number of fictional and nonfictional
works on the subject from 1960 to date.
The two texts selected for this study, one fictional
and the other with autobiographical elements, are
considered to be significantly representational as a
result of their incisive nature. In other words,
Iyayi’s text is a suitable example of a fictional work
that focuses on a very sensitive and problematic
Nigerian social condition, while Okonjo-Iweala’s
text corroborates this fact in reality. In this
context, Iyayi’s The Contract represents the
corpus of fictional texts that present characters
who irrespective of their peculiar circumstances
and socio-political statuses have recurrently
become archetypal in Nigerian fiction. In other
words, Chief the Honourable M.A. Nanga, Alhaji
Chief Senator Suleiman Wagada, Chief Koko and
T.C. Kobino in Achebe’s A Man of the People, can
be critically deconstructed as characters who
exhibit a pattern of acquisitive predisposition as
other characters in other fictional works like Chief
Obala in Iyayi’s The Contract, Chief and Queen
Obofun in Iyayi’s Violence, Chief Ikaki, Chief
Opala, Gabriel Akassa (the Amanayabo) in
Chimeka Garricks’ Tomorrow Died Yesterday,
and Brigadier Otunshi in Iyayi’s Heroes who
dispatches his troops in a suicidal mission on the
eve of their payday and found other reasons to
summarily execute the few that made it back. The
only major difference in these novels is how the
peculiarity of each plot yields the sum total of its
own events.
More so, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala’s text represents
the corpus of nonfictional narratives focusing on
corruption as subject matter. In the discussion,
there is also an attempt to prove the recurrence of
these archetypal characters in Nigeria’s
nonfictional texts too, even though in some cases
some of them remain faceless and anonymous. For
instance, such archetypal characters like Iyayi’s
Brigadier Otunshi in Heroes can be identified in a
similar autobiographical narrative as that of Major
Debo Basorun’s Honour for Sale in which he
writes:
The corruption fever was so high that officers in
the field would abandon their troops without
leadership for days or even weeks rather than be
left out of the bonanza. While this
barefaced-roguery was to a great extent
responsible for turning the army into an
embodiment of inertia, it was however not the
only way through which dirty money could be
made in large amounts. (109).
Corruption in Nigeria has become so endemic that
Ebenezer Babatope, one of Nigeria’s social critics,
could not help but conclude that “Nigeria has been
an alternate name for corruption” (7). Achebe is
even more forthright in his view, stating that
“Nigeria … is one of the most corrupt, insensitive,
inefficient places under the sun” (The Trouble, 11).
The implication of such image can then be
conveyed with Fela Durotoye’s popular quote that,
“ordinary citizens of a great nation will forever be
treated better than successful citizens of a failed
country” (https://www.straightfromnaija.com).
In other words, the protracted nature of
corruption in the Nigerian social context, as
Babatope and Achebe’s statements imply, has
become an existential threat to Nigerians in the
diaspora, like the biblical mark of rejection
imprinted on the forehead of Cain in the book of
Genesis.
From a historical perspective, critics like Achebe
believe that the seed of corruption in Nigeria, was
implanted during the colonial era. Achebe makes
this point through the story of Obi Okonkwo in No
Longer at Ease. Elsewhere, he emphasizes this
same point by stating that it was only but a matter
of time after the colonialists “left” that, “Within six
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years of this tragic colonial manipulation Nigeria
was a cesspool of corruption and misrule (There
was a Country 51). In consonance with Achebe’s
view, Charles Nnolim also believes that the history
of corruption in Nigeria should be traced to the act
of colonialism which introduced new social values
to those Nigerians who failed, “not because of
indiscipline or inner depravity but because, caught
in the vortex of inexorable historical changes, they
read the signs wrongly or upside down, and held
on a moment too long, to the status quo, and got
swept away in the unrelenting eddies of history”
(228).
The significant timeline between Iyayi and
Okonjo-Iweala’s publications in which corruption
yet remains an ineffaceable national threat may
perhaps justify Achebe and Babatope’s earlier
comments which some critics may find derisive.
II. A COMPARATIVE READING OF THE TEXTS
The driving force of corruption in Iyayi’s The
Contract revolves around the multi-million-naira
Ogbe City Council contract in Benin City by Ogie,
Chief Eweh Obala’s son, contractors and other
government functionaries. The story exposes how
these stakeholders are intensely desirous to steal
Nigeria’s resources in vicious ways. Such
acquisitive frenzy to loot the national treasury is
what Grace Okereke conceptualizes
as“grabmania” (434), a term that exemplifies the
nature of embezzlement by Nigerian politicians.
Elsewhere, Achebe in his conversation with Ernest
and Pat Emenyonu, describes the act as a
syndrome of “grab and keep” (36).
Okonjo-Iweala’s own account of her personal
experience with Nigerian corrupt officials,
according to Gordon Brown is “Fearless,
principled, compassionate for Africa’s poor and
passionate for Africa’s future” (Blurb). Her text is
a nonfictional revelation of how she fought what
she calls “a small kleptocratic ruling elite” (xvii).
The notion one gets at the end of the text is in a
sense suggestive of a nation state turned into a
political sea of corruption teeming with all sorts of
cold-blooded creatures desperately questing for
wealth through frightening orchestrated
circumstances as is the case with the abduction of
her mother. The “small kleptocratic ruling elite”
include the Nigerian governors whom she thus
describes: “Nigeria’s group of thirty-six state
governors is powerful” (55). There are also the
legislators who are equally powerful. Her words:
“If governors were a tough political group to deal
with, federal legislators were hardly easy. They are
indispensable in the budget process and it was in
that context that difficult battles took place on
budget process and content” (71).
Okonjo-Iweala’s account shares a lot in common
with Iyayi’s fictional account. From a thematic
perspective, both narratives center on the
enigmatic nature of corruption in Nigeria. The
plots of both texts are weaved around Ogie in The
Contract and Okonjo-Iweala in Fighting
Corruption is Dangerous, respectively. Iyayi tells
the story of Ogie from a third person point of view
while Okonjo-Iweala tells her own story from the
first person point of view. Each plot exposes
exaggerated contract figures, fabricated contracts
and poorly executed contracts, all designed and
manipulated by two major sets of actors – corrupt
government officials and corrupt contractors.
They both describe the negative consequences of
corruption and its implication before the Nigerian
people. They both expose the strategies of the
corrupt characters in the system. Their plots are
interestingly filled with suspense and intrigues,
but also disaster for Nigeria. They share gloomy
endings.
In terms of characterization, both texts deal with
binary conflicting forces. In terms of differences in
their structure, Okonjo-Iweala’s text can be
classified as an autobiographical account while
Iyayi’s text is an artistic enactment of the same
Nigerian corrupt system. By training, both key
characters (Ogie and Okonjo-Iweala) are
presented as individuals who have undergone
foreign education and orientation which lay more
emphasis on the individual’s integrity. In the end
of both stories, Ogie in The Contract, differs in
some significant ways from Okonjo-Iweala in
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Fighting Corruption is Dangerous. Even though
they are both disposed toward ensuring a
reformatory process in Nigeria’s socio-economic
system, even though they are presented as
resolute, assertive and idealistic, Okonjo-Iweala
succeeds where Ogie fails. She is able to sustain
the focus of her mission irrespective of her
adversaries till the end of her story. Unlike
Okonjo-Iweala, Ogie is unable to sustain his initial
principle and focus, thereby compromising his
initial ethical stand. This is the ultimate message
one is bound to deduce from the final analysis of
characterization in both texts.
Okonjo-Iweala’s text is set in Abuja, the hub of the
Nigerian nation. Her setting helps to significantly
elucidate how decisions, policies and their
execution from the presidential villa can affect the
entire nation. Iyayi’s own setting is Benin City, a
geopolitical part of Nigeria. The significance of his
setting when reconciled with that of
Okonjo-Iweala is that it not only reveals the
implication of corruption in one part of the
country, but as well exposes the consequences of
bad policies originating from Abuja, the seat of
power. Benin City is thus described in the novel as
a city where,
Little mean houses squatted on both sides of
the street … Lean men in cheap trousers and
shirts walked slowly to and fro … In the night
such a man entered his burrow and he was
empty … And when he slept with his wife
with this same emptiness, with this same
nothingness, small children, black and tiny
like the faeces of dogs were eventually
excreted into this cycle of misery. (129-130)
In this context, Benin City becomes a microcosm
of the entire Nigerian state. In a way, it equally
connects to Okonjo-Iweala’s exposition of the
socio-political signals transmitted through the
decisions of politicians at Aso Rock – the
presidential villa. Nigerian critics by
Okonjo-Iweala’s publication are provided a
counter narrative that explains some of the
political events under Ex-President Goodluck
Jonathan’s administration (2011-2015). The
publication expounds some of the political
backstage events that were publicly manipulated
in the sensational/propagandist reportage of
some fake news media organizations. Thus, she
explains her authorial motive:
So telling my story is risky. But not telling it
also is dangerous. Silence would allow these
same vested interests in my country, the same
corrupt people, to distort events, twist factual
accounts, and hide behind lies, half-truths,
and obfuscations to protect themselves and
harm others. With the co-optation of
unscrupulous media, they turn truth into lies
and promote lies as truth. Their currency is
propaganda and fake news and it must be
challenged by transparency and sustained
ethical actions based on lessons learned. (121)
The above statement reverberates a similar
ideological statement in Wole Soyinka’s own
personal narrative entitled The Man Died. Thus,
he states: “The man dies in all who keep silent in
the face of tyranny” (13). The ultimate motive of
both authors hinges on the implication and image
of corruption in the Nigerian state. Such image is
noticed in Okonjo-Iweala’s description of Nigeria:
“Nigeria is one of the most interesting countries in
the world. It is energetic and sometimes chaotic”
(xv). This euphemistic/scathing description of
Nigeria juxtaposes Iyayi’s very scathing
description. Though conveyed through a fictional
mode, one still gets a sense of Iyayi’s perspective
of the Nigerian state through Ogie’s observation in
the Contract:
Everywhere there was dirt and filth and chaos.
Chaos was there in the way the houses stood, in
the way the refuse spilled into the roads, in the
way drivers used whatever parts of the road
were usable. They drove on the wrong side of
the roads … And there was nothing but abuse
and curses and the blaring of horns and the
screeching of brakes and then more abuses and
finally, swift physical violence and then death.
(7)
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This portrayal is reflective of the point Garricks
makes in Tomorrow Died Yesterday symbolically
conveying a similar chaotic message about
Nigeria’s statehood:
Like most shanty towns, Asiama Waterside looked
like it had been built by a mad child. The houses
were confused: facing every direction, and
backing every direction at the same time. They
were built with anything that gave cover –
corrugated iron, wood, cement, mud plastic sheets
and thatch … There were no streets in Asiama
Waterside: just tiny, filthy, dark labyrinthine
alleys. The alleys and the Dockyard creek allowed
for the smooth and steady flow of black-market
petrol, drugs, sex and guns. (237-238)
Achebe had earlier confronted this nature of
statehood when, as part of his earlier quote in this
discourse, he added that, “Nigeria is not a great
country. It is one of the most disorderly nations in
the world … It is dirty, callous, noisy, ostentatious,
dishonest and vulgar. In short it is one of the most
unpleasant places on earth. (The Trouble, 9-10). In
spite of the backlash that trailed this statement
which no doubt is garbed with “inflammable”
adjectives, the fact remains that these adjectives
have one way or the other vividly conveyed the
measure of rot created in the Nigerian system by
those Okonjo-Iweala tags “small kleptocratic
ruling elite.”
In the global ranking, Okonjo-Iweala assesses
Nigeria as,
Africa’s largest economy, with an estimated
2017 gross domestic product (GDP) of $400
billion. Nigeria constitutes 71 percent of West
Africa’s GDP and 27 percent of the continent’s
GDP … [it] was the fifteenth-largest oil
producer in the world in 2016. It has the
world’s eleventh-largest oil reserves and
ninth-largest natural gas reserves. (xvii)
The glaring problem in a country with such
potentials and enviable quantity of resources is,
according to the taxi driver who drives Ogie from
the airport, actually created by the politicians who
are as well “aided in the enterprise by the cream of
the military, whether still serving or retired” (8).
This thesis supports Eustace Palmer’s findings in
his diagnosis of the perpetual poverty in most
African states, explaining that “this was partly
because in some countries the available resources
were squandered by the ruling elite, including the
army” (13). Ikechukwu Nwosu, decries this
situation, accusing the Nigerian government of
what he calls “domestic recolonization.” His
argument is that,
Neo-economism focuses on the activities and
significance of multinational corporations and
argues that they are able to function in all
capitalist states and to cross state boundaries at
will. The freedom of imperialists’ oligopolies to
enter into nations at will and their alliance with
national governments provides the stage for
internal imperialism. (544)
As Iyayi’s novel reveals the nature of corruption
within the administrative circle of the Nigerian
government and their local/foreign contractors as
depicted by Mr. Oloru/Chief Ekata and Miss
Gasfield, Okonjo-Iweala’s text, by extension,
explores the criminality behind the politics of
Nigeria’s oil. Contract in The Contract is a
reflection of corrupt events in the Nigerian
system. Such events include the contract that is to
be awarded at the cost of “one hundred thousand
naira” (55) which is consecutively upgraded thrice
in the novel. This is revealed through Chief Obala
on three different occasions. In the first occasion,
he tells Ogie: “The value of the contract has gone
up … by five times the original sum.’ Ogie
calculated the new total in his mind. ‘That means
half a million,’ he said” (64). In the second
occasion, the text thus reveals: “Chief Obala … had
had a word with the Commissioner and they had
agreed that the value of the contract was to go up
still higher, this time to one hundred million
naira” (83). In the third occasion, Chief Obala tells
Ogie again about the agreement of the very top
Council members: “The value of the contract has
been increased to five hundred million naira”
(93). This is a brazen display of uncontrollable
greed and unchecked impunity by such corrupt
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Nigerians. This fictional event of the 1980s in
many ways re-enacts Okonjo-Iweala’s experience
with a similar group of Nigerians and other sets of
stakeholders in the millennium age. These vested
interest groups benefitting from the system are
determined to resist her reformatory vision since
it would not favor them. They have formed into a
coalition of counter-progressive force against the
general development of the public. Consequently,
her opinion is that “for every coalition put
together to fight corruption, there is an opposing
coalition trying to persuade the President to block
it” (130). The opposing coalition is similarly
resonated by some of the characters one finds in
The Contract. A typical example is Chief Ekata
who eventually murders Mr. Oloru whom he
perceives as a competent rival. Thus, he
ruminates: “After all, he told himself, nobody
really wants any roads built, nor any houses
erected. All that was needed was to give people the
impression. Once people were under the
impression that things were being done, the rest
didn’t matter” (71).
The consequences of what Chief Obala and his
corrupt colleagues represent in Nigeria are
reflective of the findings of the Ad-Hoc Committee
Okonjo-Iweala initiated during her tenure as
Finance Minister. The committee’s goal was to
verify and determine the actual subsidy
requirements under Resolution No. HR. 1/2012.
Thus, the outcome is multiple layered:
Essentially, the Committee found that there was
indeed fraud and mismanagement in the
oil-subsidy regime; subsidy claims for products
not delivered; overcharging of the government by
oil marketers; requisition of foreign exchange for
imports of refined products, with the foreign
exchange diverted to other uses; unauthorized
deductions by the Nigerian National Petroleum
Corporation (NNPC) to itself; and
mismanagement by government officials. (35-36)
It is the fear of such investigatory instruments and
other forms of “due process” mechanisms that
may have triggered panic among the “small
kleptocratic ruling elite,” hence, one way or the
other they need to get across to whoever that is in
charge. This is the depiction of Donald Duke’s and
Eunice Agbon’s errand in the respective texts. In
other words, what Duke is to Okonjo-Iweala in
Fighting Corruption is Dangerous, is what Eunice
Agbon is to Ogie in The Contract. Both characters
are presented to undertake an ill-motivated errand
on behalf of the “small kleptocratic ruling elite.”
The difference in Duke’s own mission and that of
Eunice is that whereas Eunice succeeds in luring
Ogie into the net of the “small kleptocratic ruling
elite,” Duke was unable to accomplish his own
mission behind his “friendly” visit to
Okonjo-Iweala at her UN’s Bureau in Washington
DC.
It is interesting to note that Duke is introduced
into the text under the subtitle “A Strange
Warning” (17). His story is that “a group of
‘concerned’ people” would want to dissuade her
from accepting the offer to serve as Finance
Minister as it will “give Jonathan and his
government credibility and he [Jonathan] did not
deserve that (17). This presentation is arguably
deceptive. The real mission that can be deduced
here is not actually in the story of the so-called
powerful political cartel trying to frustrate
Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan’s
administration, but it is that this cartel is afraid of
her reformatory approach towards Nigeria’s
economic system which is not in their own
interest. This is the point Okonjo-Iweala attempts
to make when she explains that, “Nigeria’s deep
fiscal decentralization means that governors have
tremendous freedom and little accountability in
the use of monies under their control. There are
few checks and balances because state legislatures
are typically weak” (55). In other words, her
accountability reputation was enough to stir some
of the Nigerian politicians who witnessed her
tough stance during her first tenure as Finance
Minister under Ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo’s
administration. Thus, she writes:
On the finance side, I was surprised to learn
that work started in 2004 … to build
institutions, systems, and processes to stem
revenue leakages from the budget had slowed
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considerably after I left and had in fact stalled.
Government transactions were still largely
cash based, leaving plenty of room for corrupt
diversion of funds … The vested interests
benefitting from the old system still seemed to
have the upper hand. (16)
Obviously, no member of the “small kleptocratic
ruling elite” really wanted her to serve in that
capacity again. On her part, she knew how tough
the fight was in her first tenure as Finance
Minister, and she recounts how it forced her into
resignation at the time:
It also had been politically and personally difficult,
especially toward the end. I resigned when I felt
no longer able to serve under adverse conditions,
and the resignation was seen as a bold and
controversial move on my part. No Nigerian
minister resigns; they are only fired. Stepping
down from my post had earned me the ire of those
at the top. (15)
Eunice, in The Contract goes on a similar errand
to persuade Ogie to award the contract to “Chief
Ekata and Construction Company” (78), without
recourse to due process. Ogie who initially refused
the position of Principal Secretary on the basis of
ethics/or morality disappoints Iyayi’s readers as
he accepts Eunice’s offer of a sensual relationship
in addition to other kickback packages from Chief
Ekata. By this decisive action, Ogie alters greatly
in his worldview after chapter eight. This
alteration in ideology occurs partly because he
fails to design an effective modus operandi that
would protect his policy in respect of his career. In
his unpreparedness, he takes up the offer and was
bound to fail for lack of strategy. This is the lesson
one learns from Okonjo-Iweala who must have
considered some sensitive political factors before
turning down the ministerial position offered by
“President Yar’ Adua … in 2008” (15). But in a
subsequent year, precisely “August 17, 2011” (27),
she takes the same offer from Ex-President
Jonathan after negotiating a reliable workforce
and favorable environment with the presidency.
Ogie lacks this tact. He fails to negotiate favorable
working terms with his employers. He also lacks
experience hence his untested reformative instinct
could not effectively confront some of those
unforeseen realities that led to his downfall. He
merely had a theoretical orientation of
ethics/morality impulsive base from his foreign
training which was not sustainable in the face of
corruption in a practical sense. This is the message
the author conveys through the following passage:
I am going to be decent and straightforward
and clear-headed about money. ‘You are an
idealist,’ the knowing part of his mind said …
You have ideas, and ideas are like the smoke.
Put a little wind under it and it disperses,
scatters in different directions.’ ‘Then you do
not know me,’ the other, second part of him
answered now. ‘You do not know me at all, in
spite of the fact that we have lived together all
these years.’ (21)
But on the other hand, Okonjo-Iweala’s resilience
was sustainable because she saw what was coming
from the “small kleptocratic ruling elite” and
strategized with the support of her team, boss and
her transparency mechanism in which the public
is made the judge between herself and the
“kleptocrats.” She knew they will attempt to infect
her, upset her or indict her. In defiance, she makes
up her mind:
But I would not be easily intimidated. In fact, the
attacks had the effect of tilting me toward
accepting the job. To some extent, it was defiance
… If Nigeria was to fight corruption successfully, it
needed not just to arrest and prosecute people –
which was vital – but also to build the institutions,
processes, and systems that enhance transparency
and make corrupt practices more difficult in the
first place. (21-22)
At the end of both stories, Okonjo-Iweala
eventually succeeds where Ogie fails. Ogie resigns
into a world of defeatism, negotiating new
personality for himself as he distances himself
from his earlier posture as an idealist. Thus, his
inner self accuses him: “You cannot escape it now.
Not anymore.’ For the first time, he could not
readily produce an answer to this … Ogie Obala’s
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eyes suddenly clouded again with tears. He was no
longer sure of himself” (67/68). The initial
personality he professed is no longer sustainable
and as a result succumbs to his other half. He
presents the result of his inner conflict clearer
with the single statement: “I am not a
revolutionary” (77).
To the intelligentsia class, Okonjo-Iweala
concludes that “Nigeria’s ideologues have
remained largely silent about facts that do not
reflect their preconceptions” (120). By this
statement she attempts to implore the
intelligentsia to live up to the task of taking firm
stand against the “kleptocrats” responsible for
Nigeria’s corruption saga. Joe, the trade unionist
who belongs to the intelligentsia class in Achebe’s
A Man of the People, is also of the opinion that
this problem has lingered in Nigeria because,
according to him “we are too nervous” (79). This
notion has been re-echoed in several other
narratives since after the publication of A Man of
the People. For Kizito Osudibia,
The larger numbers of Nigerians are suffering
more not on account of the excesses of the
political heavy-weights but on account of the
pernicious silence of all the good and
well-meaning people of this country. In a
country of over 120 million people, evil thrives
because the good permit it. (3)
For Teresa Njoku the people “are dead because
they keep silent when they should speak” (335).
For Eldred Jones, while the “kleptocarats” enrich
themselves through impunity, “the people, with
the philosophy born of despair tamely lie down
under the imposition” (Qtd., in Ojinmah 67). In
other words, the generality of the people,
according to Udenta Udenta are “gullible, easily
fooled” (ix).
III. PROPOSALS AND CONCLUSION
From her story, Okonjo-Iweala could then be said
to have succeeded in enforcing her reformative
policies as a Minister under the Jonathan’s
administration because of the reasonable support
she enjoyed from her boss who perhaps was
equally conscious of the presence of the “small
kleptocratic ruling elite.” This is evident in the fact
that Jonathan insisted in working with her in
spite of her initial decline of the offer of
ministerial position. One of her strategies was to
negotiate, in her own favor, with the Ex-President.
Her words:
President Jonathan was gracious. He listened
carefully to all I had to say … We went over my
terms of reference … He also approved of
creating an economic team that he would chair
… As for the composition of the team, I
mentioned the need for a small core of
reformers … The discussion with the President
was substantive and reassuring. (23/25)
The implication of losing that very important
support which a reformer requires is exemplified
through what happened in her tenure under
Obasanjo’s administration. As a result, she took a
smart step by resigning. This is another important
lesson many so-called reformers must learn; it is
better to resign from being part of a corrupt
system than adding to the mess itself. Thus, she
says: “I resigned when I felt no longer able to serve
under adverse conditions” (15).
This is one of the spots where Ogie fails. In his
case, he accepts the offer without a firm
negotiation and refused to resign even when he
realized he was not able to serve under those same
adverse conditions similar to Okonjo-Iweala’s
predicaments. The consequence is dire. The likes
of Ogie would be later destroyed by the same
system. The destruction will happen not only on
account that they will always stay back, but on
account that they will pretend to be infallible
reformers with necks above Nigeria’s sea of
corruption - they are bound to always end up like
Ogie, a preacher in conflict with his ideals.
More so, it is important to observe that Iyayi’s
story stops at the point where that of
Okonjo-Iweala starts. Okonjo-Iweala’s story has
taken care of the bleak future and vacuum created
by the simultaneous end of Ogie and the novel.
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Unfortunately, Ogie was not strategically ready
hence he fails. He came back presumably from a
less corrupt system into a deep-rooted corrupt
system without adequate preparedness. He was
quickly swept away into nothingness like many
other such confused self-proclaimed reformers in
the same and other social climes. He made the
second mistake by surrounding himself with
characters who do not share his reformative views,
ending up as his detractors and eventually
overwhelming him. Some of them attempt to
persuade him out of the notion of being a
reformer, such as his father, his uncle and his
mother. Others encourage and entice him to
become part of the corrupt system, such as
Mallam Mallam, Eunice Agbon, Chief Ekata and
Mr. Oloru. Others like Rose, the self-acclaimed
realist, mock his idealist posture. For her, his
idealism amounts to nothing but naivety. In other
words, Ogie surrounds himself with characters
that were ever ready to make him fail in achieving
his original cause. But Okonjo-Iweala on her part
ensured she worked in the midst of fellow
reformers: “Dr. Akin Adesina … Dr. Muhammad
Pate … Dr. Nwanze Okidegbe … Professor
Sylvester Monye … Dr. Bright Okogu” (23/24).
With this strategy, she was able to ward off the
likes of Chief Ekata, Chief Obala, Mr. Oloru,
Mallam Mallam, Eunice Agbon and Rose in The
Contract.
Ogie equally lacks the political will to confront the
“small kleptocratic ruling elite,” the type
Okonjo-Iweala constantly engaged. Even though
the government that succeeded the one she served
under would later reverse some of her policies
after she left office, like the monthly newspaper
publication of federal allocation to States, the
point has been made. Okonjo-Iweala has
indirectly informed Nigerians that the mechanism
that can be used in ensuring transparency and
checking the excesses of corrupt government
officials is not the exclusive right of western
civilizations. It is about selflessness,
determination, focus, risk and, above all, creating
a transparent mechanism that will make the
public sit in judgment over the “small kleptocratic
ruling elite.”
Finally, Okonjo-Iweala and Ogie had the necessary
platforms that could positively impact their
Nigerian system. Okonjo-Iweala sustains and
defines her commitment in the course, while Ogie
compromises the cause itself. In the end, one
learns from both stories that a proposed
reformative process for a corrupt system must
take more than just courage, determination and
political will. These qualities are essential, but the
reformer must be strategically and intellectually
prepared for every shape of dart thrown by the
“small kleptocratic ruling elite.” In fact, the
reformer must expect these darts and prepare for
each one of them or else end up like Ogie. With no
hope in sight as a result of recurring reformers like
Ogie, the entire Nigerian system becomes even
more corrupted, dysfunctional and chaotic. But
with more characters like Okonjo-Iweala and her
transparent mechanism, there is bound to be a
glimmer of hope across the horizon.
WORKS CITED
1. Achebe, Chinua. A Man of the People.
Heinemann, 1966.
2. --- The Trouble with Nigeria. Fourth
Dimension Publishing Company, 1983.
3. --- There was a Country: A Personal History
of Biafra. Penguin Books, 2012.
4. Babatope, Ebenezer. Nigeria towards the
Revolution. Ebenezer Babatope, 1981.
5. Debo, Basorun. Honour for Sale. Bookcraft,
2013.
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81 © 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
-Corruption as a Perennial Theme in Nigerian Literature
Iyayi only warns of a looming doom that awaits a
society with such propensity of corrupt acquisitive
tendency. But Okonjo-Iweala lays out a
descriptive and practicable economic template
that enabled the success of her administration
which helped her in checking the excesses of the
corrupt “kleptocratic class.” She did not stop at
merely exposing, criticizing and pontificating
ideas, but she risked her life, that of her family
and that of her team of reformers. By her
narrative, risk has been suggested and must be
prescribed as part of the constituents of
reformation. Risk makes the hero, in this case
heroine.
6. Durotoye, Fela. https://www.straight
fromnaija.com
7. Emenyonu, Ernest and Pat Emenyonu
“Achebe: Accountable to our Society”
Conversations with Chinua Achebe, edited by
Bernth Lindfors, University Press of
Mississippi, 1997, pp. 35-44.
8. Garrick, Chimeka. Tomorrow Died Yesterday.
Paper Worth, 2010.
9. Igwe, Stanley. How Africa Underdeveloped
Africa. Professional Printers & Publishers,
2010. Iyayi, Festus. The Contract.
Longman, 1982.
10. Njoku, Teresa. “Male Politics and Female
Power in Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the
Savannah” Emerging Perspectives on Chinua
Achebe Vol. I Omenka: The Master Artist,
edited by Ernest Emenyonu, African World
Press, 2004, pp. 333-342.
11. Nnolim, Charles. “The Artist in Search of the
Right Leadership: Achebe as a Social Critic”
Emerging Perspectives on Chinua Achebe Vol.
II Isinka: The Artistic Purpose. Ed. Ernest
Emenyonu. Africa World Press, 2004,
225-335.
12. Nwachukwu-Agbada, Joseph. (Ed.) Use of
English for Tertiary Education. John Jacobs
Classic Publishers Ltd. 2000.
13. Nwosu, Ikechukwu. “Marginality and the
Niger Delta Crises: Ogoni, Ijaw and Warri
Crises in Perspective. Peace Studies and
Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader.
Marian Ikejiani-Clark (Ed.) Spectrum Books
Limited, 2009, 543-562.
14. Ojinmah, Umelo. Chinua Achebe: New
Perspectives. Spectrum Books Limited, 1991.
15. Okereke, Grace. “Literacy as a Redemptive
Factor in Nigerian Politics in Chinua
Achebe’s A Man of the People and Anthills
of the Savannah, ” Literacy and Reading,
edited by Adewuyi O. Aboderin, Ezekiel A.
Abe and Chukwuemeka E. Onukogu, The
Reading Association of Nigeria, University
of Nigeria, 1993, pp. 431-439.
16. Okonjo-Iweala, Ngozi. Fighting Corruption is
Dangerous: The Story Behind the Headlines.
The MIT Press, 2018.
17. Osudibia, Kizito. Revolution: A Dangerous
Option (for Nigeria). Snaap Press, 2004.
18. Palmer, Eustace. Of War and Women,
Oppression and Optimism. Africa World
Press, 2008.
19. Soyinka, Wole. The Man Died. Penguin Books
Ltd, 1972.
20. Udenta, Udenta. Revolutionary Aesthetics
and the African Literary Process. Fourth
Dimension Publishers, 1993.
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82 Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0 © 2020 London Journals Press
-Corruption as a Perennial Theme in Nigerian Literature
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London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
London Journals Press membership is an elite community of scholars, researchers, scientists, professionals and in-stitutions associated with all the major disciplines. London Journals Press memberships are for individuals, research institutions, and universities. Authors, subscrib-ers, Editorial Board members, Advisory Board members, and organizations are all part of member network.
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© 2020 London Journals Press Volume 20 | Issue 3 | Compilation 1.0
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