Life and Thoughts Of Murtaza Mutahhari

Life and Thoughts

Of

Murtaza Mutahhari

Author:

Mahmood T. Davari

Revisor:

Hamid Bakhshandeh

Contents

A CLERICAL FAMILY ------------------------------------------------------- 4 THE MASHHAD SEMINARY: CENTRE OF TRADITIONALISM --------- 5 MOVE TO THE QUM SEMINARY ------------------------------------------ 8 FINDING THE SECOND IDEAL MAN -------------------------------------- 9 IN SEARCH OF THE THIRD IDEAL FIGURE ----------------------------- 10 HIGHER EDUCATION ------------------------------------------------------ 11 MUTAHHARI AND THE FADAIYAN-I ISLAM ---------------------------- 14 MUTAHHARI AND PHILOSOPHY ------------------------------------------ 15 UNSUCCESSFUL EFFORTS AT REFORM --------------------------------- 17 AN ARCHITECT OF MODERN ISLAMIC THEOLOGY ------------------ 18 A DESIRABLE CHAIR FOR THE YOUNG PHILOSOPHER -------------- 19 AN ACTIVE SPEAKER AT THE ISLAMIC ASSOCIATIONS ------------- 21 AT THE CORE OF THE POLITICAL ARENA ----------------------------- 23 EPIC OF THE RIGHTEOUS, STORIES FOR MORALISTS --------------- 25 HUSAINIYIH-YI IRSHAD, THE UNFULFILLED EXPECTATIONS ------ 26 A KEY FIGURE IN THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION ------------------------ 31 A DEBATE WITH THE SECULARISTS ON WOMEN'S RIGHTS -------- 33 A DEBATE WITH TRADITIONALISTS AND SECULARISTS ON

WOMEN'S VEIL ------------------------------------------------------------- 34 ISLAM AND IRAN, A DEBATE WITH THE NATIONALISTS ------------- 36 A MESSAGE TO THE MUSLIM ACTIVISTS ------------------------------ 38 A BRIDGE BETWEEN SHIFTING TIME AND PERMANENT ISLAM ---- 40 A DEBATE WITH A POET ABOUT HAFIZ’S GNOSTICISM ------------- 42 DEBATES WITH MUSLIM LEFTIST GUERRILLAS ---------------------- 43

3 / Life and thoughts of Murtaza Mutahhari

INTRODUCTION

Ayatullah Hajj Sheikh Murtaza Mutahhari Farimani has been

described as "one of the most prominent contemporary intellectual

figures among the Iranian clergy", "a powerful intellectual force

almost a quarter of a century", "one of the principal architects of

the new Islamic consciousness in Iran", " a scholar who best

delivered it a Islamic ideology from the very depths of the Islamic

sacred history, and rendered it a legitimate historical updating of

the Muslim doctrinal self-understanding", "a high ranking thinker,

philosopher, jurist, and a rare Islamologist", "a reformist of Islamic

thought in modern times", "a guardian of the frontiers of the

Islamic ideology", "a theoretician of Islamic rule", and "the

ideologue of Islam-I fiqāhati (an interpretation of Islam which

maintains that only mujtahids are authorized to interpret the

Islamic texts and rule the people)", "Mutahhari's views have

formed the theoretical foundations of our (Islamic) republic",

Hence, the importance of Mutahhari for understanding modern

Islamic social and political philosophies, the Islamic Movement

and Islamic Iran, is indisputable.

Although a number of articles and books concerning

Mutahhari's life and views have been published in the West and in

Iran in recent years, nevertheless, owing to the unsatisfactory

nature of the sources, no major comprehensive study of his life and

thoughts particular in philosophy, New theology, philosophical

theology and sociopolitical philosophy has yet appeared. In his

"introductions" (1985), Hamid Algar deals only with Mutahhari's

biography, not his works and philosophy. Michael J. Fischer and

Life and thoughts of Murtaza Mutahhari / 4

Mehdi Abedi's "Debating Muslims" (1990) deals with Mutahhari

only as a part of their anthropological studies on diaglogues about

postmodernity and tradition within Muslim communities. Apart

from their brief biography of Mutahhari, they entirely deal with

Mutahhari’s Islam va Iran (Islam and Iran) and his views about

Iranian nationality.

However, they have not mentioned the events in Mutahhari's

life. Further, they deal mainly with some less-important aspects of

his political views and economic philosophy. Mutahhari's

major economics books, Nazari be Nizam-I Iqtisādi-yi Islam (A

View on the Economic System of Islam) and Mas'ala-yi Riba

(Usury Question) and also his view about the theory of vilayat-I

faqih (Vicegerency of High Religious Authorities) are not

discussed in their studies.

Although J.G.J Haat's interesting article on Mutahhari's life

and though (1990-92) does not leave out any major event of

Mutahhari's life, it is concerned with three subjects of his works

and academic activities namely, Iranian nationality, the Islamic

veil and the Islamic Revolution. Hikmat Motahar Worldwide

Conference endevours to prepare contexts for surveying and

researching Mutahari's thoughts. Therefore conference scientific

committee authored the present booklet to introduce Mutahhari’s

life and thoughts briefly.

A Clerical Family

Nearly one year before Reza Khān's coup (22 Feb 1921)

Ayatullah Murtaża Mutahhari was born into a clerical family on 2

February 1920 (13 Bahman 1298/12 Jamādi I, 1338) in Farimān, a

town 75 kilometers south east of Mashhad, one of the famous

centers of Shi‘ite pilgrimage and learning in the east of Iran.

At the beginning of the Constitutional Revolution (1905), he

moved to Qalandar-Abād, a suburb of Turbat-i Haidariyih, leaving


after a short time, for Farimān at the invitation of some of his

friends. As the city's main scholar, he carried out normal clerical

duties as well as giving religious lessons at the elementary level.

Being a traditionalist and externalist (Zāhir-girā) he was much

attracted by ‘Allāmih Mulla Muhammad Bāqir Majlisi’s (d. 1699)

ethical writings. Mutahhari described him, in the preface of his

Dāstān-i Rāstān (The Story of the Upright Men), which is

dedicated to him, as follows:

For the first time, his belief, piety, good deeds and

truthfulness introduced me to the right path.

Muhammad Husain had seven children, five boys and two girls.

His third child - the second son - was named Murtaża. It is said

that when he was about six or seven years old, early one

morning, he put on a mantle and went to the Maktab Khanih

(traditional primary school), sitting down behind the door until the

school was opened.

After he had finished his elementary education at the Maktab

Khanih, Mutahhari’s father introduced him to elementary religious

studies. When he was twelve, he moved, together with his elder

brother Muhammad Ali, to Mashhad to start the formal religious

curriculum.

The Mashhad Seminary: Centre of Traditionalism

At that time, the Hauzah-yi ‘Ilmiyih-i Mashhad (the traditional

educational centre of Mashhad) was famous among the ‘ulama. In

academic terms, it was considered to be on the same level as Najaf

and Qum; because of its eminent religious teachers (mudarrisin), it

attracted students from all over the country.

A new hermeneutical theory in religious studies had emerged,

which soon became a powerful and dominant movement in the

Seminary. The theory, later called Maktab-i Tafkik (The School of

Separation), defends the independent understanding of Quranic


knowledge (ma‘ārif-i Quran) from allegorical and rational

inferences from Islamic texts, and firmly rejects Islamic

philosophy and mysticism.

Although there appears to be a difference between this

movement and Akhbarism (Traditionalism) there is, in fact, none

in its basic assumptions and methods. Akhbarism opposes Usulism

(Rationalism) in the field of fiqh (jurisprudence), while the Tafkiki

doctrine in theology is in contrast with philosophy and mysticism.

The forerunner of this school was Mirzā Mahdi Isfahāni, a

Najaf-graduated Mujtahid (a religious student who reached to the

degree of Ijtihād), who probably came to Mashhad in 1921-22.

The above-mentioned intense climate did not, however,

overwhelm the young Mutahhari, instead, it prepared a useful

ground for his philosophical outlook:

Regarding my spiritual development, as far as I can

remember, from the age of 13, an urge developed in me

and I encountered an intense sensitivity relating to

theological issues. The questions (for those issues) of

course, in relation to the mental level of that age, were

one by one crowding my mind.

After his arrival at Mashhad, Mutahhari settled, together with

his elder brother, in the Abdal-Khān school and continued there

his introductory religious education. As a first step, Mutahhari

evaluated various intellectual trends and academic orientations, as

well as looking at the eminent personalities in the fields of

religious and secular sciences, in order to select the most

distinguished branch of knowledge and the most prestigious

personality:

I remember that from the beginning of my religious

education, when I was studying the elementary Arabic

language in Mashhad, the views and works of

philosophers, mystics and theologians- although I was


not familiar with their thoughts- preoccupied my mind

and exerted their influence on me with greater profundity

than other great scholars, inventors and explorers had

done. I clearly remember that at the age of 13 to 15,

among all the ‘ulama, learned people (fużalā) and high-

ranking teachers of the Mashhad Seminary, there was

one person who captivated and attracted the attention of

my mind more than the others, (namely) the late Aqa

Mirzā Mahdi Shahidi Rażavi a teacher (mudarris) of

divine philosophy in that Seminary. I liked to look at his

face, sit in his gathering, consider his facial expressions

and movements, and hoped that I could, one day, attend

his lessons.

Mirzā Mahdi himself was lecturing on Mullā Hādi Sabzavāri's

philosophical poem, namely Sharh-i Manzumah and was well-

known for his fluent explanations, proficiency in philosophical

texts and rationalism. Before he reached his fortieth year, Mirzā

Mahdi passed away.

At this period, Mutahhari was seeking to clarify his future. He

eventually recognized his academic aspirations and field of

research. Henceforth, he preferred the rational and analytical

sciences to other Islamic sciences.

His older brother Muhammad Ali gave up forever his religious

training as a cleric and commenced farming to support the family.

Despite his mother's insistence on his staying with the family, in

1937-38, after the young Murtaża had spent more than one year

with his parents, he decided to move to Qum with his cleric uncle,

as the Mashhad Seminary no longer enjoyed its previous status

and position. It was at this time that Ayatullah Sayyid Hasan

Mudarris (d.1937), the famous Shi‘i politician, was assassinated by

the regime during his exile in Kāshmar.


Move to the Qum Seminary

When the 17-year-old Mutahhari arrived in Qum, Shaikh

‘Abdul-Karim Hā'iri, the reconstructor of the Qum Seminary and

marja-i taqlid (source of authority) of his time, had been dead for

one year (Jan 1937). Although the Seminary had been seriously

damaged by modernizing projects, it had not been totally

dismantled or closed, like the Mashhad Seminary. Perhaps Ha’iri's

cleverness and moderate policies played a major role in its survival

and continuity. In other words, as some scholars have mentioned,

with his patience, prudence and wisdom he protected the religious

establishment.

At that time, the Seminary in Qum was considered by tullab

(Religious Students) and Mudarrisin (the seminary teachers) as

Iran's most important religious establishment. Its authority and

reputation were, after Ha’iri, mainly upheld by three prominent

Ayatullahs: Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Khunsāri (d. 1951), Sayyid

Muhammad Hujjat (d. 1952) and Sayyid Sadr al-Din Sadr (d.

1953). At the same time, Sayyid Abul-Hasan Isfahani (d. 1946)

was generally considered to be the most important figure in the

Shi‘i communities in the Najaf Seminary.

In fact, each of the three Mujtahids had his own character and

followed his own course of action. It has been said that Hujjat was

a man of dignity, order and discipline, Sadr was a free-minded

person with great organizing ability, supportive of the internal

reformist activities and political movement of the tullāb, albeit

seeking no explicit confrontation with the regime, while Khunsāri

was considered a Mujtahid (a religious champion) and political

activist. During the Iraqi Independence Movement, together with

his life-long friend Sayyid Abul-Qāsim Kāshāni

(d. 1962), he opposed the British authorities and was therefore

sent into exile to India. He had an obviously revolutionary,

uncompromising stance.


When he entered Qum, Mutahhari had not yet finished the

preliminary religious curriculum, which is mainly devoted to the

learning of Arabic. The previous spiritual climate no doubt still

had a dominant influence on his soul and mind.

Finding the Second Ideal Man

In order to fulfill his strong spiritual desires, Mutahhari then

attended Ayatullah Khomeini's weekly ethical lessons and became

fascinated by his mystical teachings and spiritual course of action.

He himself has described this situation:

After moving to Qum, I found my lost ideal man in

another person. I was always seeing in this illustrious

character the embodiment of Aqā Mirzā Mahdi, as well

as other noble qualities. I was thinking that the thirst of

my soul would become quenched from the pure source of

this eminent figure. At the beginning of my move to

Qum…although I had not qualified to begin the rational

sciences (ma'qulāt), nevertheless, the ethical lesson

delivered by the figure I adored (each Thursday and

Friday) made me inebriated. The lesson was, in reality,

lesson of divine knowledge (ma‘ārif va sairu suluk) and

not only ethical lessons in the narrow technical sense.

These lesson, without exaggeration, caused me to

become so ecstatic that I was conscious of little else until

the following Tuesday. A major part of my mental and

spiritual outlook was shaped by these and other

instructions which I had from that divine ustād (teacher)

over twelve years. I am, and always will be indebted to

him. Truly, the holy spirit of the Divine.


In Search of the Third Ideal Figure

Mirzā Ali-Aqā Shirāzi (d. 1957) was a Mudarris (seminary

teacher) at the Madrasih-yi Sadr in Isfahān. He has been described

as a theologian, jurist, physician and literary critic. Besides his

expertise in Islamic studies, he was proficient in traditional

medicine and therefore sometimes taught Ibn Sinā's Qanun. As a

pious Mullā his preachings influenced many tullāb. Hence, he was

widely respected within clerical circles.

Mutahhari attended his lessons at the Madrasih-yi Sadr, where

he was teaching from Nahj al-balāghah, one of the major

textbooks of Shi‘i teaching. His clear expressions and emotional

style sometimes mixed with tears, attracted Mutahhari and led him

to establish a close relationship later on with the Shaikh.

Whenever he came to Qum, he was a guest of Mutahhari, who

highlighted the significance of this Mudarris in his life in the

following words:

I always consider his lessons a precious part of my life

that I am not prepared to exchange for anything else. He

is always in my mind and I always remember his good

company. I dare to say that he was truly a Divine scholar.

The Sairi dar Nahj al-balāghah (A Survey on The Way of

Eloquence) was, in fact, written as a result of those lessons. In the

preface to it, Mutahhari has written that Mirzā Ali-Aqā introduced

him, for the first time, to the unknown world of the Nahj al-

balāghah (The way of Eloquence). However, Mirzā Ali-Aqā was

not a man of politics and Mutahhari's ideal world was that of

political activities. The world of Nahj al-balāghah, according to

Mutahhari, is not solely a world of worship, prayer, preaching and

ethics; it is also a world of jihād, social justice and politics. An

ideal man, for him, therefore, was a man who could gather within

himself both religious moral principles and socio-political

activities, a man, that is, of prayer at night and of jihād during the


day. Therefore he implicitly stated that the Shaikh did not

politically influence him.

Before Mutahhari had finished his undergraduate education

(daura-i sath) the country was occupied by the Allied Forces, in

World War Two, on 25 August 1941. Reza Shāh consequently

abdicated the throne and a major socio-political crisis developed

within Iran. It is quite surprising to see that the Qum Seminary

kept completely silent and aloof at that time. Perhaps this was due

to the damage, which the religious establishment had suffered

during the last decade and it was now looking towards a new era.

Although Sayyid Abul-Qāsim Kāshāni commenced opposition to

the British after a short time, and was therefore sent into exile, his

activities did not have any clear impact on the Seminary.

Mutahhari finally reached the last stage of his undergraduate

curriculum by attending the jurisprudential lessons of Ayatullah

Sayyid Muhammad Muhaqqiq Dāmād (d. 1968) in 1942-43 and

prepared himself to enter higher education (dars-i khārij).

Higher Education

This period, the most important part of Mutahhari's theological

training, lasted almost ten years, from 1942 until 1952. It is during

this time that Mutahhari strengthened his academic mind. He

benefited from three well-known teachers: Hajj Aqā-Husain

Burujirdi (d. 1961), Hajj Aqā Ruhullāh Khomeini and Sayyid

Muhammad Husain Tabātabāi (d. 1981) in fiqh, Usul al-fiqh and

falsafih (The principles of jurisprudence and philosophy).

Although he later came under the influence of other prominent

teachers, he undoubtedly gained much more from these three than

from the others.

In December 1944, when some teachers invited Grand

Ayatullah Burujirdi, Khomeini included, to stay in Qum, as the

head of the Seminary; Mutahhari was studying Usul al-fiqh with


the latter. They were both attending Burujirdi's classes when he

started to teach jurisprudence. Perhaps he became close to

Burujirdi when the Grand Ayatullah appointed Khomeini as the

Chief of Staff of his office. In an article, which he wrote after

Burujirdi's death, Mutahhari summarized Burujirdi's achievements

and praised his reformist role in the religious establishment. His

moderate approach - between Akhbārism and Usulism - in

jurisprudence; his unremitting efforts for more convergence

between Shi‘i and Sunni leaders against sectarianism; his program

for sending a missionary delegation to propagate Shi‘ism in

Europe and America; his positive attitude towards a modern

educational system and his order to establish an office for

calculating and controlling religious taxes were some of Burujirdi's

positive services. Mutahhari also mentioned that he learned many

other things from Burujirdi during the eight years he spent as his

disciple, but he wished that the situation (probably inside the

religious establishment) had been open enough to allow him to

take a critical view of Burujirdi’s works and achievements.

Regarding his philosophical studies (‘ulum-i ‘aqli), Mutahhari

first attended Khomeini's philosophy lessons in 1944 and was

introduced to Mullā Hādi Sabzavāri's and Mullā Sadrā Shirāzi's

philosophies. Khomeini was the only Mudarris of philosophy at

that time, but after his arrival in Qum in 1946, Tabātabāi remedied

this. Those lessons, which lasted almost until the end of that

decade, fostered many students who later became distinguished

teachers in this field. Mutahhari has implicitly praised Khomeini

many times in his books and speeches. Once, remembering his

past and describing what he learned from Khomeini, Mutahhari

mentioned that Khomeini shaped his philosophical mind:

I remember the time that, when I was studying in Qum,

one day I evaluated myself, my studies and the direction

which I had chosen for my life. I asked myself whether it


might not be better to pursue a branch in modern

(Western) education in place of these traditional studies.

With regard to my feelings and the importance of faith

and spiritual knowledge to me, the first thing that came

to my mind was to question my spiritual and mental

situation at that time. I thought: now I believe in the

principles of unity of God, prophethood, resurrection,

imamat and so on and they are intensely dear to me. At

that time I had just become familiar with Islamic

philosophy. I was learning it from a teacher...who had

really tasted Islamic theology and understood its deepest

ideas and was explaining it with the sweetest expression.

The pleasure of those days, especially the deep, delicate

and sweet expressions of the Ustad, is one of the

unforgettable memories of my life... In short, a

fundamental pattern was formed in my mind, which was

a basis for solving my problems in a broad worldview...

In order to understand Khomeini's opinion of Mutahhari, it

might be useful to look at the statements issued by Khomeini after

the latter's assassination. Undoubtedly Khomeini remembered him

very positively, giving him laudatory titles which he reserved

exclusively for Mutahhari, such as "my very dear son", "a part of

my flesh", "a fruit of my life", "a strong supporter of religious

seminaries", "a rare Islamologist", "a high-ranking thinker,

philosopher and jurist", "a great martyr", and so on.

To study Ibn Sina’s philosophy, Mutahhari attended Tabātabāi's

private and general lessons and soon became one of his well-

established students.

When Tabātabāi came to Qum in 1946, the remaining Soviet-

Russian troops had just left the country. As a result of the newly-

arisen situation, people again started to discuss political questions

in public and became involved in political movements of all kinds.


Royalist, nationalist, leftist and religious groups renewed the

political activities, which had been dormant for the last 20 years.

The struggle for the reins of power became more inten se.

The main issue at the centre of their heated discussions was the

nationalization of the oil industry. It is interesting to see what the

impact of this new situation was on the Qum Seminary and the

religious authorities there.

Mutahhari and the Fadaiyan-i Islam

The Fadaiyan-i Islam was established in May 1945 by a young

clergy called Sayyid Mujtabā Mirlauhi, better known as Navvāb

Safavi. He was born in Tehran in 1924-25 in a religious lower-

class family. From a small religious gathering in southern Tehran,

his ideas rapidly attracted numerous members and supporters from

among the lower-class and urban poor and also from the religious

middle-class, some wealthy bazaar merchants, shopkeepers and

influential figures among the clergy. The Fadaiyan was an

independent, self-inspired religious political organization. The

movement was initially religious, challenging Ahmad Kasravi's

theological notions, but later became more political. In their first

statement, after their unsuccessful attempt at Kasravi's

assassination in 28 April 1945, the leaders totally focused their

attention on individuals who were causing divisions between

Muslims. Then, they used the more orthodox and heroic ideas of

Islam, largely in protest against domestic tyranny, foreign

influence and domination and all ideas coming from the West. The

most important point about them is that they resorted to armed

activities to achieve their purposes. They finally assassinated

‘Abdul-Husain Hazhir, the Minister of the Court, on 4 November

1949; and the Premier Ali Razmārā on 7 March 1951. During the

negotiation period of the Nationalization of the Oil Industry (1949-


51) they acted as allies of Musaddiq and the nationalists, and as

Followers of Kāshani.

Generally, their programme may be divided into the following

principles:

I. Application of Islamic law, especially prohibition of alcohol,

drugs, prostitution and Western movies; application of using the

veil for women and separation between male and female in

educational and working environments;

II. Reform of State administration;

III. Struggle against ignorance, disease and vice;

IV. Struggle for the liberation of Iran and the entire Islamic

world from foreign dominance and domestic tyranny;

V. Unification of all Muslims of the world by bridging the gap

between and among different sects within Islam.

Although Mutahhari was not a member of the Fadaiyan group,

he was a close friend of Navvāb Safavi and its other clerical

leaders. He was supportive of their political views but was not in

favour of their violent course of action. He tried to act as a

mediator between Burujirdi and the Fadaiyan, making the latter

more lenient and closer towards the marj‘a-i taqlid. As a result of

his close friendship with them (which has been acknowledged in

his prolific writings and speeches only in one case - Pirāmun-i

Inqilāb-i Islāmi (About the Islamic Revolution), p.177) and

following his advice, the Fadaiyan-i Islam began to teach among

their members Burujirdi's Tauzih al-masā'il. They went even

further. In a meeting with Burujirdi they expressed their loyalty to

the leader of Islam and the Muslimin.

Mutahhari and philosophy

In critical situation, however, as a response to the propagation

of the Tudih Party's so-called scientific philosophy, ‘Allamih

Tabātabāi organized regular weekly private sessions, lecturing on


the characteristics of Islamic philosophy in comparison to Marxist

epistemology and methodology. These lectures, which were

accompanied by students' questions and criticism, were then

followed up by Mutahhari's detailed footnotes and commentaries.

His book Usul-i Falsafih va Ravish-i Realism (The Principles of

philosophy and the method of realism, [5 volumes]) which has

become a main source and a major reference work for modern

Islamic philosophy during recent decades, is in fact Mutahhari's

first academic contribution to the field. This joint work with

Tabātabāi, which continued until his assassination, also proved

Mutahhari's academic credentials. The first volume was published

in 1953-54, followed gradually by volumes 2, 3 and 5; however,

the 4th volume remained incomplete and was not published until

1985.

Although Mutahhari criticized some of Tabātabāi's philosophical

views in his books, their close relationship never became

overshadowed by these differences. Perhaps it was as a result of

Mutahhari's influence that Tabātabāi organized weekly team

working sessions with his senior students, including Mutahhari and

Sayyid Muhammad Beheshti (Head of the Revolutionary Council,

1978-1981) discussing the matters concerning the situation of

various religious movements and answering the questions they had

received from different parts of the world. This close relationship

between the two men was also evident in more personal matters.

When in 1977, Tabātabāi needed urgent medical treatment in

England Mutahhari made the necessary arrangements.

In an interview after Mutahhari's assassination, Tabātabāi praised

not only his piety and great intelligence but remembered him also as

a man who had his own views (sāhib-nazar). When he described,

emotionally, his memories of his previous student, Tabātabāi

mentioned that he felt he wanted to dance for sheer happiness when


Mutahhari came to his lessons because Mutahhari did not miss

anything of the lessons and understood everything he taught.

In 1951, however, when the struggle for the nationalization of

the oil industry ended successfully, the demand for a

comprehensive reform within the clerical establishment became

visible.

Unsuccessful efforts at Reform

In response to the expectations of young ‘ulama for reform, two

senior Mudarris of the Qum Seminary, namely Hajj Aqā Ruhullāh

Khomeini and Hajj Shaikh Murtaża Hairi Yazdi (the elder son of

Shaikh ‘Abdul-Karim Hāiri Yazdi), who were close to Burujirdi,

took the initiative and prepared a plan for a comprehensive change

within the clerical administration. Although Burujirdi had

previously appointed a group of his colleagues including

Khomeini and Hāiri as the Governing Council (Hai’at-i Hākimah)

for the tullāb’s daily affairs at the Qum Seminary, their

achievements did not go far enough for the two teachers

mentioned. By taking advantage of the unique position of

Burujirdi, they proposed to establish the seminary, which appeared

to be much more in line with the needs of the time. Presumably,

some junior teachers of the Seminary, such as Mutahhari, were

behind these steps towards such reorganization. The primary

writing of the reform plan was signed by the members of the

Governing Council at a night session and was sent to Burujirdi for

his final approval the same night. Although the primary draft was

never published, it covered, as a close companion of Burujirdi

revealed, all aspects of the future religious organization:

educational, financial, administrative, ceremonial, missionary and

leadership.

Burujirdi, surprisingly, received the primary draft, with

scepticism. It made him suspicious about Khomeini, Hairi and


Mutahhari's intentions. Burujirdi realized that he had no significant

power left in the planned new structure. All his authority

concerning decision-making in the Seminary was to be divided up

between several officials and executed through separate

committees. Although he convened a meeting with the Governing

Council, in order to question their intentions, their explanations

were unable to change his attitude towards the ‘ulama involved in

drawing up the scheme. Khomeini and Hāiri consequently

resigned from their positions as members of the Council. The

relationship between Burujirdi and Mutahhari became definitely

cooler, and the plan for a comprehensive reform ended in failure.

In a letter to Burujirdi, Mutahhari tried to explain his aims and to

show his loyalty to his teacher, but Burujirdi did not accept his

letter.

After this incident, the possibility of studying or teaching in

Qum was understandably no longer bearable for Mutahhari. His

weak financial situation, which had become worse after his

marriage in 1950-51, was increasingly putting pressure on him.

Therefore, he desperately needed to leave Qum and to move to the

capital city, Tehran.

*****

An Architect of Modern Islamic Theology

Mutahhari preferred to be generally known as a philosopher, but

his works and tasks seem to be more those of a modern theologian.

The term "modern Islamic theology" covers a branch of the

Islamic sciences, which deals with social and political matters. It is

concerned with the new problems raised by modern developments

within Islamic societies. On the other hand, it deals, as a part of

Islamic theology (‘Ilm-i Kalām), with the questions advanced by

the modern scientists and philosophers about the function of


religion and the truth of religious principles. As Mutahhari pointed

out, it argues, explains, and defends the Islamic belief system and

Islamic ordinances and edicts as its main task.

For almost three decades, Mutahhari's speeches, teachings and

writings had constantly targeted materialist, Marxist, secularist,

traditionalist and pro-westernization movements. Initially, his

academic works were concerned mostly with issues of a more

ethical, religious and philosophical nature; however, they

gradually shifted towards topics relating to sociology, economics

and politics.

A Desirable Chair for the Young Philosopher

After his move to Tehran between 1952-53, Mutahhari was,

while interpreting the Quran, in a weekly session held by a factory

owner called Hajj Muhammad Hasan Kushanpour, invited by the

authorities of Madrasih-yi Marvi, to teach philosophy at the

Seminary. His lessons on Ibn Sina and Mullā Hadi Sabzavāri's

philosophy continued over a period of almost 25 years. The books

Sharh-i ‘Arabi-yi Manzumah and Dars-ha-yi Ilahiyat-i Shafa were

published posthumously and were the outcome of these lessons.

Although his employment at the Madrasih, and some financial

assistance he received from the factory owner, clearly eased his

critical financial problems, he often seemed unhappy. The collapse

of his relationship with Burujirdi and his feeling of disappointment

about his departure from the Qum Seminary were not simple

matters for him. At this time, he became occupied with composing

commentaries on Tabatabai’s philosophical articles.

On 29, February 1955, Mutahhari applied to the Dānish-kadih-

yi M‘aqul va Manqul (traditional and rational verities college) of

the University of Tehran for the advertised post of associate

professorship in Islamic philosophy and theology.


After being successful in a formal examination, he was

employed by the Faculty of Theology as a mu‘allim (associate

lecturer) of philosophy from autumn 1955. It is worth mentioning

that although a Chair was finally given to Mutahhari in spring

1974, he had never been properly acknowledged by the

University's authorities as a distinguished academic. The regime

was always suspicious of him and eventually in 1977, after a

heated dispute with Amir Husain Aryanpour, a professor of

modern Western philosophy in the Faculty of Theology, they

forced him into retirement.

Undoubtedly his status at the university opened up a unique

opportunity for Mutahhari to gain access to the intellectual circles

of society. He could also gain benefit from well-known scholars,

educated students and up-to-date books, which were easily

accessible to him at the university. Therefore his achievements

must be partly attributed to this Chair at the university. It is

interesting to note that many PhD theses of well-known figures

such as Muhammad Taqi Shariati (a contemporary religious

writer), Muhammad Javād Bahunar (Prime Minister, 1981) and

Sayyid Muhammad Beheshti (Head of the Revolutionary Council,

1979) were supervised by Mutahhari. He also taught many

students who later became senior officials of the Islamic Republic.

It would be appropriate, therefore, to learn who was behind the

scenes in encouraging him to take up a university career. Although

none among Mutahhari's friends or biographers have alluded to

this point, it may be ascribed to his close friendship with the two

eminent professors in the Faculty of Theology at that time, namely

Husain Ali Rāshid and Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati. Rāshid was

also a well-known speaker on religious matters on Radio Tehran

and it was most probably as a result of his influential position that

Mutahhari's speeches were broadcast on the radio for almost two

years. The Bist Guftar (20 Lectures) is in fact a compilation of


those speeches he delivered from 1959 to 1961. The speeches,

however, did not continue, because they were followed by

criticism damaging his reputation. He was accused by some

activists of co-operating with the regime. Regarding Dr Ayati, the

two had had a close friendship since the days at the Mashhad

Seminary. He was probably Mutahhari's oldest friend. In his

introduction to the book Dah Guftar (10 Lectures), Mutahhari

praised him.

In fact, the Anjuman-i Mahanih-i Dini was one of the important

religious associations established in the capital city. Besides

Mutahhari and Ayati, many well-known ‘ulama like Tāliqāni,

Beheshti, Musā Sadr and Gulzādih Ghafuri were lecturing. The

books Guftar-i Mah (The Discourse of Month) (3 volumes) and

Guftar-i ‘Ashurā (The Discourse of Ashura) are the results of their

lectures at the Association. These books deal partly with the

current affairs of the Muslim world but mostly concentrate on

theological and moral issues. Mutahhari's speeches included Taqva

(Piety), Amr-i bi Maruf va Nah-ya az Munkar (Calling to the Good

and Prohibition of the Evil), Asl-i Ijtihad dar Islam (The Principles

of Legal Reasoning in Islam), Ihya-yi fikr-i dini (Revival of

Religious Thinking), Fariża-yi ‘Ilm (The Religious Duty of

Learning) and Rahbari-yi Nasl-i Javan (Guiding the Young

Generation).

An Active Speaker at the Islamic Associations

It has lately been disclosed that after the royalist coup d'e tat of

August 1953, some Islamic dignitaries of the capital city,

including Mahdi Bazargān (Prime Minister of the Provisional

Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran after January 1979)

and Murtaża Mutahhari, decided to clarify their policy towards the

new situation and to establish a programme for their activities in

the future. The programme, abbreviated to MAT‘A (Maktab-i


Tarbiyati, Ijtimā‘i, ‘Amali) was basically aimed at improving the

religious understanding and practice of the young generation.

According to the programme, new publications needed to be

produced, scholarly teachings of Islam expanded and the activities

of pro-religious supporters with academic backgrounds to be

coordinated.

In order to fulfill the above-mentioned programme, four well-

known religious associations of contemporary Iran - namely

Anjuman-i Islami-yi Muhandisin (The Islamic Association of

Engineers), Anjuman-i Islami-i PizishkAn (The Islamic

Association of Physicians), Anjuman-i Islami-i Mu‘allimin (The

Islamic Association of Teachers) and Anjuman-i Mahanih-yi Dini

(Monthly Religious Association) - were established during this

decade. The books Masalih-yi Hijāb (The Veil Question), Masalih-

yi Ribā (The Usury Question), Khadamāt-i Mutaqābil-i Islam va

Iran (Islam and Iran Mutual Services), Islam va Muqtażiyāt-i

Zamān (Islam and the Demands of the Age), Imamat va Rahbari

(Imamate and Leadership), Fitrat (Innate Disposition), T‘alim va

Tarbiyat dar Islam (Education In Islam), and the articles on Bimih

(Insurance), Sulh-i Imām Hasan (Imam Hasan’s Peace Treaty),

Masalih-yi Vilāyat-‘ahdi-yi Imām Reza (The Question of Imam

Reza’s Heirdom), Khitabih va Manbar (The Oration and The

Rostrum) were Mutahhari's contributions to the activities of the

first three associations.

The first three associations held joint annual congresses in

Tehran in the years 1962 and 63 and chose Mutahhari as a

permanent member of their secretariat, but surprisingly he did not

attend either of the two congresses. As Vā’izzādih, a close friend

of Mutahhari explained, he was aware of the political environment

of the congresses and liked to act more cautiously, in particular as

Bazargān openly and heavily criticized the Shah and his

government during his speeches. To improve their understanding


of Islamic philosophy, Mutahhari invited them to attend his

lessons on Tabātabāi's philosophical articles at the Marvi School in

1954-55. They also invited Mutahhari - in order to increase their

Islamic knowledge - to their weekly sessions to comment on the

Quran. Hence, they regularly benefited from him.

At the Core of the Political Arena

On 30 March 1961, when Grand Ayatullah Burujirdi passed

away and as a new religious authority had not yet been well

established in Iran, the regime took advantage of the situation, and

took steps, which finally led to the violent uprising of 5 June 1963.

Indeed, the Shah's telegram of condolence to Ayatullah Sayyid

Muhsin Hakim (d. March 1970) in Najaf (and not to the leading

Ayatullahs of Qum) after the demise of Burujirdi, was considered

as a clear indication that he preferred to keep the religious

authority outside the country.

On 6 October 1962, when Asadullah ‘Alam was the Prime

Minister, the government ratified a bill which angered the Iranian

religious authorities. The bill, however, called Lāyiha-yi Anjuman-

ha-yi Iyālati va Vilāyati (The Bill of the Regional and the State

Associations), was aimed at altering the law governing elections.

After the news of this modification was published by the press on

16 Mihr (7 October), four leading Ayatullahs of Qum- Khomeini,

Gulpāyigāni, Shari‘atmadāri and Murtaża Ha’iri Yazdi

immediately sent a telegram to the Shah on 17 Mihr (8 October),

demanding the cancellation of the bill. Although the government

insisted on the operation of the bill, they were forced to cancel it

on 28 November 1962, because of the enormous pressure applied

by the religious establishment. On 9 January 1963, the Shah

declared his "White Revolution" and pointed out that he would

hold a referendum for it. His programme consisted of six articles


After consultation with each other, the religious authorities of

Qum and Mashhad separately issued statements forbidding the

referendum and arguing that there was no basis for it in the

Constitution. The Shah did not pay attention to their request.

Instead, on his visit to Qum on 24 January 1963, which was not

welcomed by any of the religious authorities, he angrily labeled

them "the Black Reaction" (Irtijā‘-i Siyāh). Although he

announced his victory in the referendum two days later, the

outcome was not acceptable to the clerics. In protest, Khomeini

issued a statement declaring that the believers should not celebrate

the New Year. Following this, two violent incidents intensified the

situation. These occurred on 22 March 1963, when mourning

ceremonies for the anniversary of Imām Sadiq's martyrdom were

held in the Madrasih-yi Faiżiyih in Qum and the Madrasih-yi

Tālibiyih in Tabriz. Police attacked the mourners attending the

seminaries whilst the speakers were openly criticizing the

government's policies. Consequently, a number of people were

killed and many were injured. Again in May 1963, coinciding with

the holy month of Muaarram, Khomeini issued a guideline for the

preachers, asking them to speak about the political events in the

country. In his famous speech of 5 June 1963, Khomeini directly

criticized the Shah, condemned his strategy together with his internal

and foreign policies. Subsequently, at mid-night of that same day, he

was arrested by the police and put into a military prison in Tehran.

This incident was followed by massive protests and demonstrations

held by the religious circles in Qum, Tehran, Varāmin, Mashhad,

Shiraz and elsewhere. Soon after his release on 6 April 1964, another

major incident disturbed the religious leaders. On 13 October 1964,

the Premier Hasan-Ali Mansur passed a bill, entitled Lāyihi-yi

Capitulation (The Bill of Capitulation) in the Parliament, offering

diplomatic immunity to American military servicemen in Iran. A

copy of the detailed discussions of members of the Parliament was


secretly sent to Khomeini by one of his followers. Khomeini

delivered his famous speech on the capitulation on 26 October 1964.

According to him, by taking a loan from the U.S.A to pursue his

military aims, the Shah had sold the country's sovereignty and

independence. He also condemned the Shah's close friendship with

America and Israel, characterizing the government and the

Parliament as treacherous to the nation. The speech was immediately

distributed all over the country. It has been mentioned that almost

40000 copies were handed out all over Tehran by 500 members of

the Haiat-ha-yi Mu’talifih-yi Islami (The Islamic United Groups) in

less than one hour. The government arrested Khomeini at mid-night

on 4 November 1964, exiled him directly to Bursa (Turkey); and

then, until October 1965, after spending eleven months in Bursa, he

was sent to Najaf (Iraq).

During those years, Mutahhari played the major role in

propagating Ayatullah Khomeini's views and distributing his

statements and cassettes in Tehran. During the night of ‘Ashura (5

June 1963) he was arrested by the SAVAK (the Secret Police) and

put in jail. In prison, he wrote his first and last poem in which he

complained about his separation from Khomeini, expressing his

affinity towards him.

Epic of the Righteous, Stories for Moralists

For improving people's deeds and visions, tales and stories are

always considered as effective instruments. In this respect, Mutahhari's

contribution is remarkable. Again in 1964-65, when he was analyzing

the question of destiny for the young activists, the second volume of his

anecdotes, Dāstān-i Rāstān (The Stories of the Upright Men), was

published. The stories, 125 in all, had a strong influence on the readers

because of their realism. Their significance spread beyond the borders

of Iran, being declared "Book of the Year" by UNESCO (1964-65).

Thereafter, it was frequently broadcast on national radio, in the form of


plays. The stories' international recognition made Mutahhari known

abroad; however, it did not protect him against some of his associates’

criticisms. They maintained that this collection was useful and

instructive, but argued that the whole idea did not fit in with his social

status as a jurist, philosopher and university professor. Mutahhari

alluded to these remarks in the preface to this book and referred to them

as portraying a regrettable attitude evolving into a social illness.

His sense of duty towards the moral education of the younger

generation, who would eventually take over the reins of government

in his ideal Islamic society, motivated him to write such moral

fables with enthusiasm. In the preface to Dāstān-i Rāstān (The

Story of the Upright Men), he elucidated his reform policies and

how they differed from others.

In short, Mutahhari's theory is that any social reform must

originate among the masses and not emerge via the minority

dominant upper classes. In order to achieve this, public culture and

the people's style of living have to be modified by programmes,

which include publishing tales and stories.

Husainiyih-yi Irshad, the Unfulfilled Expectations

From about 1964, the growth of Islamists was on the increase

and religious awareness grew amongst the university graduates. It

appeared that the old fashionned religious centers such as the

Mosque, Takiyih and Husainiyih, with their lack of facilities, were

not very attractive to the educated younger generation. Although

the Islamic Associations of Engineers and Physicians seemed to

provide suitable arenas for theological-political discussions, in

fact, due to the lack of space and materials, they were not the ideal

locations for a large-scale religious movement. It was probably

due to an incident in 1965 that the ground was prepared for

Mutahhari and his associates: Muhammad Humāyun, a factory

owner, Abdul-Husain Ali-ābādi a physician and Nāsir Mināchi a


lawyer, who joined together to establish a modern cultural

complex, equipped with up-to-date audio-visual facilities.

Mutahhari was the founder, Humāyun the financial supporter, Dr

Ali-Abādi the general advisor and Mināchi the secretary and legal

advisor. A ten-day-long session of a mourning ceremony was held

by Humāyun and Mināchi (his financial assistant) at a garden

(under a marquee) in Qulhak, during the holy month of Muharram

1965. Many well-known religious speakers of the country,

including Mutahhari were preaching there. Surprisingly also, a

great number of people with academic backgrounds attended the

ceremony, demanding its expansion. Subsequently the ceremony

continued until the following month of Safar. In order to present

Islamic principles with the modern techniques, the above-

mentioned individuals decided to establish a new Islamic institute

called Muassasih-yi Tahqiqāti va T‘alimāti-yi Husainiyih-i Irshad

(The Husainiyih-yi Irshad Institute for Research and Education).

Although, eventually, this Institute did not meet Mutahhari's

expectations, it played a major role in the religious movement of

the young activists before the Islamic Revolution. Hence, it is

appropriate to see what measures he thought should be adopted at

the Institute and what factors ultimately forced him to resign in

1970-71. Virtually everything concerning his short-term

relationship with the Institute may be found in letters, which

remained unpublished until recent years:

My objective is to use this Institute as an organization for

disseminating and researching Islam at a high level, in

order to respond to the theoretical needs of the present

volatile society. I want this Institute to be shaped in such

a way as to provide a true picture of Islamic ideology in

contrast to the current ideologies of the present world.

Naturally, I believe, the message, which will be

transmitted from this Institute, be it in writing or in a


lecture, must be based on logical reasoning and not on

emotions.

Mutahhari's approach was completely different from that

of Mināchi (the Minister of Islamic Guidance during

Bazargān's Provisional Government of 1978-89). As the

letters reveal, Mutahhari sought to put the Irshad Institute

under the guidance and leadership of "the Senior Clergy

Council" as a foundation for the studies and research into

Islam, devoid of left or right wing influences. Normally,

any programme had to be approved and confirmed by the

Mujtahids of the council - a similar approach being

followed by the Mu’talifih, however Mināchi, as the head

of Irshad's board of directors, was strongly opposed to

this. Gradually, he was able to bring the departments for

employment, administration, finance and media matters

under his control, thus preventing the formation of a

clergy council. It is worth mentioning that in November

1967, when Mutahhari was a member of the board of

directors, he (Mutahhari) sent a letter to Dr Ali Shariati

(1973-77), who was then a lecturer in Persian history at

the University of Mashhad, asking him to contribute to a

book to be published by the Institute about the life of the

Prophet Muhammad. It was later entitled Muhammad

Khatam-I Payāmbarān (Mohammad, The Last Prophet).

Soon after, Shariati was also invited to lecture at the

Institute. His lectures were delivered with emotion, firing

his audience with enthusiasm and were warmly

welcomed by the young students. His teachings, too, had

a major influence among the older men and women

students. This eventually turned the Irshad Institute into

the most attractive religious centre of the country. As

Mināchi recently revealed - in a private interview in


August 1993 - he and Shariati had come to a secret

agreement when the latter moved to Tehran. They agreed

to render the Institute more attractive to the younger

generation by changing its appearance from an academic

quietist religious centre to a politically revolutionary

institute. In order to achieve this, Shariati presented more

sociologically and politically orientated speeches.

Indeed, Mutahhari had been aware of Mināchi's policies

and intentions for some time, hence, in a letter after his

resignation in 1970-71.

According to Mutahhari's already-mentioned letter to

Khomeini, he mentioned that Shariati in the last months of his life,

finally agreed to modify his writings and in a letter to Muhammad

Reza Hakimi (when he decided to move to Europe in May 1977)

while committing his writings to him, asked for his criticism.

Mutahhari praised Shariati's courage when he became aware at a

private meeting that Shariati was intending to visit Mutahhari in

Europe to consult him about the modification of his writings.

Whilst Mutahhari was travelling with 'Allāmih Tabatabai to

London for his urgent medical treatment, Shariati was

simultaneously dying of a heart attack in Southampton, on 19 June

1977. Therefore, the two eminent scholars found no opportunity to

rebuild their previous friendship.

In early 1970, the Irshad Institute sent a delegation - Mutahhari

and Shariati both included - to the Hajj and arranged a meeting

with the Palestinian delegation in Mecca. After his return, under

the influence of this meeting, Mutahhari gave a lecture on Zionist

aggression and the necessity for national support for the

Palestinians, on the night preceding ‘Ashura (10th Muharram).

This ended with his arrest by the police. He then published a joint

declaration with ‘Allāmih Tabatabai and Ayatullah Sayyid Abul-

Fażl Zanjāni proposing to open a special bank account in order to


collect donations in financial support of Palestinian refugees. The

police arrested him for a second time in less than a year.

Nevertheless, his position in political matters was sometimes

strongly criticized by both traditionalists and Leftists, and as a

consequence he lost his influence among young Muslim activists.

Mutahhari was accused by traditionalist clergymen of propagating

a Western kind of life-style and culture in his writing and

discourses, and of alienating the Muslims from their original

Islamic rites and customs. By contrast, the radicals among the

youth were referring to him as a non-revolutionary thinker, not

interested in keen socio-political debates. Rumors and propaganda

concerning him had their effect on his standing in the eyes of the

public. Thus his lectures and writings did not receive much

publicity at the end of this period. He therefore turned towards

more academic work, like commentary on the Quran, together

with a limited number of students, at the Al-Javād Mosque.

The government's laissez-faire policy did not last long. The

political activities of the young Muslims ended the government's

tolerance of them. Consequently, they closed the Al-Javād

Mosque, arrested Mutahhari and eventually suspended the

academic and political activities in the Husainiyih-yi Irshad

(10.11.1972).

During a period of nearly five years with the Irshad Institute

(1965-71) Mutahhari gave many lectures on issues, which, in the

words of Hamid Dabashi, have been classified as "Theology of

Discontent". The books Jāzibih va Dāfi‘ih-yi Ali (Charisma and

Repulsion of Ali), ‘Adl-i Ilāhi (Divine Justice), Khatm-i

Nabuvvat (The End of Prophecy), Khatamiyat (The Finality of

Prophecy), Nizam-i Huquq-i Zan dar Islam (Islamic Law System

on Women’s Rights), Masalih-yi Hijāb (The Question of Veil),

Sairi dar Nahj al-balaghah (A Survey on The Way of

Eloquence), Khadamāt-i Mutaqābil-i Islam va Iran (Islam and


Iran mutual Services), and the articles Āzādi-yi ‘Aqidih (The

Freedom of Opinion), Āzādi-yi M‘anavi (Spiritual Freedom),

Ihyā-yi Tafakkur-i Islami (The Revival of Islamic Thought),

‘Ibādat va Do‘ā (Worship and Prayer), Taubih (Repentance),

Buzurgi va Buzurgvāri-yi Ruh (Greatness and Nobility of the

Spirit), ‘Unsur-i Amr-i bi Ma‘ruf va Nah-yi az Munkar dar

Nahżat-i Husaini (The Element of Calling to the Good and

Prohibition of The Evil in Imam Husain’s Movement), D‘avat-

ha-yi Sih-bu‘adi, Mauj-i Islami (Islamic Wave), MushkilAt-i Ali

(Ali’s Problems), Khirāfih-yi Sizdih (Superstitions Related to

Number Thirteen), Mujibāt-i Shihadat-i Imām Musa Kazim (The

Causes of Imam Kazim’s Martyrdom), ‘Adl-i kulli (General

Justice), Mahdi-yi Mu‘aud (The Promised Mahdi), Tahrifāt dar

Vāqi‘ih-yi Karbalā (Distortions in the Event of Karbalā),

Hamāsih-yi Husaini (The Husain’s Heroism), Khilāfat va

Vilāyat (Caliphate and Guardianship), Kitab Suzi-yi Iran va

Misr (Book Burning in Iran and Egypt), are included among

these lectures.

A Key Figure in the Islamic Revolution

Suddenly, after the mysterious death of Hajj Aqā Mustafā, the

son of Ayatullah Khomeini, on October 23, 1977, in Najaf, the

operations of the Islamic Revolution intensified. In order to guide

the Revolution, the Jāmi‘ih-yi Ruaāniyat-i Mubāriz re-organized

itself with the senior ‘ulama of Tehran, namely Ayatullah Dr

Muhammad Mufattih, Ayatullah Muhammad Reza Mahdavi-Kani

(Prime Minister, 1981), Ayatullah Dr Sayyid Muhammad Beheshti

and Ayatullah Murtaża Mutahhari. It has been said that all the

political announcements of the Jāmi‘ih-yi Ruaāniyat were issued

under Mutahhari's guidance, and all demonstrations were

organized under his supervision.


On 4 October 1978, Ayatullah Khomeini left Iraq for France

and Mutahhari was able to travel to Paris in order to visit him. It

was during this visit that the foundation for the first political

centralization of the future regime, that is the Revolutionary

Council (Shurā-yi Inqilāb), was planned, and Mutahhari, as its first

member (the others were Beheshti, Bahunar, Musavi Ardibili,

Mahdavi Kani, Khamenei, Hashemi Rafsanjani) was appointed to

nominate the members of the future cabinet, in consultation with

some of the above-mentioned ‘ulama. Hashemi Rafsanjani

mentioned that he (Mutahhari) had a peremptory influence on the

Revolutionary Council's policies before the victory of the

Revolution. Since he was the only one informed of Ayatullah

Khomeini's intentions and programmes, he had the final word in

the collective decisions of the Revolutionary Council. In protest at

the prohibition of Ayatullah Khomeini's arrival in Tehran by Prime

Minister Shahpour Bakhtiyār, the Jami‘ih-yi Ruahniyat, at

Mutahhari's suggestion, took sanctuary in the mosque of Tehran

University in January 27, 1979. The official welcoming text,

which was read at Mihrābād airport at the time of Khomeini's

arrival in Tehran (1 February 1979), was written by Mutahhari.

Although, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution on Feb. 11,

1979, he had not taken any post in the temporary government

under Bazargān, nevertheless, owing to Khomeini's total

confidence in him, he was still counted as an influential member of

the Council. Many officials were appointed as a result of his

proposals. The numerous political activities during these days

exhausted him and he personally would have preferred to return to

academic work. Hence, he did not attend the Revolutionary

Council regularly. During these months, he gained, in his

interviews and lectures, an opportunity to draw a general picture of

the future Islamic society. Three of Mutahhari's books, namely

Barrasi-yi Ijmāli-yi Nihżat-ha-yi Islami dar Sad Sāih-i Akhir (A


Short Review of Islamic Movements in the last Hundred years),

Piramun-i Inqilab-i Islami (About the Islamic Revolution) and

Piramun-i Jumhuri-yi Islami (About the Islamic Republic),

contained his ideas on the subject of the nature, aim and future of

the Islamic Revolution, political liberty, the rights of the

minorities, the authority of religious leaders and the position of

women in the Islamic Republic, all of which were collected from

those interviews and lectures. Finally, his television interviews,

prepared by Abdul-Karim Surush, represented the latest stages in

his political thinking.

A Debate with the Secularists on Women's Rights

In relation to the phenomena of Westernization, particularly

those based upon liberal sexual relationships, nakedness and

hedonism, Mutahhari published seven articles in the religious

journal Maktab-i Islam in 1965-66. His Akhlāq-i Jinsi dar Islam va

Jihan-i Gharb (Sex Ethics in Islam and Western World) is in fact a

reflection of those articles. The articles mainly deal with Bertrand

Russell's (1872-1970) sexual doctrine as explained in his book

Marriage and Morals. Ibrahim Mahdavi Zanjāni, a judge, wrote

forty articles asserting his approval for this modification. This

matter disturbed the religious authorities and impelled them to

react. Undoubtedly, Mutahhari, as an eminent jurist, appeared to

be the most suitable candidate for this task and so all hopes were

set upon him. He has meticulously described the current social

movements and also made clear his role in the introduction to his

book, Niizām-i Huquq-i Zan dar Islam (Islamic Law on Women’s

Rights), published in 1974-75, in which all his discussions with

Judge Zanjāni were made known. The judge's defence of his

proposals was printed in a series of articles, page-by-page, in the

journal Zan-i Ruz (Today’s Woman), and Mutahhari's arguments,

supporting the continuation of Islamic civil laws, were on the


corresponding, opposite, side. These discussions became a major

issue of the day and attracted the attention of many readers.

Mutahhari's reasoning, explanations and thorough knowledge of

Islamic jurisprudence placed the judge in a difficult position.

However, after only six weeks, the debate was ended by the

sudden death of the judge from a heart attack. Although

Mutahhari's response to the views of the judge should have ceased

as a mark of respect for Zanjāni's death, their publication

continued with the remaining thirty-three issues, due to numerous

requests from the public and the editor of the magazine. The

Nizam-i Huquq-i Zan dar Islam (Islamic Law on Women’s

Right’s) is a collection of these very articles (1974-75) presenting

a comparative study of Islamic family rights from a philosophical

and sociological viewpoint. This book (whilst not mentioning the

government's Westernizing policy), was written as a clear

response, in confrontation to the infiltration of the Western

customs and values so ardently supported by the monarchy. The

flaws in government policy became indirectly clear. The large

number of devoted readers, which the book had attracted, was a

clear sign of how well the religious argument was received in

public.

A Debate with Traditionalists and Secularists on

Women's Veil

During the early years of the Husainiyih-yi Irshad (1968-69),

Mutahhari's lectures on the question of the Islamic veil, and on the

criticisms with regard to the edict on "Removal of the Veil" (kashf-

i Hijāb, 7 January 1936), had, surprisingly, angered the traditional

clergy and their devotees. This critical attitude against him in this

respect continues to this day. The abolition of the veil during Reza

Shah Pahlavi's rule had changed women's appearance giving them

a more Westernized image. This action led to great psychological


pressure on pious women, which gradually gave rise to a more

extreme position on their part. The women from clerical

backgrounds wore the traditional clothing, namely the chadur va

ruband (a large veil covering the whole body and a white or black

piece of cloth just covering the face). This slowly made an impact

on the mind of religious communities who began to accept this

particular mode of veil as the correct dress for Muslim women.

Consequently those female employees, students and academics

wearing other forms of the Islamic veil, the scarf and manteau, for

example, came under pressure from two extremist stances: one

rejected this "modern" clothing as improper, while the other, the

Westernized view, referred to them as dogmatic.

Although there were more well known ‘ulama in the country,

they were not prepared to deal with such a problem which they

considered an incorrect passion of the pious and simple minded.

Mutahhari, on the contrary, had put to discussion the issue of

Islamic veiling at one of the most distinguished religious

associations at that time, namely that of the physicians. He

criticized, with theological and historical arguments, Will Durant's

theory on the Islamic veil, which was that this mode of veiling is

an imported phenomenon, which originated in the customs

surrounding menstruation in ancient Persia, namely being veiled

and leading a sequestered life.

Although Mutahhari acknowledges that the custom of veiling

was in existence before Islam, between Jews, Iranians and Indians,

and that Arab women were unveiled at that time, he does not agree

with Will Durant's historical analysis. He believes that veiling in

Islam originated from the Quranic verses. However, he agrees that

the Islamic veil moved towards extremism when the Arabs

communicated with the new Muslims from the other nations.

Supporting his view, Mutahhari refers to a hadith (saying) from

‘Ayishih (the wife of the Prophet). She praised repeatedly the


women of Ansār: "Well done the women of Ansār! When the

verses from the Surah al-Nur [: 27-31, relating to the veiling]

revealed, none of the women were seen going outside in the same

fashion as before. They covered their heads with black scarves, as

if black crows were sitting on their heads". Analyzing different

hypotheses about the function of Islamic veiling, Mutahhari then

explained that the Islamic veil had emanated from a general ethical

principle governing social relations between Muslim men and

women and being consistent with Islam's social philosophy

On collecting evidence from the Quran, Hadith and fatwās,

Mutahhari clearly illustrated the restrictions of Islamic veiling.

Although he did not mention the mode of the Islamic veil, he

modified the monopoly and piety of the customary veiling, namely

the chadur and ruband. He consequently endorsed the new

representation of religious veiling - scarf and manteau - which

became increasingly popular with the working and educated

women. He also reformed and re-veiled many of the countries so

called unveiled "Westernized" women with a more up-to-date

fashion of Islamic apparel. Furthermore, Mutahhari revived the

practice of religious life in the minds of many non-religious

women.

Islam and Iran, a Debate with the Nationalists

During the period 1968-69, when the question of the veil was

under discussion at the Association of Islamic Physicians, another

important philosophical and historical case was under debate at the

Association of Islamic Engineers. Further talks took place in the

Husainiyih-yi Irshad, which were published under the title

Khadamāt-i mutaqābil-i Islam va Iran (Islam and Iran Mutual

Services), in 1970-71. The discussions included a philosophical

theme- that is, the relationship between two consciences; one

being religious and Islamic, the other Persian and patriotic- and


two sociological issues relating to the history of Islamic

civilization, namely the services of Islam to Iran and vice versa,

and was totally against the idea of pan-Iranism and Persian

nationalism. These much-needed discussions, which were

strengthening the abilities of young Muslims in arguing and

reasoning against secular and anti-religious groups, were

welcomed on a large scale.

In the preface of his book, Mutahhari asserted that common

acceptance of these discussions was unparalleled. None of his

lectures had ever received such publicity; although a résumé of

these arguments was previously published (1966-67) among three

articles in Maktab-i Islam, then a well-known monthly religious

journal, it had hardly created any wave of publicity and did not

have any special significance.

Mutahhari was not opposed to "relative nationalism" -

emphasizing the positive aspects of national culture serving as a

basis for international relations. According to him, it was in

accordance with the Islamic universal doctrine. However, he was

firmly against nationalism in its absolute sense, believing it to be

the cause of humiliation for other nations, and of creating racial

conflicts. Simultaneously, he considered it contrary to Islamic and

humanitarian ideals. Hence, with great compassion, he delivered

sociological explanations concerning both Islamic fundamentalism

and Persian nationalism. According to his arguments, Islam is in

harmony with the people's mentality paving the way for common

unity and displaying a positive discouragement of external

imperialism. On the other hand, nationalism is an imperialistic and

reactionary philosophy, which causes the segregation of Islamic

territories.


A Message to the Muslim Activists

A substantial section of Mutahhari's lectures was allocated to

Man, ethics and education. In the three books of Fitrat (Innate

Disposition), Insān dar Quran (Man in the Quran) and Insān va

Iman (Man and Faith) he was seeking to elucidate his philo-

sophical views, comparing them with those of Western and

Eastern philosophers. Nietzsche, Marx, Feuerbach, Russell,

William James and Sartre were among the Western philosophers

addressed and criticized by him. Muhyi al-Din ‘Arabi, Maulavi

and Sadr al-Din Shirazi (Mullā Sadrā), among Muslim scholars,

were also regularly referred to by Mutahhari. It is worth

mentioning that his understanding of Western philosophy came

through Persian translations, but he was able to understand the

ideas, sometimes even better than the translator. He constantly

referred to the Quran and hadith as the criteria for the verification

or falsification of each theory. For instance, the theory of fitrat,

which in his view, is the base of Islamic philosophy and the key to

understanding Man, Society and history, is deduced from the

Quran.

The term fitrat, according to Mutahhari, is one of the exclusive

Quranic expressions portraying Man for the first time in human

philosophical literature. It signifies all the special potentialities and

characteristics, which human beings possess by creation and which

distinguish them from other subjects, namely inanimate bodies and

animals. Some of these special attributes are related to

consciousness, understanding and knowledge. This category is

named idrākāt-i fitri (innate consciousness). Others are in the

category of will, desire and feeling, called girāyishat-i fitri (innate

desires). The search for truth, excellence and beauty,

inquisitiveness, creativity and love are the important human fitri

(innate) desires which establish the most essential branches of

human Knowledge, that is, science, philosophy, ethics, art,


technology, mysticism and religion, resulting in Man's social

evolution in history.

Many aspects of different ethical systems such as Hinduism,

Marxism, Existentialism and Evolutionism were considered by

Mutahhari in his ethical discussions and were later published

under the titles Falsafih-yi Akhlāq (The Philosophy of Ethics) and

T‘alim va Tarbiyat dar Islam (Education in Islam). In these books,

he deals with Plato, Kant, Darwin, Marx, Sartre, Ghazzāli, the

Sufis and Asha‘irih (anti-rationalism) and is in favour of the

Mu‘atazilih (pro-rationalism). Therefore he is among those few

ethical philosophers who were searching for the roots of Man's

ethical values - being social or individual - in his rational faculty.

In this respect, he was in favour of rationalism, but against the

schools of ethical empiricism including scientific, naturalistic,

positivistic, evolutionary and the Ash‘airih theological school of

ethics. According to him, all human values such as justice, liberty,

equality and honesty are sacred for Mankind simply due to the fact

that they emanated from the transcendental reality of Man, namely

intellect, and not because they were praised by divine religions or

circulated in the natural world or were accepted by human

societies. Naturally, this means that the criterion for all good and

bad, permission and non-permission, ugliness and beauty, values

and anti-values, is Man himself and not Nature, Society or History.

Thus, the currency of a behavior or custom between animals or

communities or ancient societies cannot be, according to him, a

creditable judge of their integrity and admissibility. According to

his argument, the system of Islamic ethics revolves on the axis of

Man's honour and dignity and consequently, religious teachings

must concentrate on deeds and habits, which will eventually

liberate the believers' character from any personal or social

inferiority, alienation, abjectness and captivity


At the time of the above-mentioned discussions (during the

1970s) which were simultaneous with the growth of religious

interest among the youth, Mutahhari's ethical theory had a clear

message for young activists: that the judgement of the secular

ruling class or the approval of the Leftist groups, is not and should

not be, the real criterion for the righteousness or non-righteousness

of their behaviour. Probably, it was this kind of theoretical

approach which prepared the ground for their being more decisive

in choosing a religious life-style. The message is repeated again in

the Sayri dar Sirih-yi Nabavi (A Survey on Prophetic Conduct),

Sayri dar Sirih-yi A’immih (A Survey on Imams Conducts) and

Insān-i Kāmil (The Perfect Man). In these books Mutahhari is

seeking to present his educated audience with an ideal picture of a

real Muslim. His definition of a real Muslim of course, as

mentioned before, depended much on imitating a learned

Mujtahid.

A Bridge between Shifting Time and Permanent

Islam

In 1966-67, when the growth of religious practice became

visible in the young generation, a fundamental question arose

among the Islamist activists. The question was whether Islam-

according to Muslim beliefs- is an eternal and non-abrogable

religion, whereas Man's needs, which Mutahhari termed "the

demands of the age" are alterable and modernizable matters. How

can the immutable religion harmonize with those temporary,

changing requirements? In other words, the relationship between

Islam and the necessities of time is similar to that of two opposites

- one being permanent and non-evolutionary in its nature, whilst

the other is indeterminate and evolutionary. Therefore, how can

these two naturally opposite subjects harmonize with one another?

Either the permanent religion must surrender itself to the unstable


desires of time and accept these developments or the (necessities

of) time and the demands of age must remain stable and be

proportionate to divine law.

The question was discussed for a month in the Ittifaq Mosque

during the winter of 1966 and then continued at meetings of the

Association of Islamic Physicians in 1972-73. The book Islam va

Muqtażiyāt-i Zamān (Islam and the Demands of the Age, 2

volumes) is Mutahhari's contribution to this issue.

Then he argued that the proper answer for this problem must be

sought in two terms, namely Ijtihād (Exertion) and Vilāyat-i Faqih

(Vicegerency of Shi‘ite Jurisprudents). According to Mutahhari,

there are some matters in the Islamic Shari‘at (the religious law)

called ahkām-i avvaliya (primary ordinances) which are not

changeable by Ijtihād in any situation, whereas the others called,

ahkam-i thanaviyih (secondary ordinances), are changeable by

Ijtihād, according to different circumstances. Therefore, according

to Mutahhari, it is exactly the secondary rules that Ijtihad can be

operated in and in which the Islamic ruler (vali-i faqih) has the

authority in making law. The Islamic ruler's base for the fixed

matters is the Kitab (the Quran) and Sunnat and for changeable

matters he refers to ‘aql (reason); for the Quran and hadith, as two

sources of Ijtihad, are always permanent whilst the other source,

namely ‘aql, is based on improvement and evolution. Indeed, the

‘aql of the Mujtahid, as the legitimate ruler of Shi‘ite society, is the

ultimate solution that Mutahhari presented to the question above.

It is interesting to see that Mutahhari's views are quite similar to

those of Khomeini. In a letter of Khomeini, dated

16.10.1366/6.1.1987, in which he explained his interpretation of

the theory of the Islamic rule, he presented similar views on these

subjects which had already been discussed by Mutahhari about

twenty years earlier. The role of zamān va makan (place and time)

in Islamic law, and the broad authority of a Mujtahid (Shi‘ite


legist) as the legitimate ruler of Islamic society, which Khomeini

pointed out in his letter, were precisely as explained in Mutahhari's

lectures.

A Debate with a Poet about Hafiz’s Gnosticism

In 1975-76 a book introducing Hafiz was published by the

contemporary poet Ahmad Shāmlu, which prepared the ground for

major discussions between religious and non-religious scholars

over Hafiz's vision of reality. For the ‘ulama, the significance of

Shāmlu's work lay in his courageous interpretation of Hāfiz's

poems in a materialistic way, presenting an atheistic picture of the

celebrated Persian-speaking poet who was commonly termed lisān

al-ghaib (Tongue of the Unseen).

Mutahhari discussed the issue at the conferences held in the

Faculty of Theology. His ‘Irfān-i Hāfiz consists of five lectures

which he presented at those conferences.

Shāmlu, by referring to the outward appearance of some of

Hāfiz's mystical poems, described the poet as an atheist, an infidel

and a denier of religious beliefs. Mutahhari maintained that this

rationale was not sufficient.

Therefore, these materialistic interpretations seemed strange to

Mutahhari. He pointed out that the apparent meaning of some

poems would never reveal the depth of their authors' personality,

because as is the case with Hafiz, their works are full of paradoxes

and seeming inconsistencies. Hāfiz was described by his

schoolmate, who had collected his poems after his death, as

m‘adan al-latā’if al-ruhaniyah (the mine of delicate spirituality)

and makhzan al-ma‘ārif al-subhāniyah (the treasure of divine

knowledge). Hafiz did not succeed in collecting his ghazaliyāt

(lyrical poems) by himself, owing to the fact that he was quite

engrossed in giving Quranic lessons and in his theo-ethical duties.


Debates with Muslim Leftist Guerrillas

In June 1977, Mutahhari wrote an article which finally caused

his assassination in May 1979. In this article, entitled Matiryalism

dar Iran (Materialism in Iran), while introducing the recent

materialistic interpretations of Islamic texts and of Muslim

academic figures, he heavily criticized some Islamic groups who

were influenced by the Marxist methodology.

Among all Muslim activists, two radical groups, namely the

Sāzmān-i Mujahidin-i Khalq-i Iran (The Organization of the

Iranian Popular Religious Fighters) and the Guruh-i Furqan (The

Furqan Group) were the core targets of Mutahhari's criticism.

According to Mutahhari, the real explanation lay partly in the

materialistic methods which the Mujāhidin adopted when studying

Islam, society and history; partly because of the lack of religious

publications which could reasonably and logically present the

Islamic ideology and world view; and also owing to the

Mujāhidin's open friendship with the Left Wing, especially with

the Chirik-ha-yi Fadāi-yi Khalq (Popular Devotee-Guerrillas). In

order to prevent more conversions to Marxism, Mutahhari

established a number of discussion sessions in Tehran and wrote a

series of books and articles. He began to teach Islamic philosophy

in a weekly session which was attended by a number of young

scholars such as Hamid Enayat, Manuchihr Buzurg-mihr, Ghulām

Ali Haddād-‘Adil, Sayyid Jalāluddin Mujtabavi, Reza Dāvari,

Dāryush Ashuri, Ahmad Jalāli. The Sharh-i Mabsut-i Manzumah

(4 volumes) is the result of those lessons. In other private sessions

for discussion about the philosophy of history, various sections of

translated books: Pleasures of Philosophy, written by Will Durant;

E.H. Carr's What is History, and Andre Peter's Marx and Marxism,

were read by students under Mutahhari's supervision. These

discussions led to the writing of his Naqdi bar Mārksism (A


Criticism on Marxism) and Falsafih-i Tārikh (Philosophy of

History).

In his Qiyām va Inqilāb-i Mahdi az Didgāh-i Falsafih-yi Tārikh

(Mahdi’s Uprising and Revolution from the view point of

Philosophy of History), Mutahhari undertook a philosophical

analysis, in order to explain the doctrine of Messianism according

to Quranic historical views, criticizing Communism as the Marxist

ideal community. Again, in his Haqq va Bātil (Right and False),

while rejecting the Marxist socio-economic classification, he

theorized about the typology of Quranic social classes by

classifying the sociological terms used in the Quran. Despite the

interdiction on lecturing from 1974, Mutahhari put the

philosophical issue of "understanding"- in the context of the

Marxist theory of knowledge- under discussion in Kānun-i Tauhid

in 1977, which was followed by his arrest by the SAVAK (The

Intelligence and Security Service). The Masalih-yi Shinākht (Issue

of Knowledge) is a compilation of these lectures. To present a

sociological analysis of the latest Muslim uprisings, he prepared a

lecture entitled Barrasi-yi Ijmāli-yi Nihżat-ha-yi Islami dar Sad

Sālih-i Akhir (A Short Review of Islamic Movements in the Last

Hundred Years) for a public conference, but that was cancelled by

the police. Finally, in response to the requests of Ayatullah

Beheshti and Dr Bahunar, Mutahhari began to write about the

characteristics of the Islamic worldview. The series of five

volumes, entitled Muqaddamih-i bar Jahanbini-yi Islami (An

Introduction to the Islamic World Vision) [Insān va Iman (Man

and Faith), Jahan-bini-yi Tauhidi (Monotheistic Worldview),

Vahy va Nabuvvat (Revelation and Prophecy), Insān dar Quran

(Man in Quran), and Jāmi‘ih va Tārikh (Society and History)]

presents his final philosophical considerations about Man, Society

and History. The most important book of the series, Jāmi‘ih va

Tārikh - a criticism against the Marxist theory on Society and


History and an explanation of Mutahhari's views on the

philosophy of history - remained unfinished.

There is no mention of the Sāzmān-i Mujahidin-i Khalq-i Iran

in Mutahhari's writings, save two concise special points, one being

explicit, and the other implicit. In a letter to Ayatullah Khomeini in

1977-78, Mutahhari reported the situation of Iranian politico-

religious groups and explained his opinion on the Mujahidin

organization (describing them as the Munafiqin-i khalq,

hypocritical people)

With regard to Mutahhari's second piece of writing about the

Mujahidin-i Khalq, there is a phrase criticizing their famous

slogan, Bi Nām-i Khudā va bi Nām-i Khalq-i Qahramān-i Iran (In

the name of God and in the name of the Hero People of Iran), by

stating:

In the Islamic tauhidi (monotheistic) method, every work

must be started in the name of God (and no one else). To

start an act in the name of people (khalq) is idolatry and

in the name of both God and khalq, this becomes dualism

and idolatry; but, only in the name of God is it tauhid and

monotheism.

The second group namely the Guruh-i Furqan was probably

formed in 1975, when the Mujahidin announced their conversion

to Marxism. The number of its members reached, at the peak,

some sixty persons. Akbar Gudarzi, the Furqan's founder and

leader, was only twenty years old when he was executed in 1979

for his terrorist activities. At the age of sixteen, Gudarzi started to

teach the Quran to a small number of young people in Tehran.

During these three to four years, he gradually chose new members

from participants at the Quranic sessions. Furqan termed these

three or four years preceding the Islamic Revolution the "period of

assembling its ideology". It also stated that the group achieved its

tauhidi ideology solely through collective discussions and not by


studying and being educated in the religious seminaries. Initially,

these Quranic lessons were published in pocket-sized booklets,

which soon after developed into a book, mentioning neither author

and publisher nor date of print. The Usul-i Tafakkur-i Qurani (The

Principle of Quranic Thinking) is in fact a compilation of these

booklets.

Mutahhari, however, considered the ideology of the Furqan as

much more dangerous than that of other groups who were in

favour of dialectical materialism

Needless to say, the Furqan's mode of exegesis had no

similarity to the spiritual approaches of the traditionalists. Indeed,

in Mutahhari's view, this was a conspiracy in order to attain the

metamorphosis of peoples' religious feelings, and the theoretician

of the Furqan group was contributing to this service, willingly or

unwillingly, supporting the materialistic and secular movements.

Mutahhari also mentioned that owing to the several signs and

points of "rawness" and illiteracy he had seen in the Furqan

publications, he preferred to describe its materialistic method of

interpreting the Quranic verses as "deluded materialism"

(Matiryalism-i Ighfāl Shudih). If the group continued its

deviational way after this notification, he would declare its

materialistic method to be "hypocritical materialism" (Matiryalism-

i Munafiq).

The Furqan declared that it considered the Pahlavi regime,

clergy and Communists as the three fundamental elements,

dominant over the Iranians' destiny which must be destroyed by

armed struggle. Although they were repeatedly speaking of armed

struggle, they did not call for any military action during the

Pahlavi regime. In order to prepare guns and a location for the

group, it committed bank robbery several times. Attempting to

realize its vision of an Islam without institutionalized religious

leadership (Islam-i minha-yi ruahāniyat), the Furqan begun to


assassinate a number of the leading ‘ulama and Iranian officials

after the Islamic Revolution. On April 23, 1979 it assassinated

General Muhammad Vali Qarani, the first Chief of Staff of the

Iranian armed forces after the Revolution. On May 1, it murdered

Ayatullah Murtaża Mutahhari, and three weeks later it made an

attempt on the life of Hujjat al-Islam Hashemi Rafsanjani. On

August 26, it assassinated Hajj Mahdi Iraqi, a close associate of

Ayatullah Khomeini and a leading member of the Mu’talifih-yi

Islami. On November 1, the Furqan murdered Ayatullah Qāżi

Tabatabai, the Imām Jum‘ih of Tabriz and the representative of

Khomeini for northern Azabaijan. On December 18, it also

assassinated Ayatullah Dr Muhammad Mufattih, the head of the

Faculty of Theology.

In a statement issued after the assassination of General Qarani,

the Furqan had threatened that its next target would be a cleric.

When he read the Furqan's statement in a newspaper, in the house

of Hujjat al-Islam Muhaqqiq Dāmād, a close student of Mutahhari

and a senior lecturer in the Faculty of Law at Shahid Beheshti

University, Mutahhari remarked that he would become their next

victim. The Furqān had indirectly threatened him before when

Mutahhari published the article "Matiryalism dar Iran". Giving

reasons for Mutahhari's assassination, the Furqān accused him of

being a leading member of the ruling clerical regime and the man

who had labeled the Furqān group "hypocritical materialists". In

his preface to Shariati's Marxism and other Western Fallacies,

Algar has mentioned that it is probable that the Furqān was

ultimately under the command of persons owing their allegiance to

the former regime, and possibly also to the American patrons of

that discredited tyranny. He considered the interest of American

officials in the "anti-clerical" work of Shariati, and also in the

destabilizing activities of the Furqān as remarkable.

*****

Life and Thoughts Of Murtaza Mutahhari

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