Language encounters in the workplace of Banci community

International Journal of Language Studies (IJLS), Vol. 6(1), 2012 (pp. 107-124) 107

Language encounters in the workplace of Banci community

Yuliana Natsir, Universitas Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh, Indonesia

Banci (transvestites) language is used among the transvestite-hairdressers which functions as a secret language to hide personal information and internal salons’ issues from the customers. This research investigates Banci language in the transvestites’ business-oriented course of action as hairdressers in three selected salons in Banda Aceh by analyzing the salient features involved from the three broad types of talks in close-service encounters from McCarthy’s models (2000): 1) transactional, 2) transactional-plus-relational and 3) relational talks. It is discovered that there are similarities between the hairdressers and the customers’ interactions to the three elements of talks, thus the differences are found from the interactions between the hairdressers which are only understood among them. Consequently, this research presents the genre of language encounters managed by the transvestites’ community in their workplace to further comprehend their discourse as a part of the society.

Keywords: Close-Service Encounters; Transactional; Transvestites; Transactional-Plus-Relational; Banci Language; Relational

1. Introduction

Unlike gays in other countries, the gay community in Indonesia is quite unique since it establishes and maintains its own language. There are many terms for this language such as bahasa gaul and gay language (Boellstroff translation: language of association and interaction, 2004). Bahasa gaul has existed since 1970s and its purpose is to be a secret language of a certain community; however after it began to be regularly used outside the community it became popular (Saleh/TIM MUDA, 2006). Morrish and Sauntson (2007, p. 166) who study language related to sexual identity of LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer) groups have a similar opinion on gay (and lesbian) codes which “seem to be more understood by a wider group nowadays than before, even though it is still considered ‘private’”. Another term generally known in Indonesia for transvestites is Banci. This study uses the former expression throughout the paper as this is the common term used in the country, respectively.

Although bahasa Banci (Banci language) has become popular in Indonesia,

108 | Yuliana Natsir

unfortunately their existence is not yet welcomed by most of the society. Therefore, hairdressing salons are the most common working places of the transvestites. In these salons, the transvestite-hairdressers interact with people outside of their community using Indonesian language yet among them using Banci language. Inimitably, these marginal communities have successfully maintained and popularized the language among their social groups, and further propagate its recognition toward non-trans community especially among teenagers.

This study was conducted in Banda Aceh, Indonesia. It investigated Banci language used in three selected salons, respectively. The interesting yet important features observed in these salons were in the ways these transvestites employed their Banci language to socialize within the same group and with the non-trans group. Other salient language elements at the hairdressing salons were also examined to further analyze specific aspects that characterized the discourses in the hairdressers by applying the three main types of close-contact service encounters: transactional, transactional-plus-relational and relational talk (McCarthy, 2000).

It is anticipated that this study will cover the genre of Banci language in the transvestites’ salons in Indonesia, specifically in Aceh. Boellstroff (2004) informs that bahasa gay indicates how the lifeworlds of gay men are leaking into Indonesian national culture even as most Indonesian remain at best ignorant of, and at worst openly hostile to, their existence. Lenning (2009, pp. 41-42) further justifies that transgender language for the non-trans people is that their “language was just as important to address as the messages it produces or, rather, that one (language) must be critically analyzed before the other resulting discourse) could be understood.” Therefore, despite that their very existence has not thus far been fully appreciated by most of the people, hence it is important to understand the present of their community through their language use as they are also a part of the society.

2. Background

2.1. Banci Language and the Banci People

Banci or bencong or waria (amalgamation of the two words wanita (woman) and pria (man); Boellstorff, 2004) means male-to-female transgender or transvestite in English. These people mostly work as hairdressers, at least in Aceh. Perhaps it is the only ‘secure’ job for them as much of their skills are related to beauty and styling for which most of them are fond of (personal interviews with the respondents), in addition to it is one of the jobs that do not require any higher educational certificates in Aceh. Perhaps this grounds the reason that most of the Banci respondents for this study were found to have educational levels as up to only middle or high school graduates. Thus,

International Journal of Language Studies (IJLS), Vol. 6(1), 2012 | 109

they had never been involved in dangerous activities and did not have a hostile relationship with the society in general.

Unlike Polari in England, which has almost disappeared (Dröschel, 2007), gay language or Banci language has become a popular subject in Indonesia since it is dynamic and open to interpretation, therefore, it is the language of belonging (Boellstroff, 2004). Boellstroff (2004: 182) further states that “when gay people speak gay language they “voice” a sense of belonging to a gay community”. Similar to gay men in his observation, the Banci people in this present study always refer to their language as a secret language. Howard (1996) who also studies gay men in Jakarta (the capital city of Indonesia), says that each gay man whom he observed stated freedom to express their homosexual desires and experiences through the language without worrying about being understood by other people, additionally “the language also functions to encourage a sense of belonging to a community” (p. 6). Gay men are socially stereotyped (Agha 1998; Hervey 1992), thus gay language or Banci language is not an anti-language, even though its speakers have some similar characteristics as occupying a marginal position in the society and the language itself contains distinctive words. Yet, Banci language/gay language has become widespread in Indonesia and their increasing number has made this particular group part of the national culture, not merely a “local” or “traditional” culture (Boellstorff, 2004). However, in some cases, this language can act as a secret language used among them.

Boellstorff (2004) explains that most heterosexual people do not understand the language because it is usually spoken within the community and not among non-trans people. Nonetheless, since most Banci language derives from Indonesian words (some from local language, brand names, celebrity names, and some English words but not gay English) in which the first syllable is generally maintained and the ending is modified. From my observation during data collection, in due course it becomes reasonably simple to understand. I personally feel confident to decipher the codes as I could comprehend the talk in Banci language after 3 weeks of observation in the salons. But I agree with Boelstroff’s view that people who do not frequently get involved in the ‘gay world’ or as I would say who do not have frequent beauty treatments with transvestite-hairdressers, will not emphatically grasp the language instantaneously.

2.2. Close-Contact Service Encounter in the Hairdressing Salons

The discourse in consumer-oriented service encounters, such as hairdressers, might be different from buying and selling discourse, since there is more time and space between servers and customers in dealing with task and non task activities. This might be the reason why McCarthy (2000) is interested in investigating spoken genre in this close-contact service encounter such as the


hairdressers. As a close-contact service encounter in which the server and client are able to spend more time in communication, the relationship between server and client could be easily established.

McCarthy (2000) suggests four broad types of talk in close-contact service encounters:

1) Phatic exchanges (greetings, partings), 2) Transactional talk (requests, enquiries, instructions), 3) Transactional-plus-relational talk (non-obligatory task evaluations and

other comments), and 4) Relational talk (small talk, anecdotes, wider topic of mutual interest)

Furthermore, language in the hairdressing salon, according to McCarthy (2000: 91), provides all three important language elements as “it is phatic, transactional and relational”. Thus, this study only examined the three types of talk by the hairdressers: transactional talk, transactional-plus-relational talk and relational talk. Phatic exchange was excluded due to the fact that there were very few examples found in this present study; therefore the matter was dealt under the rubric of ‘relational talk’, especially for the examples of greetings.

McCarthy (1998) defines transactional language as the utterances used during business-oriented talk and the aim is to get things done. In contrast, relational language is non task-oriented but socially-oriented, as the purpose of it is to maintain interpersonal relationships between both service provider and customer as well as service provider and colleague. Whereas transactional-plus-relational is non-obligatory personal comments and accounts during business process (McCarthy, 2000). McCarthy (2000) further mentions the seven stages of hairdressing generic structure in this process, which are: (1) arrival and checking in for appointment inside the salons, (2) invitation to come through, (3) initial discussion of how the client’s hair is to be cut, (4) hair washing, (5) move to cutting chair, with an invitation to drink, (6) hair cutting, an lastly (7) payment/closure.

A number of researches have been conducted on the discourse of server and client in salons. A study by Jacobs-Huey (1996) analyzes hair negotiation in an African-American salon and finds that both the clients and the servers attempted to build a relationship of trust through conversations which focus not only on transactional issues but also on relational issues. For example, the clients acknowledged their servers their negative experiences with hair problems in order to avoid such incidents from reoccurring, as well as to tell the servers implicitly what to do. As stated by McCarthy and Carter (1994), however, interactive sequences in service encounters may be unpredictable because it is not a necessity for servers and customers to say something to


build or consolidate social relationships.

3. METHOD

3.1. Data

The recording during data collection was approximately 4 hours which consisted of the discourse between the hairdressers and the customers (or server-client) as well as the hairdressers with their colleagues (server-server). Two devices were used to record the conversations: Nokia E90 mobile and Lemon digital voice recorder. In order to obtain more detailed information of the participants’ cultural, linguistics and occupational backgrounds, two other salient methodologies were implemented, interviewing and filling out short questionnaires. There were two kinds of interviews, structural (in Salon 1) and non structural (in Salon 2 and Salon 3). Non structural interviews were mainly conducted to gain further honest information.

The data was collected in three different selected salons in which all servers were transvestites aged from 19-43 years old and mostly speak Banci language among colleagues and other transvestites outside of the salons. In this paper, the salons are kept anonymous and coded as the following:

1. Salon 1 (had 5 male transvestite hairdressers) 2. Salon 2 (had 3 male transvestite hairdressers) 3. Salon 3 (had four workers; three male transvestites as hairdressers and one

young woman as a cashier)

3.2. Analysis Framework

The seven stages of hairdressing generic structure proposed by McCarthy were similarly found in all of the three salons. Nevertheless, particularly for stages 3 and 4, the order may change. The hairdresser sessions were as follow:

1. Arrival and checking in for appointment inside the salons. Greetings were open directly with transactional talk, such as inquiring the client for the types of treatment or the clients’ self request for treatment, and the request for attendance of certain or favorite servers; or a combination of transactional-plus-relational, such as when the clients’ requested a certain server for a desired haircut but then the server’s comments on the clients’ appearance had influenced their decision.

2. Invitation to come through. In this session, there was very little verbal activity but more physical activity. The clients would choose the chair and the servers approached them without interfering with the clients’ choice.


At this stage, the servers would ask whether the clients wanted their hair to be washed or cut first. Based on the clients’ wish, the servers would invite them to go to the area for washing or cutting.

3. Initial discussion of how the client’s hair is to be cut. In the case of facial treatment in Salon 2, this started with choosing the product and the price, for example:

Client 1 What about Ristra1?

Salon’s Owner Ristra is 50.

Client 2 Is the price fixed2?

Salon’s Owner Mm-mm.

Further examples can be found in Extracts 11 S.C, 12 S.C and 13 S.C below. Others were also found in Extracts 5 S.C and 6 S.C where the client requested for a hair dying treatment, she began by asking the color, the price and the name of the product.

4. Hair washing. As mentioned previously, stage 3 and 4 were not rigorously structured. Stage 4 could be before stage 3 when the treatment was confirmed during arrival.

5. Move to cutting chair, with an invitation to drink. If stage 4 came after stage 2, it must be followed by stage 5 then stage 3. The invitation for a drink was rare in the data but it is not unusual in hairdressing salons. Some salons sell beverages or they occasionally treat their valued or regular customers with drinks. In fact, there was a time during my observation when a client asked the server to buy her a drink in the store next door because she was very thirsty but could not move from the chair since her hair was being treated.

6. Hair cutting; and other treatments. In this stage, the three elements of talk had occurred.

7. Payment/closure. In this stage the three elements of talk occurred as well. The clients usually asked the servers attending them the price of treatments but payments were made with the cashiers.

Subsequently, the three elements of talks were analyzed. The conversation analysis (CA) between the hairdressers or servers was in Banci language, or in mixed Indonesian with Banci language. While the CA between the hairdressers and the clients were mainly in Indonesian language. In the transcriptions, italicized words are Banci language, the underlined words are

1 Ristra is a name of facial product. 2 The word fixed is said in English.


English, the pauses between sentences are indicated in seconds by […], inaudible sounds are represented as /?/, and the all capitalized words implied rising voices. The conversations had been translated and explained in English.

4. Results

4. 1. Salon 1 Talk Analysis

Transactional Talk of Salon 1 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 1 S.C (Server is washing client’s hair while giving advice on hair treatment) Server [5.0] Done. Then after this sis, after it’s masked, don’t wash it for 2 days, okay? If you can’t stand it it’s ↑okay you may wash it after 1 day. Client Yes. Server Mm, then the mask is once in a month [1.5]. It’s better once in every two weeks. But if you don’t have time it’s okay once a month [2.0]. So the hair is not dry, not hard [2.0]. The smoothing will also last longer. *** Extract 2 S.C (Client asks the payment) Client How much? Server [2.0] How much last time? Client I forgot. Server How much? Client [Laughs] 80. Server 80? Give it to the cashier. Client Yes. Server Mm-mm. ***

Extract 1 S.S (Server 1 calls server 2 to tell about the payment) Server 1 Mom [2.5] mom, Dora beong. (Expl. Mom mom, Dora wants to pay.) Server 2 [1.0] What? Server 1 Beong. Dora. (Expl. Pay. Dora.) Server 2 Hah? Server 1 Dora beong. Four pelong, sepelong for ike. Later kasma to hakika sepelong. (Expl. Dora wants to pay. Forty, ten for me. Give me ten later.) Server 2 Hah? Server 1 Kasma for hakika sepelong! Four pelong is for /?/ with [1.0] washing and drying. (Expl. Give me ten! Forty is for /?/ with washing and drying.)

The transactional talk between the server and the client above in Extract 1 shows how the server explained what the client should do after the treatment. The client was seen to be more passive (also during the overall recording). However, it seemed that the hairdresser understood how to deal with a relatively new client (it was the client’s second encounter) by initiating the conversation to create a more relaxed atmosphere with the client who seemed shy. Besides, the hairdresser was more familiar with hair treatments which allowed him to dominate the conversation. This is in accordance with


Johnstone (2008), where a participant with more power knows how to interpret things better and shows more knowledge.

The conversation in the Extract 2 S.C describes the final staging in the salon, which was the payment. The client actually knew the price from her previous treatments, but she pretended that she could not remember and hoped the hairdresser would give her a discount, but the hairdresser knew her game and made her pay the exact price.

In the transactional talk between server-server, the server talked with his colleague in Banci language on the payment. In the payment, he was due 10,000 Indonesian Rupiah as a tip from the client. Here, the use of Banci language functioned as secret information because the clients were not supposed to know the amount of tip he was to receive.

Transactional-Plus-Relational Talk of Salon 1 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 3 S.C (Server gives hair treatment advice to client while straightening her hair and persuades her by telling the benefit if she becomes his customer) Server [9.0] Do cream bath regularly okay. Do cream bath when you’re bored at home or whatever. Cream bath. [2.0] If your husband gets much turnover okay. Client [Laughs] Server Go for cream bath here [laughs]. Client [14.0] If I become a costumer then. Server If you become a costumer then you’ll get discount, sis. Client [Laughs] Server Easy, if there’s no price, we make it. It’ll be 30% discount for you sis. [9.5] Next time ask Pinkan, “where’s Pinkan?” like that [laughs]. [40.0] Server Smoothing doesn’t make your hair red, innit? [8.0] Done. ***

Extract 2 S.S (Server 1 is having his supper and asks his colleague to replace him to treat his client) Server 1 Mak, ike tinta /?/ to diana, ok. Hakikah tinta bismillah clip. You inang, right? (Expl. Mom, I can’t /?/ to him, ok. I can’t do Cutting. You can, right? Server 2 Oww! Server 1 Inang? (Expl. Yes?) Server 2 Where’s the kopi susu nya? (Expl. Where’s the coffee with milk?) Server 1 Sandro, maluku /?/ you (Expl. Get lost, shame on you!) Server 2 [Laughs] ***

During the recording of the transactional-plus-relational talks from the server-client interactions in Extract 3 S.C, long silences such as 40 seconds


were found when the hairdresser was doing his work on the client’s hair. The transactional element shows how the hairdresser suggested the client to do a regular hair cream-bath by persuading her to do it in his salon by using humor. Here, relational element occurred. In addition, the server was dominating the conversation.

In the transactional-plus-relational talk of server – server in Extract 2 S.S, the talk was on the job activities that took place, but there were non-obligatory comments which accompanied transactional events within the element of humor (or as I would say “dirty joke”). In the extract, when server 2 demanded server 1 to serve him with kopi susu (milk coffee) if he wanted his client to be treated by him. The milk coffee did not literally mean the beverage but actually meant ‘big cock’. Boelstroff (2004) explains that one way to form words in gay language is the reinterpretation of standard Indonesian terms as acronyms, and kopi susu can mean (ko)ntol (p)anjang or big cock in English (Boy and Yasino, 1999).

Relational Talk of Salon 1 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 4 S.C (Client tells the server about her house situation and server asks about how many children the client has) Client [1.5] There’s no one in our house. Server No one? Client The worker has gone to her/his hometown. Server So your husband is alone? Client Yes, he’s alone at home. [10.0] Server How many children do you have, sis? Client One. Server Only one? ***

No Example

A phatic exchange between server and client is found in Extract 4 S.C. The conversation was cut short during a hair straightening process with a tool called Babyliss that took 30 minutes to get done. The client’s husband and son had arrived to pick her up. The purpose of telling about her house situation was assumed to alert the hairdresser to do his work faster. Notably, relational talk may sometimes have a transactional purpose (here: speeding up the treatment) in this context. Then, after 10.0 seconds of pause the hairdresser asked a classic relational question (at least in Indonesia) by asking how many


children she had.


Transactional Talk of Salon 2 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 5 S.C (Client wants to get her hair dyed and discusses with server about the duration of treatment and the price) Client Eh bro, how long it takes if I want to get my hair dyed? Server An hour. Client 1 hour? What colors you have? Server [Show color samples] Here. Client Because if I do hair dying only, How much for this length (of hair)? Server This? [2.0] 175. Client 175? Have all colors? Server Yes, I have. *** Extract 6 S.C (Client asks the color product the server uses) Client What do you use? What product? Server Use mm, I use Makarizo. Client O, Makarizo. ***

Extract 3 S.S (Server asks the owner to buy more facial cotton) Server Sis, buy cotton sis, a big one. Owner Huh? Server Cotton. Owner Cotton? ***

Different from the client in Salon 1, the client in Salon 2 was seen to be more active, such as asking for the price, the duration of treatment, the color and the product (as seen in Extract 5 S.C and 6 S.C). Some salons in Aceh did not have a price list of treatments because the price might change depending on the market and the clients (special clients had special prices). Therefore, asking for the price of treatments usually occurred in the initial stage except for regular clients who already knew the price.

Task-oriented talk between the server and the salon owner in Extract 3 S.S who acted as a cashier was spoken in Indonesian language although the owner could also speak Banci language. The server was in the facial room which was separated by shelves. The owner sat at the cashier desk while watching television when he asked for the facial cotton. The owner did not hear what the server asked her to buy; then she says ‘Huh?’ as an informal way of saying what or excuse me/pardon.


Transactional-Plus-Relational Talk of Salon 2 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 7 S.C (The client discusses with the server whether the hair color is suitable for her) Client Suitable for my face? Server You don’t want too. Client Not too dark, right? Server Don’t want too too bright, right? Client Yes. Or what’s in now? Not too blonde [chuckles]…my face is very Asian. *** Extract 8 S.C Server Yes. /?/ This is also good. Client This? Dark blonde? I choose this, bro. Doesn’t look like dry hair, right? Oke, I want to have my hair dyed. I have lots of grey hair. Server Yes, to cover it. ***

Extract 4 S.S (Server 1 asks his colleague whether a female client is about to enter the salon) Server 1 Nek, adegan adegan adegan pere inang?/?/ (Expl. Gram, there’s there’s there’s a woman, yes? Server 2 /?/.

The transactional-plus-relational talks between the server and the client in Extract 7 S.C and 8 S.C were merely related to the customer’s personal comments which were made by the client herself in order to build acquaintance with the server. In Extract 7 S.C the customer made sure that the hair color was not too blonde because she felt it would not suit her appearance as an Asian, and she did this by using humor. While in the Extract 8 S.C, the relational talk appeared within transactional talk to explain her reason for a hair dye. During my observation, I did not find any other server who asked a client’s reason for a certain kind of treatment, therefore, the aim of this talk was to engage in a more relaxed conversation with the server.

Moreover, even though it was the first encounter for the client, she communicated actively with the server. Compared to the client in Salon 1, who was more passive than the server even though it was her second encounter, it can be assumed that the client in Salon 2 might have had beauty treatments in other salons with transvestite hairdressers more often than the client in Salon 1.

The situation in Extract 4 S.S was both the servers were busily treating different clients; server 1 was doing the facial treatment while server 2 was doing the hair mask. They had not been communicating for at least an hour.


Server 1 saw a woman outside of the salon but was not sure whether the woman would enter the salon. Since server 2 was close to the door, server 1 asked him about the woman. However, although the utterances appeared to have a transactional purpose, it is assumed that they might also had a relational purpose because server 1 wanted to engage in a communication with server 2 after long pauses of talk between them.

Relational Talk of Salon 2 Server – Server Server – Server Extract 9 S.C (Server talks with client about her pregnancy while doing the facial treatment) Server I think it’s your child, because of the child, yes sis? Client Sorry? Server I can see it from your face? Client Hmm. Server I think it’s a girl. Client O, when I did USG the doctor said it’s a boy. Server Yes? Client USG showed a boy. Server You like mm a boy? You’re so girly. [1.5] Your face shows it’s a girl. Client [Laughs] *** Extract 10 S.C (Server is cleaning client 1’s eyes and comment on them). Server What’s-its-name, your eyelids, the eyelids little bit what’s-its-name. Client 1 Little bit what? Deep? Server Dark Client 1 Mm-mm. Since I was born. Client 2 Because she’s Arab. Server U::u, Oh my God! Client 2 SOUTH YEMEN. Client 1 [Laughs] ***

Extract 5 S.S (The server thinks the salon owner called him) Salon Owner What? Server What? [3.0] Client 1 & Client 2 [Laugh] Salon Owner You called me, right? Server Who called you? You think you’re celebrity? *** Extract 6 S.S (The salon owner mocks the server while she passes by him. Server 1 is doing facial treatment to client). Salon Owner You sukmawati the long one but you don’t get any. (Expl. You like the long one but you don’t get any.) Server You’re so and so. You jahara pere, I’ll pull your hair. Shut up! (Expl. Damn you. You mean girl, I’ll pull your hair. Shut up!). Client [Laughs] ***

The phatic exchange between the server and client in Extract 9 S.C is about the client’s pregnancy where the server believed that the client would have a baby girl. It showed that the relationships between the server and the client had been built as the server was concerned with the client’s pregnancy. In


Extract 10 S.C, the server commented on Client 1’s eyelids which were a bit dark and then Client 2, who was a friend of Client 1, teased her by telling the server she was of an Arab descendant. Arabs to some Indonesian perceptions may be associated with sexual prowess. For that reason, the server responded with the exclamation of ‘u::u’ and said ‘Oh my God!’

The relational talk between server–server in Extract 6 S.S was playful insults. The salon owner was also considered as a server as was also able to speak Banci language. Previously in Extract 5 S.S, the conversation was in Indonesian language, but in Extract 6 S.S we find it mixed with Banci words, presumably as it was related to sex, a personal topic to be avoided in front of clients.


Transactional Talk of Salon 3 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 11 S.C (Client explains on how she wants her hair to be cut and asks his comment on the model that she wants) Client Cut a bit in the back, KEEP it long. Server Mm-mm. *** Extract 12 S.C Client Keep the length, ok. Server Mm-mm. Client A bit layered, but keep the length. Server Yup. *** Extract 13 S.C Client Eh Jul, do you think it’s nice if Dekmai’s fri:nge, if NOT don’t do it, cut here? Server No! Client Bad, yes? Over here, don’t cut either? The same? Server No. Client No? ***

Extract 7 S.S (Server 1 who is more experienced directs Server 2 how to treat a client) Server 1 That’s disampurasun, nek. (Expl. Wash her hair with shampoo, gram.). Server 2 Yes. *** Extract 8 S.S Server 1 Nek, that’s dibersinarkan Lela Sarinya. (Expl. Gram, clean her neck.). Server 2 Mm-mm. *** Extract 9 S.S Server 1 Nek, why do you potret Meriam Bellina, nek? (Expl. Gram, why do you cut it aslant?) Server 2 Meriam dimande? (Expl. Where is aslant?). Server 1 That side, sindang. (Expl. That side, here.) ***

The client in Extract 11-13 S.C was one person. She had known the server for years. In Extract 3, when the client asked the server’s opinion about her desired hair model, the server answered her firmly with a ‘No!’ This showed


the close relationship between the client and the server where politeness, which is normally used by people who work in the area of service, was not applied anymore.

In the server-server part, the more experienced server directed his junior colleague on how to treat the client. They used Banci language so that the client would not understand them; otherwise the client might be reluctant to be treated by an inexperienced server. In the informal interview with the experienced server, he stated that Banci language can function to cover weaknesses and/or errors they had made in front of clients.

Transactional-Plus-Relational Talk of Salon 3 Server – Client Server – Server Extract 14 S.C (Client asks server to clean her eyebrows. Server cleans them with small blade) Client Aw, it’s scary, WHAT’S THAT? [2.0] /?/ [13.0] Client I thought its being pulled. [20.0] Client My face will be cleaner. [clear throat] [17.5] Server Enough? Client Yup, enough. Not too thin. ***

No Example

In Extract 14 S.C, the client asked the server to clean her eyebrows and was surprised to see the utensil used by the server. Actually, the purpose of the exclamation was intended for a joke, but the server did not respond it and was serious in his work with a very sharp razor. Then, after long pause (20.0 seconds), the client tried to re-engage the relational talk by saying ‘my face will be cleaner’, probably because she felt uncomfortable with the long silence, as well as to give initial appreciation of the treatment.

Unfortunately, no recording was found for relational talk between server and server in this salon.

Relational Talk of Salon 3 Server Vs Client Server Vs Server Extract 15 S.C (Client 1 and Client 2 enter the salon and say greetings. Server has a conversation with Client 1 and Client 2 while cutting another client’s hair. Client 1 and Client 2 have known the server

Extract 10 S.S (Server 1 is cutting a client’s hair but he wants his colleagues to chat with him and the clients, but both his colleagues are having conversation in the facial treatment room close to the hair cutting


from previous encounters) Client 1 [1.0] Assalamualaikum. (Expl. Islamic greetings which means “Peace be upon you.”) Server 1 Waalaikumsalam. (Expl. Islamic greetings which means “Peace be upon you, too”) Client 1 How long have you moved here? Server 1 Iii! We like like what, like have been dumped here. Client 1 [Laughs] Client 2 The salon is nice. Server 1 Huh? Client 2 The salon is nice. *** Extract 16 S.S (Server asks about the client’s child). Server How old is your child? Client My child is 3 years old. [2.5] Last time wi:th Jul, yes? You cut her hair? ***

area) Server 1 Nyak, why are you tinjauan? Padi. (Expl. Nyak, why are you sleeping/resting? Crazy.) Server 3 /?/ Server 2 /?/ Server 1 Sindang, cakra cakra with females. Why tinjauan? Padi kanu:a. (Expl. Come here, chat with females. Why sleeping/resting? You’re nuts.) Server 2 Nemong? Server 1 Nemong? Where is tinjauan diana? (Expl. Nemong? Where is he resting?). Server 3 /?/ Server 2 [Laughs] Masya Allah. (Expl. Islamic expression which means ‘My God’.) Server 1 No wonder why Nemong tinjauan. Capong. He is malaria kerajaan, pagarea nyak banjar. (Expl. No wonder why Nemong is resting. Exhausted. He works at night, in the morning washes many clothing). ***

The relational talk began when client 1 and client 2 arrived. The clients were Salon 3’s regular costumers. Since Salon 3 had moved, it was their first visit to the new place. The server was cutting another client’s hair when client 1 and client 2 came. He kept talking to them while cutting another client’s hair as he had not seen them for some time. Client 1 asked how long the salon moved and the server had responded it with unhappy utterances; it might be because he had lost many customers as many did not know the location of the new place. In Extract 16 S.S, the relational talk was similar to Salon 1, asking about the client’s child wellbeing. I observed that asking about a client’s child wellbeing was an interest for every hairdresser. The questions always started by asking how the client’s children are; however the questions stopped there and were not continue to be discussed.

In Extract 10 S.S, the server persuaded his colleagues not to rest but gather and chat, instead, with the people present in the salon. The word padi which meant ‘crazy/nuts’ was often used during Banci conversation between the hairdressers. It was considered normal to say it if one feels dissatisfied or to express disbelief of another’s opinion/story. In the dialogue, the server teased


server 3 because during the recording time he was resting. When server 1 asked where and why he was resting, server 3 said something that made server 2 laughed and exclaimed surprisingly, ‘Masya Allah!’ From their expression, I assumed that server 3 said something that was related to prostitution. Then server 1 responded that server 3 was resting all day because he was exhausted after ‘working’ the whole night and the next morning he must hand washed his clothes.

5. Conclusion

From the examples of three types of talk given above, it can be concluded that there was a similarity of the transactional talk between hairdressers and customers (servers-clients) and hairdressers and hairdressers (servers-servers) on treatment suggestions, such as: the customers asking the hairdressers’ advice on hair colors and styles. While between hairdressers and hairdressers, the experienced hairdresser suggested or directed or warned junior hairdressers on how customers should be treated. Another similar topic discussed between customers and hairdressers, and hairdressers and hairdressers is information, for instance the customers asked the price and the time length of treatments, and the hairdresser told another hairdresser on the amount of payment and tips. However, Banci language was used by the hairdressers during transactional talks (except when the hairdressers used Indonesian language in Salon 2; see Extract 3 S.S) to discuss a matter that the customers were not supposed to know, such as the amount of tips, the incapability of the hairdressers and personal issues.

In the transactional-plus-relational talk, there were some humors that accompanied the task-oriented activities. The relational element only concerned the customers, for example, the hairdressers persuaded customers to regularly come to their salons through jokes. Furthermore, the customers themselves discussed their personal issues with and or without humor. Similarly, in the talk between hairdressers and hairdressers, the hairdressers also responded to transactional questions from colleagues with jokes (“dirty jokes”, see Extract 2 S.S) which might not be interpreted by customers as funny, but was regarded hilarious in their language. Further, there was also relational talk during the task which did not involve humor (see Extract 4 S.S), when the hairdresser felt the need to engage in a conversation with another hairdresser after a long silence, because both were busily attending customers. Consequently, the purpose of including social-oriented talk during task-oriented talk was to build and/or to maintain friendship between the customers and the hairdressers and to retain solidarity between the hairdressers.

Finally in the relational talk, the subjects discussed between the hairdressers


and the customers were typically on the customers’ families and situation. The hairdressers showed attitudes where relational topics always accompanied the transactional language activities which foster the friendships between the service providers and the customers. Very little was discussed about the hairdressers’ life, contrary to McCarthy’s research (see McCarthy, 2000). Presumably because the hairdressers’ life was controversial to most society, therefore, it was an inappropriate matter of discussion. Whereas the relational talk between the hairdressers was mainly pertaining to insults and teases on topics related to sex or personal matters. The use of Banci language successfully enables them to discuss important or non important matters freely without the non-trans’ comprehension.

To sum up, this research was only limited to the Banci language used by the transvestite hairdressers in their salons in Banda Aceh. It had ascertained some ideas on the characteristics of transvestite hairdressers discourse, as well as understanding the life of this marginal social group. The hairdressers were an example of how Banci language had built social cohesion between them. Nevertheless, many other aspects of Banci language such as on how the language works outside of their workplace is recommended for further investigation. Finally, it is expected that this study can be a starting point for future related study, especially in the phenomenon of Banci language in Aceh specifically and Indonesia in general.

Acknowledgment

My best gratitude and great appreciation is to Dr. Almut Koester for her ideas, feedback, criticism and encouragement, Professor Chris Kennedy for his guidance and support, and Dr. Robert Holland for his brilliant ideas on English-Indonesian language that improved this research.

The Author

Yuliana Natsir was born on 13th of July in 1979 in Banda Aceh, Indonesia. She is married to Delsy Ronnie and has a daughter named Syibra Uzma. In 1997, Natsir entered English Department of Teacher Training and Education Faculty (FKIP) of Syiah Kuala University for her undergraduate study, and finished it in 2002 with predicate of Cum Laude. In 2006, four months after tsunami hit Aceh, Natsir was appointed to be an English Lecturer in Syiah Kuala University. It took almost a year to accomplish all the lecturer’s requirements until she received the scholarship from the British Scheme for Higher Education for Aceh Institutions to continue her study in Birmingham University, United Kingdom. She received her Master of Applied Linguistics in 2008. Now Natsir acts as a Secretary of English Department of FKIP and


teaches the English department students of FKIP, Syiah Kuala university.

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Language encounters in the workplace of Banci community

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Transcript of Language encounters in the workplace of Banci community