János Dani: Research of Pit-grave culture kurgans in Hungary in the last three decades.

Kurgan Studies

An environmental and archaeological multiproxy study of burial mounds in the Eurasian steppe zone

Edited by

Ákos Pet Attila Barczi

BAR International Series 2238 2011

Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England [email protected] www.archaeopress.com BAR S2238 Kurgan Studies: An environmental and archaeological multiproxy study of burial mounds in the Eurasian steppe zone © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011 ISBN 978 1 4073 0802 9 Cover photograph courtesy of Attila Barczi Printed in England by 4edge, Hockley All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England www.hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com

Kurgan Studies: An environmental and archaeological multiproxy study of burial mounds in the Eurasian steppe zone

Á. PET and A. BARCZI (Eds.). BAR International Series 2238, Paper 3, pp. 25–69.

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Research of Pit–Grave culture kurgans in Hungary in the last three decades

János DANI

Management of Hajdú-Bihar County Museums, Déri Museum, Déri tér 1., Debrecen, 4026 – Hungary E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: This paper attempts to summarize the research of the Pit–Grave culture kurgans (Yamnaya culture) done in the last 3 decades in Hungary. It is sure, that the first Eastern European effects came into the Carpathian Basin yet at the end of the Early Copper Age (Tiszapolgár culture). From the Late Copper Age (Baden culture) onwards till the 1st phase of the Early Bronze Age we can detect the presence of the elements of Eastern European origin. Based on the examination of the burial rite of the graves under the Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom kurgan we can assume Pre-Yamnaya phenomenon in Hungary, too. According to several new and the re-evaluated old discoveries the population of the Pit–Grave culture played an important role in the transformation of the Late Copper Age and in the formation of the Early Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin. It is probable that the newcomer Eastern elite with the custom of kurgan burial had been ruled and assimilated to the autochtonous Late Copper Age and later Early Bronze Age population of the Great Hungarian Plain. After the biggest local Late Copper Age cultures (Baden, Coþofeni) later the new Early Bronze Age cultures (Vu edol, Somogyvár–Vinkovci, Livezile) had been adopted the rite of burying the dead under kurgans. We have to make distinction in time and in space between this earlier mentioned population and between the so called Corded Ware culture. Keywords: people of the Pit–Grave culture, chieftains, Late Copper Age, Early Bronze Age, relative chronology; calibrated radiocarbon dates, new discoveries, retrospective research INTRODUCTION: A SHORT RESEARCH HISTORY The research of the people of the Pit–Grave culture burying their dead under kurgans, or as they are known in the Eastern European territories the Yamnaya culture, has more than a hundred year old tradition in Hungary. Among the first kurgan researchers we should draw attention to the activities of András Jósa (Csallány 1958, 1968, 1978) and Lajos Zoltai (1911, 48), influenced by Béla Posta, who already in 1911 tried to explain the origin of the kurgans he excavated with the help of southern Russian analogy. The first written summary of the kurgans found in Hajdú-Bihar County is owned to Zoltai (1907, 1938) too, who explored and identified them. The cultural and chronological analysis on the Great Hungarian Plain kurgans was initially carried out by Kalicz (1968) and K szegi (1962). The next significant period concerning the excavation of kurgans was between the 1950’s and 1960’s, when due to the work of Csalog (1954), István Balogh (Ecsedy 1979, 18-19), M. Nepper (1974), Selmeczi (1967)

and first and foremost of Gazdapusztai (1965, 1967) new kurgans were excavated. Afterwards, Ecsedy (1979) summarized both his own and the available results in his monograph published in 1979 that still has elementary importance. Gimbutas (2000 with her earlier bibliography) divided the intrusion of the Pit–Grave culture that spoke Proto-Indo-European language into three chronologically separated waves. She connected the Indo-Europeanisation of Old Europe to this culture. Primarily, the latest results embracing 30 years of the Hungarian research following István Ecsedy’s milestone work are summarized in this study. Judging the role of the Pit–Grave culture in the Late Copper Age and in the Early Bronze Age is indisputably problematic. Basically, it has three main reasons: 1. there has been a small number of archaeological excavations of kurgans so far in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin (research limitation); 2. the shortage or lack of grave furniture found under the excavated kurgans; 3. the interdisciplinary studies focusing on the kurgans and the phenomena excavated under them have been partially or entirely missing till the latest researches, therefore the number of radiocarbon measurements is relatively small (Forenbaher 1993, Table 1: 241, 247, Fig. 7). Based on these it is evident that the available source material is definitely limited. In the early phase of research the people of the Pit–Grave culture culture was often referred to as ’Ochre-grave kurgans’ or ‘Kurgan-culture’. Nowadays, it became definitely clear that neither the ritual of building the mounds (Ecsedy 1982, 126-127), nor the ochre grave furniture can be considered as culture-specific (Morintz and Roman 1968, 118; Dinu 1974, 272-273). The reason for this is that in Oltenia cremation burials (Dumitrescu 1960, 69, 86-88) while in Bulgaria Co ofeni burials have already been found under kurgans (Nikolov 1976, 41-42, 49-50, Obr 4. , b, v; Obr. 7. , b). Moreover, the tradition to raise a mound over cremated graves was also employed by certain communities of the Baden culture (B. Kovács 1987 99-105; Brukner et al. 1974, 21, 55; Giri 1982, 101; 1987, 73; Dimitrijevi 1979, Taf. 22: 11; Kalicz 1998, 171). Due to the precise chronological categorization of Csongrád-Kett shalom (Ecsedy 1973; 1979, 11-13) and of Püspökladány-Kincsesdomb kurgans, and as a consequence of exceeding the limits of the ‘so far common’ interpretation Ecsedy (1979, 51) was the first who recognized the fact that in the Hungarian research the Eastern European effects emerging from the Copper Age could not be connected to a single time horizon and they

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were even further from being connected to a single ethnic group. Therefore, it is obvious that the cultural-chronological situation of every single excavated kurgan and the burials under them should be examined one by one and cannot be interpreted as a part of a universal unit. GEOGRAPHICAL FRAMEWORK Pit–Grave kurgans can be found mostly on the left bank of the River Tisza (and its opposite bank as well) following the riverbed as far as the delta of the River Sava, the southern part of Vojvodina and in the fields of the Great Hungarian Plain (Figure 1). In the Romanian part of the Banat, however, only one excavated kurgan is known called Bodo (Stratan 1974, 71-74). One of the kurgans of the people of the Pit–Grave culture has already been excavated inside Transylvania in the valley of the River Aranyos in the frontier of Câmpia Turzii/Aranyosgyéres (Ferenczi 1997). Only a few kurgans can be found in the region of Nyírség [a geographical region in NE Hungary] (Jósa 1897; Csallány 1958, 51-51; Patay 1987, 89; Virágh 1979, 121, Fig.1.-map, 126-127, Suppl. I-II.), probably due to the special, local ecologic-geographical circumstances (sandy soil conditions). Zoltai (1938, 6-7) observed that the kurgans were built along the higher natural levees of watercourses (rivers, streams), mainly in regions with good soil properties (high productivity). However, Ecsedy (1979, 51) called attention to the phenomenon that in relation to the location of the kurgans the settlements of the Late Copper Age Baden culture can be found in regions covered with loess. On the other hand, in the Nyírség region, as a consequence of loess-related soils missing, the Baden communities were settled in sandy soil areas (Bóna 1986, 25; Bóna 1993a, 74). Based on studying the topographic location of the kurgans and their complementary late Copper Age settlement network, Ecsedy assumed a certain symbiosis (and synchronism at the same time) between the Baden culture and Pit–Grave culture kurgans (Ecsedy 1973, 19, 39; Ecsedy 1979, 51; Ecsedy 1981, 82, 86, 92, 95; Ecsedy 1982, 82, 151, 158). He questioned Kalicz’s (1968, 58) notion according to which the settlements of the Baden culture were destroyed by the people of the Pit–Grave culture, coming from the east at the end of the Copper Age. CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK In the territory of the Carpathian Basin, the beginning of eastern European effects is traditionally marked by the isolated burial of Csongrád–Kett shalom and by the cemetery in Decea Mure ului/Marosdécse. This, on the basis of a relative chronology, was dated by Ecsedy (1973; 1979, 11-13; Kovács 1944) as a subsequent to the very end of the Tiszapolgár culture and was brought into connection with the Sredny Stog II culture. Although the relative chronological location of the grave found in Csongrád was not modified, Rassamakin (1999, Fig.3.1, 111-112) on

account of his new research results brought them into connection with the Skelya culture. In the case of some kurgans (Kétegyháza, Debrecen–Dunahalom) Ecsedy (1973, 3-15; 1979, 16, 20-32, 47-52, Pl. 1. 2-8, Pl. 2, Pl. 7-9, Pl. 12-16) – on the basis of the observed stratigraphy and eastern European analogies – verified the co-existence of the Pit–Grave culture and Boleráz (Cernavoda III) – and later mainly of the Baden culture (Ecsedy 1975a, 277, 279-283; Ecsedy 1975b; 161; Ecsedy 1979, 48-52; Ecsedy 1982, 126). Nevertheless, Ecsedy (1975a, 282; 1975b, 161; 1979, 52; 1982, 85) supposed in his several work that the Pit Grave population lived at the beginning of the Bronze Age. Ecsedy’s hypothesis is turned out to be right according to the data available at present time. The eastern European cultural influence and in all probability the presence of ethnic groups could be traced as far as the middle of the Early Bronze Age in the Carpathian Basin. On the grounds of the currently available calibrated radiocarbon data Rassamakin (1999, Tab. 3.2, 129, 168-174) placed the period of the Yamnaya culture between 3000/2900-2300/2200 BC. He confirms, that these chronological borders still only represent ’floating borders’. I am inclined to think that much ‘older’ dates are known from certain sites of eastern Europe, the Carpathian Basin, Bulgaria and Romania (2nd half of the 4th millenium BC) might propose the earlier dating of the culture and hereby the earlier dating of its expansion towards the west. Based on the Pit–Grave population’s Early Bronze Age dating, in the Upper Tisza region the ‘hiatus’ between the Baden culture at the end of the Late Copper Age and the first known Early Bronze Age culture, that is the Makó culture could be explained. At present more data is available for the research of some part of the Pit–Grave kurgans’ late dating (at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age). According to the stratigraphy of the Jabuka-Tri humke site the Baden layer was followed by the Kostolac culture’s settlement then finally the Pit–Grave culture settled on the next Eneolithic humus level (Bukvi 1979, 14-18; 1987, 85; Tasi 1995, 161). The Mez csát–Hörcsögös and Tiszavasvári–Gyepáros sites provided similar stratigraphic data where the Pit–Grave culture was built on the Baden culture’s cemetery (Kalicz 1989, 129-130, Abb. 4-6; 1998, 169-170, Abb. 7-10). In the case of Debrecen–Dunahalom, the Baden pottery fragments found in the filling of the kurgan also mean a "terminus post quem" with respect to the kurgan’s age (Ecsedy 1979, 16, Pl. 1: 2-8; Kalicz 1998, 169). This is supported by the excavated kurgans in Perlez-Batka C (Paši a humka/Paši -tumulus) (Medovi 1987, 79-82, Abb. 4.; Tasi 1995, 153) and Padej–Barnahát (Giri 1982, 102; 1987, 72-73, 76) sites, which were built on the Baden culture’s settlements. In the filling of the mound of Bare (near to Kragujevac) Co ofeni pottery fragments were found (Srejovi 1976, 122, sl. 3-5; Tasi 1995, 73). The Co ofeni I pottery fragments found in the filling of the kurgan of Bodo excavated in the Rumanian Banat also indicate a „terminus ad quem” or a „terminus post quem” for the ochre grave


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burial (Stratan 1974, 71-74; Roman 1976a, Pl. 63/4-17; Gum 1997, 99). More recently, pottery fragments from the Late Co ofeni (Co ofeni III.) and Early Bronze Age period (Barczi et al. 2008, Fig. 4.) were discovered in the thin stratum on the border of the second and third construction layers of the kurgan called Hajdúnánás–Tedej–Lyukas-halom1. This represents an unambiguous evidence for the presence of the people of the Pit–Grave culture at the beginning of the Carpathian Basin’s Bronze Age. So in all probability, the people of the Pit–Grave culture should be considered as a peculiar eastern factor (the so called ’Yamnaya package’ by Richard Harrison and Volker Heyd) not just in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin, but also in forming the relations of Central Europe at the end of the Late Copper Age and at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age (Ecsedy 1979, 51-52, 57; Harrison and Heyd 2007, 193-203). NEW DISCOVERIES Szentes–Beseny halom Heged s (1978) performed a significant rescue excavation on a kurgan in 1975. In the central grave – disturbed by robbing pits from the Late Medieval period and from the Early Modern times – a 50-59 year-old heavily-built man was found (Zoffmann 1978), laying on his back with his head towards west. Compared with the top, in a 460 cm deep rectangular-shaped grave remains of a wood was found both in the top and in the bottom of the burial vault. It is observable for instance in cases of Balmazújváros–Kárhozotthalom (Csalog 1954, 41-43) or the kurgans of Kétegyháza 3 (Ecsedy 1979, 21-24). The dead laid on hide or fur and probably were covered with bulrush mat. Both of his arms were bent at the elbows and rested on his pelvis; and in the area of skull and shoulder remains of ochre could be observed. Derekegyház–Ibolyás-domb In 1981 Heged s (1982) performed the excavation of the mound. Two burials of the original kurgan were found. In the ‘A’ grave a 9-10 year old boy was discovered oriented towards south-north and was laid on his back with legs contracted to his right side. His arms were situated along his body in a stretched out position. The organiser of the excavation observed remains of shrouds on the skeleton. In the ‘B’ grave a skeleton of an adult man was laid on his back with legs contracted to his right side and was oriented towards west-east. His arms were bent at the elbows and were rested on his pelvis. In this case the remains of some shroud (veil) could also be traced on the bone, however, remains of ochre were noticed on the sinciput. Kunhegyes–Nagyállás-halom

1 see Horváth in this volume for detailed archaeological, Barczi and Joó, as well as Bucsi for pedological, Pet and Cummings for palaeobotanical description

In 1993 Csányi and Tárnoki (1995, 34-36, Figures 1, 5, 8-9) performed an excavation on a kurgan. The kurgan’s central burial was completely destroyed by a Sarmatian robbing pit dug from the centre of the structure. Nevertheless, in the northern and southern direction from the centre of the kurgan three graves of the same age as the kurgan was discovered (Figure 2 and 3). The grave 12 is slightly rounded-cornered and asymmetric rectangular pit, in which a skeleton of a child oriented towards west-east laid on his back; his head and back was chocked up. His arms were bent at; his right arm was placed onto his chest while his left one was placed onto his pelvis. His bent and pulled-up knees leant on the right side. Ochre clods were found in the right side of the skull and in the left side of his pelvis (Figures 2.1, 3.3). Under his skeleton remains of a brown – probably leather – rug/blanket could be identified. The thick, white coloured layer observed over his skeleton and in the filling could indicate a grave covering (probably fur). In the rounded, trapezoid-shaped pit of the grave 14 – in my opinion it was used to cover it with leather – a skeleton of an adult was discovered with his legs pulled up, lying on his back and his head was chocked up similarly to the method used at grave 12. The skeleton was oriented towards west-east. This time the legs leant on the left side. The arms bent at the elbows were placed onto the pelvis (Figures 2.2, 3.1). On this spot remains of white coloured, porous organic substance was also found, which undoubtedly implies textile or fur covering over the dead. Ochre clod was discovered next to the left upper arm. Grave 18 was a round-cornered rectangular pit, in which a skeleton of an adult oriented towards west-east was also found lying in the same way as in grave 14 (Figure 2.3, 3.2). In the bottom of the grave-pit impression of leather could be observed. Above the skeleton remains of the cover (fur?) was found which appeared with loose and white pigmentation. Ochre clod was discovered also in this case, next to the right shoulder. In this case, it could be clearly observed that the legs – pulled up and bent at the knees – just later leant on the left side and got into secondary position as a result of the decay progresses and the soil pressure. It was observed in every grave, that the pit was dug in from above after the structure was raised and roughly into the same depth (Csányi and Tárnoki 1995, 37) which clearly indicate that they could be secondary in-burials. Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom In 1991-92 Istvánovits and Kurucz (Istvánovits and Kurucz 1993, 27; Istvánovits 1994, 27-28) performed a rescue excavation in the kurgan’s disturbed western part because of the disruption of the structure (Figure 4). In the course of the excavation, a settlement and contracted burials, both dated from the Middle Neolithic, were unearthed (Figure 5). Burials brought into connection with the kurgan were the following (:

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Grave 1 (Figure 6.1, 7.1): Completely disrupted skeleton of an adult without grave furniture. Its direction used to be south-east–north-west. The skeleton was laid on its abdomen. According to the on-site description it was dug into the black filling of the structure, therefore the grave’s speck could not be observed. On the basis of its orientation it probably does not belong to the burials of the kurgan. Grave 2 (Figure 7.3): Also completely disrupted skeleton without grave furniture. Its direction used to be north-west–south-east. On the basis of the abided bones it is likely that it was laid onto his back in an extended position. Grave 3 (Figure 6.2, 7.2): Skeleton of an adult lying on his back in a stretched out position oriented towards north-west–south-east. His arms were laid tightly next to his body in an extended position. Under the left mastoid (processus mastoideus) of the skull, fallen on its left side, a hair-ring made of bronze wire was discovered (Figure 7.4). Its two ends were bent on one another; one of them was flattened and open. The analysis of this piece of jewellery had brought surprising results. The copper was alloyed with zinc and lead. It is an absolutely unusual bronze alloy in this time period (Table 1). Grave 4 (Figure 6.3, 8.1): Disrupted skeleton of an adult lying on his back in an extended position towards north-west–south-east without grave furniture. Grave 5 (Figure 6.4, 8.2): Skeleton of an adult man (?) with damaged skull lying on his back in an extended position oriented towards north-west–south-east without grave furniture. His arms were laid tightly next to his body in a stretched out position. All of the graves were dug into the kurgan’s black filling, thus the graves’ pit could not be observed. Except Grave 1, all burials listed so far were found at the southern side of the kurgan; their orientations therefore are almost completely the same (Figure 5.2). Grave 6 (Figure 9, 10): This is the only burial whose rounded rectangular speck was clearly visible. The infilling of the upper part of the grave was identical with the in filling of the kurgan. In the grave, a skeleton of a colossal adult man was discovered lying on his back in an extended (supine) position oriented towards north-west–south-east without grave furniture. Around the skeleton large quantity of white organic substance remains were found that might be the fission product of the animal fur that used to cover the dead. From both ends of the grave’s pit remains indicative of wooden construction (coffin grooved from log) was found. The grave intersecting the Neolithic ground-level (buried humus layer) and slightly plunging into the substratum was undeniably the most significant and richest burial, although it had no grave furniture. The grave was found about 14 metres far from the current middle of the kurgan in a north–west direction. Accordingly, it undeniably belongs to a man (chief) of higher social status. However, it is not sure that it is the base burial of the kurgan at the same time.

On the basis of the identical orientation and laying, it is certain that graves 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 are of the same age. The dating and chronological labelling of graves with extended position found under Goran-Slatina tumuli also raise similar questions as the inhumations of Deákhalom (Nikolova 1999, 380, 386). This type of laying position can be classified as Type 1 - inhumation in extended position with extended arms - in the system worked out by Nikolova (Nikolova 1999, 386, Table 22. 14). Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom The Archaeological Department of the Déri Museum performed an excavation on the kurgan called Árkoshalom (or incorrectly ‘Ákos’) preceding the construction phase of the road 4 evading Hajdúszoboszló. The structure is a large-sized kurgan that became threadbare of the continuous usage and natural erosion (Figure 11). The kurgan originally was built on the River Kösely’s high bank being protected from floods and partly covering a settlement from the end of the Middle Neolithic. The kurgan was used several times during the course of history (Figure 12):

A cremated urn grave from the Middle Iron Age was dug in the southern part of the kurgan’s filling.

Numerous rich (Sarmatian) burials from the Roman imperial period were dug into the kurgan’s top which was covered by further filling layer.

In the 10th and 11th centuries (the time of the Hungarian Conquest and in the age of the Árpáds) it was used as a burial place. As a result of it, 246 graves were unearthed at the entire surface of the structure (M. Nepper 2002, 58).

In the Árpád Age a brick kiln of huge size was deepened into the centre of the structure.

As the consequence of the secondary usage (mainly due to the brick-kiln) the kurgan’s central burial could be destroyed, since it has no sign after the kurgan’s entire excavation. However, the remains of ‘funeral feast’ relating to the burial turned up. One of the archaeological features (Obj. 331) containing animal bones, used as food and animal sacrifice and related to funeral rites was excavated at the level of the former surface (buried humus layer) (Figure 13.8). From this feature only five animal bones came to light. One of these was a fragment of a cattle tibia, another three (fragments of a metacarpus, a scapula and a radius) belonged to a greater cattle or a smaller auroch. About the fifth bone, a fragment of a vertebra it was possible to state only that it belonged to a cattle/horse sized animal. No chewing, cutting or burning traces were observed on the bones2. A ceramic sherd with cord impression was also discovered among the bits and pieces of bone fragments (Figure 13.4). As a token of the profile, the first filling phase could be related to the original creation of the 2 I would like to express my special thanks to Márta Daróczi-Szabó and László Daróczi-Szabó for the examination of the zoological material.


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kurgan, while the second earth-filling could be connected to the Sarmatian burials (Figure 12.). Discussion Examining the orientation of the graves, it could be laid down as a fact that except the “A” grave of Derekegyház–Ibolyás-domb the burials of the “B” grave of Derekegyház–Ibolyás-domb, the central grave of Szentes–Beseny halom and of Kunhegyes–Nagyállás-halom are all orientated towards west. The western orientation is considered to be dominant regarding the kurgan burials of Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria (Ecsedy 1979, 41-43). The south–north orientation observed at the “A” grave of Derekegyház–Ibolyás-domb is also common in the Eastern European tribal territory of the Pit–Grave culture. Studying the burial rite in case of every examined grave, the characteristic features of the Pit–Grave culture could be observed (rectangular or rounded rectangular pit-grave deepened into the substratum which in certain cases was lined with wooden construction; laying on the back with legs pulled up at the knees; leather placed under the deceased and leather, fur or bulrush mat placed over it; the ochre pigment spread onto the dead and/or the ochre clod placed into the grave). The first publisher, Makkay had interpreted the grave of the “Bigman” (grave 6) in Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom, as burial of a Pit–Grave chieftain. He had connected the Proto-Europid (with Indo-Iranian language) high stature Pit–Grave and Catacomb males with the early Mycenean rulers (Makkay 2000, 19-20, Fig. 4; Makkay 2006, 9-10, Fig.1 a-b; Makkay 2008, 165-166, Fig. 1). We can interpret the four in-burials (graves 2, 3, 4, 5) excavated under the southern part of Deákhalom and the main grave (grave 6) found in the north-western part of the structure in another way. The north-west–south-east orientation also seems to be uncommon among the known burials in the Trans-Tisza region, however the burial rite of supine position is considered as absolutely unfamiliar. Rassamakin, in the course of analysing the burial rites, classified this peculiar placing manner as burial tradition type I (Rassamakin 1999, 73, Fig. 3.4-5; Rassamakin 2004, 23-35). He stated that this kind of laying position occurs regarding both the simple grave-pits and tumulus burials. Furthermore, it is a characteristic feature of the Kvityana culture that was mainly widespread in the Dnieper region, in the steppe and forest-steppe, in the period of Middle and Late Eneolithic (Rassamakin 1999, Fig.3.2a; Rassamakin 2004, Abb.3-4, Abb. 15a). The proper analogues of the grave 6 can be found among the Kvityana culture’s wooden-chamber burials such as Zvenigorodka XI kurgan-group; grave 3 of kurgan Nr. 7 (Rassamakin 2004 Teil II., 57-58, Taf.177.1); Novoaleksandrovka I kurgan-group, grave Nr. 16 of kurgan Nr. 6 (Rassamakin 2004 Teil II., 40, Taf.119.1). In connection with this culture, it was also a common phenomenon to bury more than one dead into the kurgans (Rassamakin 2004, 30-33). The flattened-ended hair ring made of wire found in grave 5 is a relatively rare find. Its best analogues were found in

the Terny and Osokorovka kurgans (Rassamakin 2004, 71, Abb.57.11-12). Since, still no calibrated radiocarbon dates are available from the Kvityana culture sites, therefore Rassamakin made them parallel with the period Tripolye C1-C2 based on the conventional relative chronology and rendered it probable to the absolute dates 3900/3800–3500/3400 BC (Rassamakin 1999, 87, Tab. 3.2; Rassamakin 2004, 184, Abb.136). Based on the single pottery fragment with cord impressions excavated at the Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom kurgan, it could not be dated with complete certainty, since the food-sacrifice consumed during the funeral feast for the sake of ritual can be considered as a general phenomenon at the communities of both post-Mariupol Kvityana culture (Rassamakin 1999, 83) and Pit–Grave culture (Ecsedy 1979, 44). Sárrétudvari- rhalom Two main filling phases of the kurgan located on the bank of Körtvélyes brook (Figure 14, 15, 16, 17) excavated in 1986-89 and in 1998 could be separated. According to the preliminary conveyance Vladár and Lichardus chronologically considered it to be synchronous with the Makó-Glina III-Schneckenberg B, or with the Catacomb culture (Lichardus and Vladár 1996, 31, Taf. 1). However, Kalicz considered the graves to be the youngest Pit–Grave burials whose vessel grave furniture was also brought into connection with the Makó–Schneckenberg–Glina III cultures (Kalicz 1998, 174, Abb. 11-13; Kalicz 1999, 94). Description of grave 4 (Figure 16.1, 18.1) is the following:

Direction: north-east–south-west (towards N: 5’- (18.5’)

Relative depth: 138 cm Absolute depth: 88,7 - 88,8 m Gender, age: mature man (40-59) (K. Zoffmann

2006, 51) The dead lay on its left side, in a slightly contracted position, with his knees pulled up. His left arm almost completely straight; extended almost as a continuation of the genial tubercle. His right arm, bent in a right angle, is rested across the centre of the chest; the right hand hangs down next to the inner side of the left forearm. The lower 2/3rd of the leg was completely fractured; it must have been disrupted by animals. 18 cm behind the skull of the dead body lay a large, crashed vessel on its side. It had a spherical body and a cylinder shaped neck. We discovered the fragment of a cattle scapula above the vessel; it is uncertain whether the bone found on the same level with the bottom of the grave was grave furniture, or it got there secondarily. Above the right mastoid of the skull, a thick, silver hair ring /Lockenring/ was found, while under the skull, on its left side, likewise near the mastoid a golden hair ring /Lockenring/ was discovered. The bottom of the grave-pit – presumably even the area under the vessel – was covered with some sort of organic substance, which appeared as a brownish red or dark brown pigmentation. The same pigmentation could also

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be observed in the area 7 cm above the skeleton. This could indicate that the dead was covered with a sheet of hide during the burial. Description of the grave furniture:

Corroded, solid, round silver hair ring /Lockenring/ (Figure 18.3)3; Weight: 3.9 g, h.: 2.16 cm, w.: 2.06 cm

Hollow, oval hair ring bent from an electron sheet /Lockenring/ (Figure 18.2)4; Weight: 6.1 g, h: 2.25 cm, w: 1.96 cm

Large, spherical bodied vessel with a cylinder-shaped neck, and four symmetrically positioned grasping knobs on the body of the vessel. There are worn, vertical lines on the lower part of the vessel’s body (Figure 18.4)5.

Animal bone (animal bone grave furniture?)6 Description of grave 7 and 7a (Figure 16.1, 19):

Direction: north-east–south-west 26’ Relative depth: 135 - 110 cm Absolute depth: 88,9 - 89,15m Gender, age: mature man (40-59), a 5-7-year-old

child buried next to him /Grave 7a/ (K. Zoffmann 2006, 51)

The grave turned up in a very disrupted condition, therefore the position of the dead is very hard to determine (he might have been lying on his back?). There was a 5-7-year-old child buried next to him. Only a fragment of the child’s skull and a few of his smaller bones were found. The adult skeleton was rather incomplete as well. A large, tubby bodied, cylinder necked vessel was placed into the northwestern corner of the grave, with its right side up. Above the skull lay a golden hair ring /Lockenring/. Before the face /cranium viscerale/ there was a copper axe with wooden-handle (made out of beech) (Fagus sylvatica) (Rudner 2006) and with its edge turned towards the face. A copper dagger with spiked grasp was placed across the edge of the axe, at the point of the dagger we found a fashioned ochre lump, which was drilled through in several places, and was originally shaped round, but now flat on one side, and cambered on the other. According to the analyses7, the origin of the ochre is unsure. The closest deposits area: the area of Rudabánya (the Aggtelek Karst), the Tokaj-hills and the area of Vaskóh (Transylvania: Béli mountains, Bihar mountains). In this case too, the remains of some sort of organic substance covered the bottom of the grave-pit. Description of the grave furniture:

Sand coloured vessel with flattened spherical body and cylinder shaped neck. There are five, horizontally drilled through knob handles on the body of the vessel (Figure 19.2)8.

3 Inv. No. IV.92.58.1. 4 Inv. No. IV.92.58.1. 5 Inv. No. IV.92.58.2. 6 Inv. No. IV.92.58.3. 7 The analysis of the ochre was carried out by Sándor Szakáll. Special thanks for his work! 8 Inv. No. IV.92.59.5.

Solid, prolate electron hair ring /Lockenring/ (Figure 19.3)9; Weight: 8.37 g, h: 1.8 cm, w: 1.43 cm

Solid, thick, somewhat oval, silver hair ring /Lockenring/ (Figure 19.4)10; Weight: 10.1 g, h: 1.67 cm, w: 1.45 cm

Knob ended copper axe with handle-tube (Figure 19.6). There are three coils made up of plastic ribs running from the upper part of the handle-hole to the start of the handle-tube, intersecting each other at the handle-tube. Weight: 308.43 g, h.: 15.45 cm, largest w: 2.8 cm, edge w: 2.75 cm, largest th.: 2.94 cm, diameter of the handle-hole: 1.65-1.7 cm (top) and 1.83-1.9 cm (bottom).

Willow leaf shaped copper dagger with spiked grasp (Many -type) (Figure 19.7)11; Weight: 202.5 g, h.: 22.77 cm, largest w.: 3.7 cm, largest th.: 0.57 cm

Fashioned, drilled through ochre clod (Figure 19.5)12; Weight: 14.3 g; fragmentary size: 4.2x2.98 cm, largest th. 1.71 cm, diameter: could have been around: 5cm

Description of grave 8 (Figure 16.1, 20): Completely disrupted grave. Its direction used to be north-west–south-east or south-east–north-west. Only very small bone fragments turned up from the grave, however the wide-leaved bulrush mat (Typha latifolia L.) (Torma 2006) the dead was lain on was preserved in a very good condition. A brownish, silky, organic substance was observed in the grave, which is probably the remains of the hide (?) used to cover the dead. Absolute depth: 92- 92,5 m. Description of grave 9 (Figure 16.1 21.1):

Direction: north-west–south-east Relative depth: 145-150 cm Absolute depth: 89,3 m Gender, age: adult man (23-30) (K. Zoffmann

2006, 51) Rather disrupted grave. The shape of the grave was oval, prolate. The dead lay on his back, his legs were in the so called ‘frog position’. The arm of the dead was in an almost straight position, at a slight distance from the body. The right arm must have been bent at the elbow, the hand must have been rested on the pelvis. The right foot lay close to the left heel, the right foot was in a pressed down position, which gives ground to the assumption that there was some sort of shoe on it. A jug with handle was put with its mouth up into the north-east corner of the grave. The bottom of the grave-pit was covered with an organic substance (hide?), which was sporadically observable. Due to the disruption only the mandible remained from the skull. A dog’s tooth (lower premoralis) turned up from the in filling of the grave, too. Description of the grave furniture:

Black-sand coloured spotted barrel bodied, cylindrical necked jug, with a splaying out edge and a wide ribbon ear starting from the edge. At

9 Inv. No. IV.92.59.1. 10 Inv. No. IV.92.59.1. 11 Inv. No. IV.92.59.2. 12 Inv. No. IV.92.59.4.


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the intersection of the body and the neck there are three twin knobs consisting of two small, round sections (Figure 21.2)13.

Description of grave 10 (Figure 16.1, 21.3):

Direction: west–east 52’ Relative depth: 180 cm Absolute depth: 87,7 m Gender, age: mature man (44-50); ochred atlas

epistropheus (K. Zoffmann 2006, 51, 53) The dead lay on its right side, in a slightly contracted position. Both arms were bent at the elbow, the hands are placed in a “praying” position before the face. There was a flat grinding stone placed over the brainpan (neurocranium). We found bone fragments of cattle (os ph. II., 2 fragments of astragalus) and horse (fragment of the right side femur proximalis) in the infilling of the grave. Description of the grave furniture:

grey grinding stone made of amphibole andesite (Figure 21.4)14

Description of grave 11 (Figure 16.1, 22.1):

Direction north-west–south-east (?) Relative depth: 95 cm Absolute depth: 90,3 m Gender, age: adult man (?) (23-39) (K.

Zoffmann 2006, 53) The grave is strongly disrupted thus the positioning of the dead cannot be safely determined. The dead was placed on a smoothed down bench. There was a tubby bodied, cylindrical necked vessel placed with its mouth up into the north-west corner of the grave. There was 20-30 cm-s of loosely structured infilling above the grave. The archaeologist observed pigmentation indicating metal in connection with the prolate bones. Cattle bones were also found in the infilling of the grave (petrosa bone, upper molaris, ulna). Description of the grave furniture:

Brick coloured amphora, with egg-shaped body and spout neck. There are two horizontally positioned ribbon handles on the abdomen. A rib, articulated by pressing in runs around the bottom of the neck. There are some irregular scratches here and there on the lower position of the vessel (Figure 21.2)15.

Description of grave 12 (Figure 16.1,21.3):

Direction: north-west–south-east 44’ Relative depth: 4.4 m Absolute depth: 86,4 m Gender, age: juvenile (15-17) female (?) (K.

Zoffmann 2006, 53)

13 Inv. No. IV.92.60.1. 14 Inv. No. IV.92.62.1. The analysis of the stone was carried out by Pál Sümegi. Special thanks for his work! 15 Inv. No. IV.92.61.1

Grave buried under the first tumulus, deepening into the substratum. The dead was placed into the rounded down rectangular shaped grave-pit. It lay on its left side, in a strongly contracted position. Both arms were bent at the elbow, the hands were put side-by-side in front of the face, the forearms were parallel with each other and the chest. There was no grave furniture. Discussion The best analogues with the vessel grave furniture found in the inhumations excavated under Sárrétudvari–

rhalom are to be found in the pottery craft of the communities of Eastern Hungary and Transylvania from the Early Bronze Age. The parallels with the jug with handle of Grave 9 are mainly known from the burials of the Livezile group (West Transylvania): from Ampoi a–Peret from the kurgan grave T VIII/2 (as a grave furniture) and from the kurgan grave T IV. (a fragment from the infilling) (Andri oiu 1992, Pl. 14/16, 19; Ciugudean 1991, Abb. 20: 11, Abb. 23: 18; Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 31/4, Fig. 34/18); from the 7a grave of the kurgan Mete -La Mete el (Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 46/1); from the 3rd grave of the T I. kurgan Livezile-Baia. Based on the latest calibrated radiocarbon data, it can be dated to 2700–2580 BC, 2780–2580 BC (Ciugudean 1997, 21-22, Fig. 21/1; Ciugudean 1996, 139-143, Fig. 20/4) A similar vessel turned up at an excavation at the Cic u-S li te settlement from the Early Bronze Age (Ciugudean 1991, Abb. 25: 3; Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 49/3; Rotea 1993, Pl. X/3). This type of pottery is also available in the find material of the Cop ceni group and

oimu group (Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 64/4; Fig. 83/7, Gligore ti–La Holoame). The vessels from graves 4 and 7 with spherical bodies, cylindrical necks and horizontally placed grasping knobs or drilled through knob ears on the abdomen side have parallels mainly in the pottery of the Makó culture: from urn graves of Oros–Belterület (Kalicz 1968, Taf. XVI/9; Kalicz 1984, Taf. XXVII/5), Hódmez vásárhely–Gorzsa (Kalicz and Schreiber 1991, 18. kép: 6), Kiskánya (Csalog 1941, VI. t.: 2) and Budapest XI. Budaörs–Repül tér (Schreiber 1972, 1. kép: 9; Kalicz 1984, Taf. XXII/14). The large vessel of the scattered cremated grave excavated in Ša a (Vladár 1966, Abb. 30: 1) and from the 6/61 feature of aka site also belong to this group. The best analogy of the spout necked amphora decorated with articulated ribs from Grave 11 is known from the find material of the Livezile group. Among the finds of the Livezile–Dealul Sârbului tumulus (Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 21: 12) there is a similar amphora decorated with three vertical ribs hanging down from the horizontal rib on the bottom of the neck. Another similar vessel was also known from the finds of the kurgan of the

elna-Rupturi II (Ciugudean 1996, Fig. 38: 11). Furthermore, other fine parallels are known from the find material of Ro ia group (Em di 1985, Fig. 8: 6, Fig. 16: 1), Glina culture (Schuster 1997, Fig. 55: 1), Jigodin culture (Roman et al. 1992, Taf. 105: 3-6, 7-8) and Makó culture (Gogâltan 1999, 17. t.: 2, 8).

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The best parallel for the copper axe with the handle-tube found in grave 7 is known from Hunyad County (stray find from unknown site, Museum of Rîmnicu-Vîlcea, Romania) (Vulpe 1970, 22, Taf. 56, C3). Similar copper axes are known from Grave 15 from kurgan 9 at Cucone tii Vechi II. (Moldavia) (Derga ev 2002, 26, 100-101, Taf. 18.R); from Grave 2 of kurgan 1 at the site of Niznepavlovka V. (Kargaly Region, SW part of the Ural Mountain, Russia) (Chernykh et al. 2002a, Fig. 7: 24; Chernykh et al. 2002b, Ris. 7: 24) relating to the Pit–Grave culture and from the Grave 2 (with a stone cist) of the so-called “Klady” kurgan (North Caucasus, beside Novosvobodnaja) relating to the Maykop culture (Chernykh 1992, 69, Pl. 2: 2; Chernykh et al 2002a, 93). A similar axe with a handle-hole dated to the Copper Age is also known from Herrsching am Ammersee (Oberbayern, Germany) (Pászthory and Mayer 1998, 19, Taf. 1: 1). Based on the morphological resemblance it may be brought into connection with the Eschollbrücken-type copper axes with handle-tube as well earlier dated to the end of Cooper Age (Kibbert 1980, 24-25, Taf. 1, 1-2). Recently, this type is dated to the Early Bronze Age (Maran 2007, Abb.1, 176). Beside the morphological resemblance, however, the differences in the size (in the weight) could indicate functional difference as well (Dani and Nepper 2006, 40-41). The hair rings found in the graves 4 and 7 belong to the group identified by Zaharia as types A and B (Zaharia 1959, 107). The round and oval rings found in the same grave prove that the two types were used together in this period. Parallels to the round Lockenrings were found in the Pleni a kurgan of the Pit–Grave culture (Zaharia 1959, Abb. 4/2) and grave of Nikopol 1/1938/15 (Häusler 1974, 174, Taf. 47: 3- upper Fig.); furthermore in the burials of Preslav 1/13-a of Catacomb culture (Häusler 1974, 167, Taf. 38: 15), Ilmen 8/2 (Häusler 1974, 150, Taf. 41: 12) and Akkermen I. 20/1 (Häusler 1974, 191, Taf. 72: 3). Both Lockenrings found in the Pit-Grave burial of the kurgan 60/1 in Jackowica have a slightly prolate shape (Häusler 1976, 116, Taf. 22: 10) similar to one of the Lockenrings found in the rhalom site. Gold hair rings of similar form were found in some of the burials of the Goran–Slatina kurgan group (Primas 1995, 82-83, Fig. 3 A; Kitov et al.1991) and such massive silver rings appeared in the graves of the Zimnicea culture (Alexandrescu 1974, Pl. 9/1-2). Artefacts similar to the copper dagger are known from the 4/6 pit-grave belonging to the Poltavka culture in Ch. Stepan Razin (Häusler 1974, 139, Taf. 13: 12); the 5/2 pit-grave burial in Kolpa ki belonging to the Pit–Grave culture (Häusler 1974, 141-142, Taf. 18: 3), the 1/10 pit-grave burial in Careva Mogila (Häusler 1976, 92, Taf. 20: 15-16), the 520/a pit-grave burial in Zlatopol (Häusler 1976, 124, Taf. 24: ); the 3/6 pit-grave burial in Zamožnoe (Häusler 1976, 153, Taf. 47: 12), and pit-grave in Ch. Popova 30-6/9 and Solenoe 3/8 (Häusler 1974, 145, 146, Taf. 24: 9, 13), furthermore from graves under the first kurgan in Ch. Chrjaš evskogo (Häusler 1974, 146, Taf. 15: 22) belonging to Catacomb culture and the 1/5 pit-grave burial in erevkov (Häusler 1974, 154, Taf. 29: 7). On

the basis of their functions, these are mostly described as ‘spear-heads’. Even in the case of the perfectly intact specimen from rhalom it is only the point that is shaped into a sharp edge, while the sides are blunt. Korenevskij puts these into the 2nd group in his summary on the knives of the Pit–Grave, Catacomb and Poltavka cultures. These so called Many -type daggers, however, turns up primarily in the finds of the Catacomb culture, it also appears in the Poltavka culture, moreover, among the finds of the culture of the many ribbed vessels (Korenevskij 1978, 36-40, 46, Ris. 4, 11-43, Ris. 5). Therefore it is fair to call it a long-lived type. Primas’s and Kuna’s analyses showed that this dagger type of Eastern European origin (Pit-Grave and Catacomb cultures) was spread in SE-Europe as well at the end of the Late Copper Age and the period of the Early Bronze Age (Kuna 1981, 30-32, Taf. XXV.; Primas 1996a, 98-100, Abb. 7. 7). Its most western appearance could be the dagger found in the twin burial excavated in Wien–Essling site (Zimmermann 2003, Abb. 1.1; Harrison, Heyd 2007, 201, Fig. 49.). On the basis of the XRF analysis (Table 1) carried out by Miklós Kis-Varga (Kis-Varga 2006) we could compare the metal objects with those were found in the kurgan burials of Velika Gruda and Mala Gruda. This comparison showed surprising similarities in the composition of the component elements in certain cases, which led us to the conclusion, that the ore (gold) presumably originates from the same mining place (Dani and Nepper 2006, 40). On the basis of the analyses regarding the profile of the kurgan, we can differentiate primarily between two phases inside the kurgan (Figure 16, 17). Although, based on the results of the radiocarbon measurements (14C) (Table 2) we can differentiate at least three phases among the graves. Grave 12 is the base-burial of the kurgan and belongs to the first phase (Figure 23). Its calibrated 14C age (deb-6869; 3346–3309 BC or 3234–3115 BC, respectively) fits well in the calibrated radiocarbon results of the older Pit–Grave burials of Romania, the Ukraine, Bulgaria and Serbia (Forenbaher 1993, 241, 247, Fig. 7; Boyadziev 1995, 176; Kalicz 1998, 174; Kalicz 1999, 94; Boyadziev 1992, 405; Görsdorf and Bojadžiev 1996). The graves orientation towards north-west–south-east is a little bit uncommon regarding the Pit–Grave burials in the Carpathian Basin, since they are usually characterized with western orientation. Regarding the contracted laying position, Rassamakin stated that the Pit–Grave culture adapted the features of the local (autochthonous) communities. Therefore it is understandable that the Pit–Grave also used the contracted burial rite (Rassamakin 1999, 125, 127). Chronologically it is followed by Grave 10 (deb-6639; 3004–2960 BC and 2949–2908 BC) which is considered to be the secondary in-burial in the first kurgan (second phase) (Figure 24). The west–east orientation of the grave seems to be typical among the Pit–Grave culture graves known in the Carpathian Basin. The mature man was contracted in the similar way as in Grave 12, but in this case it was contracted to its right side. The reverse laying should indicate the difference of


33

sex (too). Both graves could belong to the III-C group determined by Rassamakin (Rassamakin 1999, Fig.3.4, Fig.3.5, 73; Rasamakin 2004, 55-59, Abb.48.,49). Nikolova describes this type of laying method as Type 6 that is inhumation in crouched aside with crouched arms before the face (Nikolova 1999, Table 22.14.). The Early Bronze Age burials (Graves 4, 7-7a, 9, 11) in semicircular position in the south–western and western side of the kurgan and the soil brought upon them comprise the next phase (third phase) (Figure 25). The age of Grave 4 (deb-7182; 2859–2801 BC and 2760–2620 BC) and Grave 9 (deb-6871; 2637–2489 BC) belongs to the same time horizon with the dates of the Livezile group (West Transylvania)and the EH II. „R”-graves of Steno (Leukas) (Ciugudean 1996, 145-147; Ciugudean 1998, 72; Manning 1995, Fig. 2.), which was recently proven by Maran’s typological analyses (Maran 1998, 322, 330-335, Taf. 19-22., Taf. 81). Based on the east/north-east–west/south-west orientation of the mature man from the grave 4 and his contraction to the left side (with his arm underneath characteristically extended), it undoubtedly belongs to the III-A group, as determined by Rassamakin (Rassamakin 1999, Fig.3.4, Fig.3.5, 73; Rasamakin 2004, 50-54, Abb. 42, 44). It is the equivalent of laying type 5 in the Nikolova-system (Type 5, inhumation in crouched on back with one extended and other crouched arm) which is typical not just for the Pit–Grave culture but for the Early Bronze Age cultures in the Balkan (Nikolova 1999, Table 22.14., 388). Despite the disrupted condition of the Grave 7, the lying position of the mature man found here in north-east–south-west position could be observed. Because of the insufficient length between the skull and heel bone (calcaneum), it can be assumed that the legs were pulled up, thus it belongs to II-B group determined by Rassamakin and to the type 3 in the Nikolova-system (Rassamakin 1999, Fig. 3.4, Fig. 3.5, 73; Rassamakin 2004, 43-45, Abb. 36-38.; Nikolova 1999, 386). Despite the disrupted condition of the grave 9, the adult man found here oriented towards north/north-west–south/south-east lay on his back in a characteristic so-called frog fork (originally his legs were also pulled-up). This type of position was absolutely common in the communities of the Pit–Grave culture both in the Carpathian Basin and in Eastern Europe. This – based on its direction – fits well into the II-C group of Rassamakin’s system as well as to the type 3 of Nikolova (Rassamakin 1999, Fig.3.4, Fig.3.5, 73; Rassamakin 2004, 45-48, Abb. 39.; Nikolova 1999, 386). The positioning of the adult man oriented towards north-west–south-east found in grave 11 cannot be safely determined due to the disruption. In the middle of the 2nd fill-in layer of the kurgan, the dating of the plundered grave 8 – that is found on the highest part of the kurgan – is uncertain because of the lack of grave furniture and radiocarbon dates. Presumably, it is of the same age with the graves found in the 3rd phase. In this case, the mat made from bulrush – the only thing that can be analysed from an archaeological point of view – could be viewed as common at the local Pit–Grave communities (recently the robbed, secondary burial in Hajdúnánás–Tedej–Lyukas-halom kurgan).

OLD FINDS IN NEW PERSPECTIVE Békésszentandrás–Nádas-halom (Site 1/5116) (Figure 26): the edge of the tumulus was disturbed during the road construction between Szarvas and Szentes, then a vessel with handle decorated with the so-called „Wickelschnur” or wound „false” cord turned up (Figure 26.5). On the basis of this, it can be assumed that as grave furniture it might belong to the kurgan’s secondary burial (so it does not belong to the base burial)17. As for its dating, several – the most varied – views emerged (Cucuteni C, Sredny Stog, Catacomb culture, Pit–Grave culture, East Slovakian tumulus graves). At Békésszentandrás–Furugy (Site 1/27) a fragment with similar decoration turned up from the settlement of the Bodrogkeresztúr culture too18. On the basis of the analyses regarding the applied ornamental technique, Roman dated the finds of Békésszentandrás to the first period of the Corded Ware culture, i.e. the period of Bodrogkeresztúr–Cernavod I–Cucuteni C–S lcu a III–Šuplevec–Crnobuki–Bakarno Gumno cultures (Middle Copper Age) (Roman et al. 1992, 35, 38-47; Abb. 2.). Fragments decorated with wound ”false” cord technique also known from Ózd–Stadium (Figure 26.2) (Banner 1956, 100-101, Taf. LXXVII/16; Kalicz 1968, 42, Taf. I/14.) (from a pit of the Late Copper Age Baden culture), and as stray finds from the settlements of the Early Bronze Age Nyírség culture in Nyírbogdány– ze tag (Figure 13.6) (Kalicz 1968, 43, 67, Taf. I/11) and in Paszab-Sz l homoka (Figure 26.3) (Kalicz 1968, 43, 67, Taf. I/5). Small bowl decorated in- and outside with similar technique like the fragment found in Ózd turned up as grave furniture of the kurgan excavated in the border of Lohovo (Figure 26.7-8) (Potusnjak 1958, 75-76, Tabl.XLV/1a-b, 8). In greater part of the dating regarding the fragments decorated with cords found in the area of Košice, in the Upper Tisza region and in the region of Spiš – beside Ózd–Stadium – the stratigraphical observations of Košice–Barca tell (where the finds decorated with cords turned up from the IV/1 layer of the tell, in the layer of the Baden-culture’s settlement) (Hájek 1961, 61; Budinský-Kri ka 1967, 324, Obr. 49; Vladár 1970, 233-234, Obr. 41; Bátora 1983, 194; Roman et al. 1992, 63) as well as the fortified settlement on a high ground in Ve ka Lomnica-Burchbrich (where pottery decorated with cords came to light from the late Baden horizon of the site) (Bátora 1983, 192, no. 35.; 196, no.15, Obr.6) could render help. The similar cord-decorated vessel was found in one of the ochre-grave burials (called M 20) of the Ploieºti–Triaj kurgan – identified by Comºa as an inhumation of the Pit–Grave culture (Com a 1989, 187, Fig. 6: 2) – is considered to be a good morphological and ornamental analogue to one of the oldest known sporadic find with

16 According to the Archaeological Topography of Hungary (MRT) 17 MRT 8, IV/2, 85-86, 19.t.: 8a-c 18 MRT 8, IV/2, 73-74, 11.t.: 24

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cord decoration in Eastern Hungary, called the vessel of Buj (Figure 13.7) (Roska 1914, 418-420, Fig. 1.; Kalicz 1968, 42, Taf. I/13), which was originally a form with handles. Roman placed the vessel decorated with cord found in Ploieºti-Triaj kurgan to the 4th period of pottery decorated with cord and dated to the post-Glina-Schneckenberg period, whereas he placed the vessel of Buj into the third period (Roman et al 1992, 64, Abb. 7: 27, 104-105, Abb. 9: 3, Taf. 64./1.). According to the similarity of these two vessels, we can assume the contemporaneousness of the two sites and that the vessel of Buj used to be a grave furniture, too (Dani 2001, 132, Tab. 1: 2-3.). On the ground of the original report of the finder, we could identify the site, where the corded vessel was found in 1910. It was during the construction work of the railway of Buj-Balsa. The railway had been crossing only one kurgan north-east to Buj (now it belongs to Paszab, the vicinity is called ’Péntek Aranya’), beside the chanel of Buj. The works had exactly cut one of its burial (Figure 27). Besides to the above mentioned analogues, a vessel with handles of similar form and ornament like the one of Buj was found close to one of the Pit–Grave burials of the Akkermen I kurgan (Häusler 1974, Taf. 64: 6). The form and decoration of the cup decorated with cords found in Pe tera Igri a site (Em di 1992, Fig. 14: 1) is not completely the same as the vessel of Buj, however it could be considered as a good analogy of the latter one as geographically it is the nearest to it. We found the ornamental analogues of the Buj on the vessels of the Central European Corded Ware groups as well. However, in most instances these vessels have different forms (more lengthened, goblet-like form, or cylindrical necks with edges, or cylindrical necks with spherical body) with no handles at all (e.g. Buchvaldek 1998, Obr. 10; Obr. 11). Based on these typological differences, we must share François Bertemes’ view that the vessel of Buj cannot be brought into connection with the Central European circle (Bertemes 1998, 194). Vessels with similar forms of the one of Buj were common at the people of the Pit–Grave culture who were occupying the Moldavian territories. The decoration of the corded vessel found as a child grave’s furniture in the site of Tiszabábolna–Szilpuszta (Figure 26.6) and the corded amphora turned up in the site of Tápiószentmárton–Attila-domb (Figure 26.4) is similar to the vessel in Buj (hatched triangles). In agreement with Patay we can assume with good reason that both of the vessels similar to the one in Buj were furniture of burials (Patay 1981, 238-239). The internal decorated bowl fragment found in the site of Halmaj–Vasonca brook (excavation of T. Kemenczei) (Figure 28.1) and decorated both inside and outside turned up at one of the archaeological sites of the Nyírség

culture as a sporadic item19. In form it is similar to the bowl found at Iža/Izsa but its decoration is the same as the hatched triangle motif on the vessel in Buj, and on the corded finds discovered in the sites of Pe tera Igri a and Pe tera Izbîndi (Em di 1992, Fig. 5; Fig. 8/13, 17; Fig. 11/61; Fig. 12/62, 73; Fig. 14). Its exact parallel is the similarly internal decorated bowl from Brno–Líše (known as the site of the Jevišovice B culture and hoard containing a copper axe and a chisel of Fajsz-type) (Novotný 1955, Obr. 1: 6). So, typologically we can classify this sporadic bowl fragment from Halmaj to this period, although we could think – because of the circumstances of the recovery – that it comes from a later period. The best analogy of the sporadic corded bowl fragment known from Nagyhalász–Királyhalom archaeological site (Figure 13.9) is the internal decorated bowl with concentric cord impression found in the site of Iža/Izsa (To ik 1963, 14, Obr. 6/10; N mejcová-Pavúková 1968, 386, 406-408, Abb. 22, Abb. 28/7-8) and also the sporadic item known from the site of Bran /Berencs (Vladár 1966, Abb. 33:7). On the historical maps we can see, that Nagyhalász–Királyhalom is a kurgan, too (Figure 29), which indicates that the bowl-fragment from this site could be a grave furniture, as well. The site of Iža/Izsa is dated by the Vu edol imports found in the archaeological features encoded 1/59 and 36/64 (N mejcová-Pavúková 1968, 413 ff, Abb. 41; Roman et al. 1992, 63, Abb. 6). On the basis of this the two sporadic items without any artifact relationship can be related to this period. Burger called this type of the internal decorated pedestalled bowls the Iža-type and dated it to the late Eneolithic (Burger 1980, 14, Karte 2). The fragment of the bowl with both inside and outside cord decoration from Tiszavasvári–Koldusdomb (Figure 13.5) also has to be mentioned here, whose decoration is similar to the items listed above. On the basis of the corded pottery fragment we can assume that the kurgan in Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom (Figure 13.4) is of similar age, as well. Regarding the circumstances of the recovery it cannot be excluded that the corded fragments from Bed (Figure 13.1) and Hencida (Figure 13.3) could be the furniture or accompanying finds of the former, entirely disrupted kurgan burials. Typologically the sporadic fragments found in the site of Debrecen–Haláp, Mauer–kaszáló (Figure 13.2) can also be dated to this period. In my opinion the decorated stone battle-axe found at the archaeological site of Tiszaeszlár–Temet (Figure 26.1) can also be dated to the same period. The corded handle fragment found at Vinkovci in the stratum of the Vu edol culture can also be related to this period (Mozsolics 1942, 45, Abb. 8). By the dating the sporadic corded fragments/vessels found in eastern Hungary the most difficult is the fact that these finds are without relationship and they are very

19 Inv. No. HOM 67. 2. 276


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fragmented in most of the cases, therefore their exact form or decoration analogy is hard to be determined or is not possible at all. The analogues of the corded motifs consisting of hatched triangles can be found for example both among the Corded Ware culture in Central Europe (Schnurkeramik) and among the finds of the Pit–Grave culture. Studying the similarities in form and decoration it can be proved that the corded vessels listed above and known from the area of eastern Hungary cannot be related to the Central European Corded Ware culture, but to the Pit–Grave culture of Eastern Europe. CONCLUSIONS With the main features of those factors and processes at the end of the Copper Age provided having influenced the peculiar development of the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin in the Early Bronze Age, we can make the following conclusion: In the Upper Tisza region (and in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin) the Baden and Co ofeni cultures can be considered as the two local, autochthonous factors of the cultural landscape at the end of the Copper Age prior to the Bronze Age. Although, in the Transylvanian inner territories the final III. C phase of the Co ofeni culture is dated to the period of the Early Bronze Age I. (Ciugudean 1996, 139-142, Fig. 96) we cannot reckon with it in the territories examined by us. At present, it is considerably open to question whether there could be late Baden groups living in the Early Bronze Age or – and it seems to be more probably now – they did not live to see the rise of the Early Bronze Age. On the Great Hungarian Plain there is no – archeologically comprehensible – unequivocal evidence, on the basis of which we can assume a relationship (a continuity) between the local inhabitants from Late Copper Age and the new cultural elements from Early Bronze Age. Although the number of the data we have is only few, we can assume that the chronological hiatus between Baden culture and Makó culture can be filled with the presence of the Pit–Grave culture, a special ethnic group of East European origin. At present the most spectacular proof for this are the graves dated to the Early Bronze Age and found under the kurgan of Sárrétudvari–

rhalom. The anthropological research proves the actual (ethnical) presence20. The system created by Rassamakin based on the analysis of different burial customs does not necessarily mean chronological differences on certain areas. It is proved on the area between Dnieper and Southern Bug by the fact that the I., II. and III. burial tradition was used on the same area at the same time (Rassamakin 2004, 185). The same study is reinforced by the 3rd phase of Sárrétudvari–

rhalom where the dead were put in the graves in different ways during the Early Bronze Age. 20 see Zoffman in this volume for detailed anthropological review and summary

An increasing number of evidences indicate that the people of the Pit–Grave culture as peculiar ethnic group with East European origin should be considered as one of the important components of the local Early Bronze Age. Thousands of kurgans ranging from the Upper Tisza to the Lower Danube (Figure 1) indicate that we have to take the effects coming from the Eastern European steppe and infiltration of larger and/or smaller populations into account from the period of the Early/Middle Copper Age (Csongrád–Kett shalom, Decea Mure ului/Marosdécse) till the period of the Early Bronze Age I.

One of the most important evidences for the presence of the people of the Pit–Grave culture is that tradition of burying under kurgans appears at many cultures at the end of the Copper Age and partially at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age: e.g. Baden (e.g.: Gemer (B. Kovács 1987); Mokrin-Aradjanska humka (Giri 1974, 21; Giri 1987, 73); Skorenovac (Garašanin 1958, 39 ff, Pl. 7; Sachsse 2008, 63), Coþofeni (e.g.: Târnava (Nikolov 1976, 38-44; Roman 1986, 30; Garašanin 1987, 33; Alexandrov 1995, 257; Ciugudean 1996, 142), Vu edol culture (e.g.: Batajnica and Vojka (Tasi 1959, 30-32; Tasi 1983, 26; Tasi 1995, 79), Moldova Veche (Roman 1976b, 145; Roman 1980, 224, Taf. 12: 2-3), Adriatic type of the Vu edol culture (e.g.: Velika Gruda; Mala Gruda (Primas 1996a); Danilo, Podgorica-Tološi (Govedarica 1989); Somogyvár-Vinkovci culture (Göny (Bóna 1965,); Šurany (Novotná and Paulik 1989); Neusiedl am See (Ruttkay 2002; Ruttkay 2003), Livezile group (West Transylvania) (Ciugudean 1996; Ciugudean 1998). The adoption of customs and rites was not at all unlikely, since these cultures lived simultaneously (synchronous) at least partly with the population of the Pit–Grave culture. Consequently, the elites of the coeval cultures could adapt this burial method. In cases of the Baden, Coþofeni and Vu edol cultures I should say that the tradition of burying under kurgans is not just the manifestation of the social differentiation and the power of the leading stratum (prestige) (Bóna 1965, 60; Ecsedy 1982, 128), but it alludes to a real connection with an Eastern European population (people of the Pit–Grave or Yamnaya culture) (Harrison and Heyd 2007, 194, 196, 203).

Examining the spread and chronological situation of the pottery decorated with cord-impressions, it could be wholly ascertained that they are most often connected to the presence of late Baden or Pit–Grave culture. This process – even if uncertain because of their sporadic presence – could be traced back to Eastern European effects (pottery with cord impressions). The kurgan graves of east Slovakia, earlier connected to the Pit–Grave culture (Budinský-Kri ka 1967, 353; Kalicz 1968, 30), can probably not connected to that. Today it is clearly discernible that the migration of the Corded Ware population in the area bordered by the upper courses of the Dniester, the Western Bug and the Vistula rivers towards south, via the Carpathian mountains’ passes (Lubaczów and Upper Dniester area groups) can provide us explanation to the origin of the kurgan graves of east Slovakia (Novotná 1987, 92-95; Machnik 1992, 272;

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Dzieduszycka-Machnikowa 1992, 281-282; Machnik and Ma ala 1998, 219). The intensive relationship between the two regions are well backed up by the graves discovered in the neighbourhood of Brestov and Hankovce within the frames of a joint Polish-Slovakian microregional programme along the upper course of Tapoly. The Baden sherds found in the covering of the Brestov grave unambiguously date this burial to the period after the Late Copper Age (Machnik and Ma ala 1998, 215-219, Abb. 8-12). This connection is backed up by similarities between burial rites (including the cremation tradition at the Lubaczów group) as well as relations between the pottery and stone industry, not just by the geographical closeness. (Novotná 1987, 92-93). Up till now there is only a few late Baden settlements dated with calibrated radiocarbon measurements are known from the time period between 3000-2500 BC (Horváth et al. 2008, Table 1 and 2). Presumably ‘real’ Pit–Grave culture settlements are not present in Eastern Hungary similarly to the situation observed in Serbia and Southern part of Bulgaria (Jovanovi 1991, 71; Kal ev 2002, 57-58). Behind the Pit–Grave culture kurgans and chiefs we definitely have to see the settlements of the local Late Copper Age or/and Early Bronze Age communities. The slowly assimilated Pit–Grave elite had radically changed the world of the former Late Copper Age from the direction of East to Central Europe. REFERENCES CITED Alexandrescu, A.D. 1974. La nécropole du Bronze

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Szántó, Zs. A., Molnár, M., Svingor, É. and Mogyorósi Sándorné, M. 2006. Radiocarbon analysis of the Sárrétudvari- rhalom's graves. Communicationes Archaeologicae Hungariae 2006, Budapest, 48-49.

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Zoltai, L. 1911. Jelentések halmok megásatásáról. Jelentés Debreczen sz.kir. város múzeuma 1910.évi m ködésér l és állapotáról. [Reports from the Museum of Debrecen at 1910] Debrecen, 1911, 40-46. (in Hungarian)

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Tab. 1. Composition of metals from the kurgan excavated at Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom and Sárrétudvari– rhalom (after Kis-Varga 2006, Table 1.)

Sample Composition (%) Fe Cu Ag Au Pb Zn

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Grey hair ring from grave 7. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.59.1.) - - 88.6 11.3 - -

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Yellow hair ring from grave 7. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.59.1.) - 12.6 34.2 53.0 - -

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Yellow hair ring from grave 4. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.58.1.) - 2.3 20.1 77.4 - -

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Corroded hair ring from grave 4. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.58.1. -) - 14.9 76.3 8.7 - -

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Hacker from grave 7. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.59.3.) 0.43 99.2 0.01 - 0.35 -

Sárrétudvari– rhalom, Dagger from grave 7. (Inv. No.: DM IV.92.59.2.) - 99.9 0.02 - - -

Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom, Hair ring from grave 3. (Inv. No.: JAM 94.159.1.) - 86.7 0.09 - 3.06 10.0

Tab. 2. Radiocarbon dates of the graves excavated at Sárrétudvari– rhalom archaeological site (after Szántó et al. 2006)

Code Sample 13C(PDB)

[‰]

Conventional radiocarbon age

(BP)

Calendar date cal BC

deb-6871 Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 9. - 19.53 4060 ± 50 2637–2489 deb-7182 Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 4. - 19.58 4135 ± 60 2859–2801, 2760–2620 deb-6639 Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 10. - 19.98 4350 ± 40 3004–2960, 2949–2908 deb-6869 Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 12. - 19.82 4520 ± 40 3346–3309, 3234–3115


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Fig. 1. The end of the Late Copper Age in the Eastern part of the Carpathian Basin

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Fig. 2. The graves under Kunhegyes–Nagyállás-halom: 1. grave 12; 2. grave 14; 3. grave 18 (Photos by K. Kozma, courtesy of M. Csányi and J. Tárnoki)


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Fig. 3. The graves under Kunhegyes–Nagyállás-halom: 1. grave 14; 2. grave 18; 3. grave 12 (after Csányi and Tárnoki 1995)

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Fig. 4. The north–west profile of Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom


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Fig. 5. 1. Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom and Hajdúnánás–Tedej–Lyukas-halom on the map of the Third Military Survey, 2. Contour map of Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom with the graves and the excavated profile

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Fig. 6. Kurgan graves from Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom: 1. grave 1, 2. grave 3, 3. grave 4, 4. grave 5

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Fig. 7. Graves under the filling of Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom: 1. grave 1, 2. grave 3, 3. grave 2, 4. hair ring from the grave 3

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Fig. 8. Graves under the filling of Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom: 1. grave 4, 2. grave 5


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Fig. 9. Photo of grave 6 excavated at Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom

Fig. 10. The grave of the “Bigman” from Tiszavasvári–Deákhalom (grave 6)

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Fig. 11. Contour map and 3D reconstruction of Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom (compiled by J. Lóki)


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Fig. 12. Profile of Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom

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Fig. 13. Finds with cord impression from Eastern Hungary: 1. Bed , 2. Debrecen–Haláp, Mauer–kaszáló, 3. Hencida–Csíkostó, 4. and 8. Hajdúszoboszló–Árkoshalom (Object.331/Strat.431), 5. Tiszavasvári–Kuldusdomb, 6.

Nyírbogdány– zetag, 7. Buj, 9. Nagyhalász–Királyhalom

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Fig. 14. Sárrétudvari– rhalom and the west–east profile of the kurgan

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Fig. 15. Localization of Sárrétudvari– rhalom: 1. On the map of the First Military Survey, 2. On the map of the Second Military Survey, 3. On the map of the Third Military Survey, 4. On topographic map (EOV; 1:10.000)


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Fig. 16. 1. Contour map of Sárrétudvari– rhalom with the cross section and the excavated graves; 2. The south–north profile 3.

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Fig. 17. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: 1. The west–east profile 1., 2. The west–east profile 2.

Fig. 18. Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 4


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Fig. 19. Sárrétudvari– rhalom, grave 7 and 7a

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Fig. 20. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: 1. The outrobbed, destroyed grave 8 (with bulrush mat), 2. Sample from the bulrush mat


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Fig. 21. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: 1 and 2. grave 9, 3 and 4. grave 10

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Fig. 22. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: 1 and 2. grave 11, 3. grave 12


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Fig. 23. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: Contour map and 3D reconstruction of the 1st phase of the kurgan before the erosion and formation of the covering top-soil (compiled by P. Sümegi)

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Fig. 24. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: Contour map and 3D reconstruction of the 1st phase of the kurgan after the soil formation and erosion (compiled by P. Sümegi)

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Fig. 25. Sárrétudvari– rhalom: Contour map and 3D reconstruction of the 2nd phase of the kurgan before disturbance and the excavation (compiled by J. Lóki)

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Fig. 26. Finds with cord impression from Eastern Hungary: 1. Tiszaeszlár–Graveyard, 2. Ózd–Stadium, 3. Paszab–Sz l homoka, 4. Tápiószentmárton–Attila-domb (after Dinnyés 1973, II.t:9), 5. Békésszentandrás–Nádas-halom (after

MRT 8. IV/2, 19.t.8), 6. Tiszabábolna–Szilpuszta, 7 and 8. Lohovo (Ukraina), grave furniture of a kurgan (courtesy of J. Kobal’)


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Fig. 27. Localization of the kurgan between Buj and Paszab: 1. On the map of the First Military Survey, 2. On the map of the Second Military Survey, 3. On the map of the Third Military Survey, 4. On topographic map (EOV; 1:10000)

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Fig. 28. Halmaj–Vasonca brook: stray finds from the Section IV. (depth: 80-110 cm)


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Fig. 29. Localization of Nagyhalász–Királyhalom: 1. On the map of the First Military Survey; 2. On the map of the Second Military Survey, 3. On the map of the Third Military Survey, 4. On topographic map (EOV; 1:10000)

János Dani: Research of Pit-grave culture kurgans in Hungary in the last three decades.

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