Introduction: The Ethiopian Pentecostal Movement – History, Identity and Current Socio-Political...

[PS 12.2 (2013) 150–161] PentecoStudies (print) ISSN 2041-3599http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ptcs.v12i2.150 PentecoStudies (online) ISSN 1871-7691

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2013, Unit S3, Kelham House, 3 Lancaster Street, Sheffield, South Yorkshire S3 8AF.

Guest Editorial: The Ethiopian Pentecostal Movement – History, Identity and Current Socio-Political Dynamics

Jörg HausteinSchool of Oriental and African Studies

Thornhaugh Street, London WC1H 0XGUK

[email protected]

Emanuele FantiniUniversity of Turin

Department of Cultures, Politics and SocietyLungo Dora Siena 100 A, 10153 Turin

[email protected]

Guest Editorial

The expansion of the Pentecostal movement represents one of the most relevant religious and social phenomena in contemporary Ethiopia. In a country traditionally associated with Orthodox Christianity and with a historically rooted presence of Islam, official statistics about the religious affiliation of the population are increasingly marked by the rise of Protestantism. While estimated to account for less than 1 per cent of the population in the early 1960s,1 Protestants were recorded at 5.5 per cent by the 1984 Census and 10.2 per cent by the 1994 Census.2 The 2007 Population and Housing Census counts almost 14 million Protestants, namely 18.6 per cent of the population, next to 43.5 per cent of Christians

1. Tibebe Eshete, The Evangelical Movement in Ethiopia: Resistance and Resilience (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2009), p. 2.

2. Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission, The 1984 Population and Housing Censuso of Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission, 1991), p. 60; Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission, The 1994 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: Office of the Population and Housing Census Commission, 1998), vol. 2, p. 129.

Jörg Haustein and Emanuele Fantini Guest Editorial 151

© Equinox Publishing Ltd 2013.

Orthodox and 33.9 per cent of Muslims.3 The Demographic and Health Survey of 2011 suggests that Protestant growth has not levelled off, putting the share of Protestants at almost 21 per cent.4 These figures indicate that Protestantism is the fastest-growing religious group in Ethiopia and that it is home to “one of the fastest growing evangelical churches in the world.”5 Consequently, Ethiopia is one of the African states with the highest numbers of Evangelicals and Pentecostals in absolute terms, next to countries more often associated with these groups, like Nigeria, Kenya or the Democratic Republic of Congo. Pentecostals groups are among the main protagonists behind this rise of Protestantism in Ethiopia, contributing also to the spread of Charismatic theological notions and spiritual practices among mainline Evangelical Churches.

This expansion has undoubtedly benefited from the new institutional climate of religious freedom inaugurated since 1991 under the current political regime dominated by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). In particular, the 1995 Federal Constitution affirms the separation of religion and state and the principle of no inter-ference by the government in religious matters and vice versa (art. 11), guarantees the freedom of religious belief, expression and association (art. 27), and acknowledges the possibility of official recognition of religious marriage ceremonies and religious courts’ rulings on personal and family issues (arts. 34 and 78). However, the EPRDF’s accommo-dating attitudes have also been matched with a political strategy aiming at controlling spiritual institutions, either by seeking to influence or co-opt religious leaders, or limiting religious activities to carefully delimited and controlled areas of public life.6 In particular the relationship between the government and Pentecostalism has taken on a new dimension with the leader of the country, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, for the first time being not an Orthodox Christian, but a Pentecostal himself.

3. Population Census Commission, Summary and Statistical Report of the 2007 Population and Housing Census (Addis Ababa: Population Census Commission, 2008), p. 17.

4. Central Statistical Agency, Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2011 (Addis Ababa: Central Statistical Agency, 2012), p. 36.

5. A. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 115.

6. Cf. J. Haustein and T. Østebø, “EPRDF’s Revolutionary Democracy and Religious Plurality. Islam and Christianity in post-Derg Ethiopia.” Journal of Eastern African Studies 5.4 (2011), pp. 755–72.

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Within this context, the expansion of the Ethiopian Pentecostal movement is widely perceived as introducing several elements of novelty and originality and as challenging traditional power structures and relationships. This is partially related to the increasing visibility and influence of neo-Charismatic groups advocating a more active and influential Christian presence in public affairs, challenging the secular approach and the epistemological foundations of the contemporary Ethiopian state. In addition, Pentecostals are usually associated with processes of economic development and social transformation that are reshaping contemporary Ethiopia, not only in urban areas, where they are seen as particularly effective in attracting “modern”, educated and dynamic people, particularly among the youth, but also in rural contexts. In fact, Pentecostalism in Ethiopia remains foremost a rural phenomenon, scoring the highest rates of percentage growth among the population in the southwestern peripheries of the former Ethiopian empire, currently incorporated in the regional states of Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, and Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region, and in western Oromia zones like Welega. The fact that these are also the fastest-growing regions in terms of overall population contributes to explaining the rise of Protestants in official national statistics.

Given its relevance for Ethiopian society and the broader religious dynamics in the Horn of Africa, in the last few years the Ethiopian Pentecostal movement has begun to attract increasing attention by the academic community. This is confirmed by the fact that for the first time in its comparatively long history, the International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, which in was convened for the 18th time in Dire Dawa, Ethiopia in 2012, dedicated an entire panel to the Ethiopian Pentecostal movement. Three of the five papers presented there (Tibebe, Fantini and Freeman) have been revised and edited, and are now published in this issue. Jörg Haustein’s introductory remarks have been worked into this editorial, while he contributed a new article to this volume. The editors would like to thank the contributors for the high quality and timely submission of their articles, as well thanking the editorial board of PentecoStudies for taking up this special issue.

As will be seen, the four articles collected here represent the latest research in Ethiopian Pentecostalism, exploring many facets of the movement. There are three recurrent themes throughout this collection, namely the history of the movement, how to delineate the identity of the Pentecostal movement within Ethiopian Christianity, and what the socio-political dynamics of the movement entail for present-day Ethiopia. This



editorial will elaborate on these three themes as a way of introducing the articles and their connections.

History

The beginnings of Ethiopian Pentecostalism can be traced to Finnish and Swedish Pentecostal missionaries in Ethiopia, who entered the country in 1951 and 1959 respectively. The most important centres of the Pentecostal missions were the Finnish work centre in the Addis Ababa Merkato area, opened in 1956, and the Swedish Philadelphia Church Mission in Awasa in southern Ethiopia, which was established in 1960 and became known for its annual summer conferences gathering youths from all over Ethiopia. In the 1960s an Ethiopian Pentecostal movement arose, partially directly connected to the missions and partially through independent student groups that were inspired by stories about these missions.7 The gradual merging of these revival groups in Addis Ababa led to the formation of the first Ethiopian Pentecostal church in 1967, the Full Gospel Believers’ Church (FGBC), or Mulu Wongel Church as it is often called by its abbreviated Amharic name.

Only a few months after its foundation, the FGBC applied for regis-tration as a religious association, being the first religious body to test the very new legislation on this matter. The request was turned down, resulting in the closure of all Pentecostal meeting places. The FGBC now relied on house meetings, hoping to negotiate a better outcome with the help of Swedish missionaries. From the end of 1971 onward, the government increased its pressure on the secretly-operating Pentecostal cells while the latter were getting more defiant and insisted on their constitutionally granted rights of freedom of religious practice. The rising conflict culminated in the arrest of approximately 250 worshippers on Sunday 27August 1972. The legal and political aftermath of this incident did not turn out in favour of the Pentecostals, and they had to rely on secret meetings until the revolution of 1974.8

7. See Tibebe Eshete, The Evangelical Movement, pp. 154–62; J. Haustein, Writing Religious History: The Historiography of Ethiopian Pentecostalism (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011), pp. 90–125.

8. For all the related events see T. Engelsviken, Molo Wongel: A Documentary Report on the Life and History of the Independent Pentecostal Movement in Ethiopia 1960–1975 (Oslo: Free Faculty of Theology, 1975), pp. 50–118, 142–225; Tibebe Eshete, The Evangelical Movement, pp. 175–88; Haustein, Writing Religious History, pp. 137–87.

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Following a short period of initial freedom after the Ethiopian revolution, the military regime of the Derg soon turned against Pentecostals, who now were subject to long-term imprisonment, torture, closure of almost all churches and dispossession of their meeting places. Almost all Pentecostal missionaries left the country,9 and the Ethiopian Pentecostals relied on decentralized underground cell structures. Moreover, they now shared their lot with the majority of Evangelicals, who also suffered the closure of chapels, arrests of their leaders, and even murder. Pentecostalism spread considerably in the underground, both in terms of numbers and with regard to its spread to mainline Protestants, laying the foundation for the further growth of the movement after the Derg was abolished in 1991. On account of the new government policies, Pentecostals now successfully reclaimed their dispossessed estate and were allowed to officially register their denominations, umbrella organi-zations and ministries as faith-based organizations. Their overall numbers increased to about 280 organizations by 2004 and to over 1,000 in 2012.10 This points to the remarkable proliferation of Pentecostalism in the past twenty years, which is manifest in the establishment of numerous new churches and denominations, as well as in the rise of the Charismatic movement in the mainline Protestant churches, which have centrally accommodated Pentecostal practices and theology in their liturgies and doctrinal statements.11

The academic evaluation of this recent development is only just beginning. There are only two monographs exploring the history of Ethiopian Pentecostalism more specifically,12 with a few other publi-cations mentioning the movement in connection with the history of

9. Regarding the activities of the Finnish and Swedish Pentecostal missions during the Derg, see Haustein, Writing Religious History, pp. 200–209.

10. Cf. Haustein, Writing Religious History, p. 17; Samson E. Hailegiorgis: “Contemporary Evangelicalism in Ethiopia”, paper presented to the Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Ethiopia panel, 18th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Dire Dawa, Ethiopia, 30 October 2012.

11. See Haustein, Writing Religious History, pp. 19–22; J. Haustein, “Charismatic Renewal, Denominational Tradition and the Transformation of Ethiopian Society”. In Evangelisches Missionswerk Deutschland (ed.), Encounter Beyond Routine: Cultural Roots, Cultural Transition, Understanding of Faith and Cooperation in Development – International Consultation, Academy of Mission, Hamburg, 17th–23rd January 2011 (Hamburg: EMW, 2011), pp. 45–52.

12. Eshete, The Evangelical Movement in Ethiopia; Haustein, Writing Religious History.



other churches.13 The historical memory of the churches themselves reveals a contested field, with Ethiopian Pentecostals seeking to define their relationship with the Pentecostal missions, the place and role of the different revival movements forming the FGBC, the spiritual legacy of their political oppression, and the reasons and implications of the Pentecostal proliferation to other Protestant denominations. This leaves a rich field for historical explorations, both in terms of history proper and of the negotiation of historical memory.

One important historical arena in need of further clarification is the proliferation of Pentecostalism into the mainline Protestant Churches, the largest of which are the (Lutheran) Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (ECMY) and the (largely Baptist) Kale Heywet Church (KHC). While this process has been explored somewhat with regard to the ECMY,14 there is hardly any material with regard to the larger KHC. This lack is addressed by Tibebe Eshete’s pioneering article in this volume, which details the proliferation of Pentecostal theology and practices in the KHC while seeking a new historical model of understanding this phenomenon. Tibebe shows that there was a wide and interconnected scope of student revival groups in the 1970s, beyond those which are typically acknowl-edged by Pentecostals as historical roots. It is this fertile ground, he argues, which explains the early spread of Pentecostal ideas among Protestant youths, leading to the success of the Charismatic movement later on. Tibebe’s notion of nekekit (interconnectedness) is helpful for understanding the informal and dynamic character of the movement as a whole, since it points to the need for a thick historical description focused on personal interaction, as exemplified by Tibebe’s treatment.

Another area in need for more detailed explorations is the growth of Pentecostalism in the rural areas of Ethiopia, as most historical treatments tend to focus on the urban youth movements. Dena Freeman’s contri-bution to this volume delineates precisely this process of Pentecostal success in the Gamo highlands in southwestern Ethiopia. She shows how Pentecostals were present early on, but fairly unsuccessful in winning

13. See especially B. Fargher, The Origins of the New Churches Movement in Southern Ethiopia, 1927–1944 (Leiden: Brill, 1996); Ø. Eide, Revolution and Religion in Ethiopia: Growth and Persecution of the Mekane Yesus Church, 1974–85 (2nd edn, Oxford: Currey, 2000); J. Launhardt, Evangelicals in Addis Ababa (1919–1991): With Special Reference to the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus and the Addis Ababa Synod (Münster: Lit, 2004).

14. See especially Haustein, Writing Religious History, pp. 226–47; Haustein, “Charismatic Renewal”.

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converts. This all changed when the economic success of Pentecostals through a development project highlighted their cultural independence from traditional means of economic redistribution and caused others to take a closer look at the movement. This is far from a simple functionalist argument, because Freeman shows that the economic success and liberty only opens up the possibility of Pentecostal norms and practices to be considered in traditional communities, which in turn is only the first stage in a longer conversion process. Freeman’s findings therefore point to two important facets of the historical process of Pentecostal spread. First, as she shows in her example, the acceptance of Pentecostalism can happen very rapidly based on economic or cultural triggers, such as the apple-growing business, which fuels already existing Pentecostal endeavours in a process of cultural change. Second, in drawing on Joel Robbins’s understanding of conversion as a two-stage process, the long-term success of Pentecostalism is seen as far from certain, since this depends on whether converts proceed to an intellectualist appropriation of the fairly demanding religious regime of Pentecostalism, or whether Pentecostalism just functions as a way of disconnecting individual entre-preneurs from their traditional communities.

The ascendency of Hailemariam Desalegn to the office of the Prime Minister last year points to another area in desperate need of historical elucidation. Hailemariam belongs to the Apostolic Church of Ethiopia (ACE), which is part of the controversial wing of Oneness Pentecostalism. Oneness Pentecostals reject the teaching of the Trinity and water baptism under the Trinitarian formula, instead promoting a unitarian concept of Jesus as God, and consequently baptism in the name of Jesus only. This entails a very deep divide between the ACE and all other Pentecostals, which began very early on in the Ethiopian movement and continues to the present day. Both sides consider each other as heretics and aggres-sively proselytize among each other’s following. This of course puts Hailemariam’s ascendency in quite a different religio-political context than simply labelling him a Protestant as is often done. Jörg Haustein’s paper in this volume details the missionary roots of the movement in Ethiopia, the external and internal controversies it encountered early on, and how it weathered the political regime changes of the past forty years to become one of the largest Pentecostal churches in Ethiopia. In so doing Haustein provides the first academic history about this church, drawing on the many sources he has collected from this movement over the years, including his interviews with its founder. He thus lays the ground for further explorations of this movement, which is likely to continue to impact the country quite strongly.



Identity

As these historical explorations make clear, Pentecostalism in Ethiopia is hardly a uniform phenomenon, but a network of ideas and organi-zations collaborating with and contesting each other at the same time. This network spans all of Ethiopia’s Protestantism and even extends to Charismatic movements in the Orthodox Church. In Ethiopian vernacular, there is one term to address this conglomerate: the word “Pente”.15 The term is obviously derived from the word Pentecostal and originated in the late 1960s as a derisive name applied to Pentecostals, who themselves rejected its use at that time. During the military regime of the Derg, this word was increasingly applied to all Protestants as a way of alienating and oppressing their more revivalist elements and eventually Protestant churches altogether.16 The use of the term as a designation for all Protestants has survived the Derg regime, and it is increasingly used as a self-designation as well. A strong indication for this latter tendency is contained in the recent Pew Report entitled Tolerance and Tension: Islam and Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa, in which almost all respondents outside of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church classified themselves as “Pentecostal” (16 per cent), rather than as Lutheran or Baptist, which in a representative survey in Ethiopia should have formed the majority of Protestants.17 Therefore, whereas the government counts “Protestants” in the census, and the only significant umbrella organization gathering the churches contained in this category is called the Evangelical Churches Fellowship of Ethiopia, the term “Pente” actually points to an Ethiopian cultural practice of identity demarcation. As such, it is open to multiple interpretations as it may be taken to imply organizational, confessional, theological, and/or cultural similarity, if not identity itself.

Emanuele Fantini’s contribution to this volume highlights precisely this problem. Embarking from the notion of a “Pente” community, he asks whether there is any such thing as a common trajectory with regard to public affairs, such as the engagement in politics or civil vectors of

15. For a detailed discussion, see Haustein, Writing Religious History, pp. 229–32.16. Cf. Donald L. Donham, Marxist Modern: An Ethnographic History of the

Ethiopian Revolution (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 144, 164, who has documented one of the earliest use of the term in this fashion.

17. See Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life (ed.), Tolerance and Tension: Islam and Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa (Washington, DC: Pew Research Center, 2010), p. 140. All denominational labels come up empty; one per cent responded with “Just a Protestant”.

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development. Fantini convincingly shows that there are multiple and mutually contradictory itineraries of “Pentes” in public affairs, which not only boil down to different denominational approaches, but to contradic-tions inherent in the movement itself, built on an ambiguity of rupture and continuity or of transgression and discipline. As such, the different organizations identified as “Pente” in public discourse may collaborate with the government in development or seek to improve governance without making a systemic critique. At the same time they represent one of the government’s most important structural challenges by transposing political issues into a spiritual arena, in which they claim moral and interpretative authority.

The other articles in this volume address this issue as well. Haustein points to the initial use of the term “Pentecostal” by the Oneness movement and the efforts of Trinitarian Pentecostal missionaries to avoid any common identification under this term. Tibebe’s paper shows how the ideological spread of ideas he labels as nekekit transcends any notions of classical Pentecostal and mainline Protestant. And Freeman details how the Pentecostal acceptance of traditional concepts of evil spirits has not only bridged the gap between traditional culture and Protestantism, but also that between Protestants and Pentecostals in a common notion of spiritual development.

The point here is that “Pente” is a label encompassing both unity and difference within the Ethiopian movement, since it delineates a field of religious propositions, discussions, and practices which are integrally connected, but naturally not unified. This is the reason why the impact of the movement on Ethiopia’s politics, economics and culture remains difficult to judge.

Current Socio-Political Dynamics

The specificities of the Ethiopian State – namely its ethnic federalist architecture and its development model – contribute to the peculiarity of the Ethiopian Pentecostal movement’s impact on current social, political and economic processes, questioning other paradigms in Pentecostal studies in Africa.

The federal structure of the Ethiopian state introduced by EPRDF with the 1995 Constitution institutionalizes ethnicity as the main criterion for political legitimacy, mobilization and participation. This solution is characterized by a contradictory approach to religion. While the religious factors undoubtedly play a role in forming the identity



of Ethiopian citizens and political subjects, mutually interlaced with ethnicity and culture, the Constitution does not mention religion among the markers to identify the belonging to “nations, nationalities or people”. It refers only to the sharing of “intelligible language, common culture, similar customs, common psychological make-up and predominantly contiguous territory” (art. 39). The EPRDF’s official discourse aiming to separate ethnic and religious boundaries, with the attempt to depoliticize the area of religion has so far proved effective in avoiding the emergence of confessional parties, the transformation of spiritual leaders into political entrepreneurs, and the organization of political patronage along religious lines, as in other African countries. Consequently, ethnic allegiance remains the main factor influencing political discourses, actions and careers, as confirmed also by the trajectory of the new Prime Minister Hailemariam, described by Haustein.

The intimate tension in the person of Hailemariam in keeping his faith distinct from his political and party allegiance, while at the same time seeking to conciliate the two sides is symptomatic of the broader and multifaceted set of moral conflicts engendered by the relationship between Pentecostals and the state, addressed in Fantini’s contribution. At the individual level the plasticity and plurality of Pentecostal identities allow multiple and negotiated relationships with the ethnic federal systems. In some cases – particularly in the southwestern traditional areas of early missionaries and later Evangelical and Pentecostal presence – the Pentecostal faith seems to reinforce ethnic identities, upholding the legitimacy of the ethnic federal system. In other cases, the Pentecostal message promotes a discourse of individualization and the creation of networks going beyond ethnic boundaries, entailing a radical critique of the federal system and providing “an alternative civic identity” in the context of a closing political space.18 At the institutional level, different approaches to politics coexist within the Pentecostal movement, linked to the historical experiences and the theological approaches of each church. For instance, the apolitical stand characterizing mainline Evangelical or Pentecostal Churches, reflects their experiences and accounts of the political oppression suffered under the Derg. On the other hand, a new generation of neo-Charismatic groups advocates a more proactive and explicit role of Christians in politics, appropriating the Government official discourse on good governance and anti-corruption,

18. J. Abbink, “Religion in Public Spaces: Emerging Muslim–Christian Polemics in Ethiopia.” African Affairs 110.439 (2011), pp. 253–74.

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but simultaneously challenging the epistemological foundations and the institutional premises of the secular state. The plurality and contradic-tions of these approaches have until now prevented the consolidation of a coherent political project shared by the whole Pentecostal movement. This renders an overall appraisal of its influence and impact on current political affairs extremely difficult.

While the expansion of Pentecostalism in Africa, like elsewhere in the world, has been traditionally associated with neoliberalism and “the retreat of the state”, in the Ethiopian case Pentecostals are prospering in a socio-economic context marked by the presence of a strong devel-opmental state, keen not only to control strategic sectors and material resources, but also in orientating pedagogically people’s lives towards country transformation and economic development.

Dena Freeman’s contribution shows the “selective affinity” between Pentecostalism and the spirit of development as framed by interna-tional organizations and by the Ethiopian government, in particular around the notion of transformation, implying both individual and social change to promote economic development. However, while echoing the EPRDF development discourse and offering a spiritual legitimation for it, Pentecostal development and economic endeavours seem to offer spaces for resource accumulation that are alternatives to government channels. Furthermore, their holistic approach challenges the official separation between spiritual activities and development initiatives. These ambiguities will need to be taken into account in evaluating the role and contribution of the Pentecostal movement to the main social and economic transformation that are currently reshaping Ethiopia – the processes of urbanization, the rise of an Ethiopian middle class, the unprecedented rates of economic growth, the economic networking with emerging global powers such as China, Brazil or South Korea.

As these processes underscore once more, Pentecostalism has become an important part of Ethiopia’s recent history, cultural identity, and socio-political dynamics. Many aspects of this development – like the effects of the Pentecostal expansion on the delicate equilibrium between Christianity and Islam in Ethiopia and indeed, in the whole Horn of Africa, or the role of Ethiopian Pentecostal transnational networks and diaspora churches – have yet to be elucidated by future research. One of the central aims of this volume is to encourage such further necessary research.



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