BAR International Series 2581 (I)2013

SOMA 2012 Identity and Connectivity

Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012

VOLUME I

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SOMA 2012. Identity and Connectivity: Proceedings of the 16th Symposium on Mediterranean Archaeology, Florence, Italy, 1–3 March 2012. Volume I

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Interconnections between Palestine and Egypt in the Early 2nd Millennium BC: a View from Jericho Angela Massafra (‘Sapienza’ University of Rome) Abstract* Set in a flourishing oasis near the Jordan River, of Tell es-Sultan, the Biblical Jericho, is one of the most unique cases of archaeological site, which undergoes a continues and systematic study. During the first half of the 2nd millennium, the site provides clues for the existence of an elite class with strong links with Egypt. A relevant element is given by the built-up tombs on the tell itself: these burials were found in the Middle Bronze age levels of the Spring Hill and belong to a very rare type in the funerary architecture of Palestine. The position of these mudbrick tombs, probably located under the Middle Bronze age palace, denotes the high status of the buried. But another significant element is given by the structural typology of these graves: mudbrick built-up tombs are mostly unknown in Palestine, while they are widely used in the ‘hyksos’ capital of Avaris, modern Tell el-Dabᶜa, located in the eastern Nile delta. The analysis of these structures and of the related finds could give a precious hint for the study of the interactions between Jericho and Egypt at the beginning of the Middle Bronze age. Keywords Tell es-Sultan, Tell el-Dabᶜa, Built-up tombs, Mudbrick, Middle Bronze I, Interconnections. The 2nd millennium BC is a prosperous period for trade and interconnections between Southern Levant and the other territories on the Mediterranean Sea. Tell es-Sultan, one of the most long-lived sites in the ancient Near East, is located on a trade route that makes of Jericho a privileged point of view for this cultural phenomenon. One of the favorite partners of exchanges is, of course, Egypt, where the site of Tell el-Dabᶜa, ancient Avaris, provides always new data for a comparative study between Egypt and Southern Levant. Tell es-Sultan/Jericho: the tombs from the Spring Hill During the first part of the 2nd millennium BC, Jericho arises as a new fortified town.1 Some built-up tombs within the limits of the town belong to the MB I period, corresponding to Sultan IVa in Rome ‘Sapienza’ University periodization (Nigro 2006, Table 1). At least

* I wish to thank Prof Lorenzo Nigro for supporting me in the study of ancient Tell es-Sultan and for his suggestions to this contribution. 1 The existence of a fortification line already from the MB IA period is been postulated by Marchetti 2003a, 305-306; Nigro 2006, 25-26, even if some authors are against this hypothesis, like Maeir 2010, 58.

three tombs can be distinguished,2 linked by their construction material, mudbrick. The tombs taken into account were found on the eastern side of the Spring Hill, in an area in which was located the centre of Jericho’s power, as early as the beginning of the millennium. On this spot, in fact, during BM II was erected Garstang’s ‘Palace’ (Garstang 1933, 41; 1934, 99-102, Plates XIII, XV. For a possible reconstruction of the palace plan, see Nigro 2008, 301, Figure 6; 2009, 361, Figure 9). The best preserved tomb is D.641, identified by the Italian-Palestinian Expedition on the superior terrace of the mound (Marchetti 2003a, 306; Nigro 2006, 27-28; 2008, 292-298; 2009, 370-372). The tomb presents an EW orientation. The square chamber was delimited by mudbrick walls on a single row and was covered by a mudbrick roof. It contained two bodies, a woman and a young girl, both on a contracted position on the left side, with their hands put towards their faces (Figure 1). The other tombs were found by K. Kenyon in the neighborhood of the Intermediate Terrace Wall. Tomb HAR, in square HII, was oriented NS and consisted of a rectangular room, also delimited by mudbrick walls in a single row (Kenyon 1981, 349-350, Figure 5, Plates 188-189, 328a). In Kenyon’s description, the walls were curving at the height of their preservation: this feature lead to think that the roof was constructed as a corbeled vault (Kenyon 1981, 350, Figure 5, Plate 189b). At the southern side, there was the entrance to the chamber, closed by a limestone slab. The tomb contained six bodies: four skulls were found against the southern wall, with the bones on the northern side of the room, while two bodies were in primary deposition, with the heads towards the north. The westernmost has flexed legs, while the other was in a supine position with his legs fallen apart after the disintegration of the limbs (Figure 2). NE of tomb HAR, in square HIII, K. Kenyon found another burial, T.10 (Kenyon 1981, 349, Plates 187b, 328a).3 The structure presented the same orientation of the precedent tomb. Rests of mudbrick on a single row were unearthed only on the eastern side of the roughly rectangular room, but we can suppose they surrounded it on all sides. It contained the bodies of two adults, both in a contracted position on the right side, heads to the south. In most of the cases we are dealing with multiple burials in a primary deposition. The bodies are almost in a contracted position; the side seems irrelevant and hypothesis about a correlation with gender are just 2 Other two burials are considered by Nigro of the same typology (T.11 and T.12; Nigro 2008, 290-292; 2009, 367), but no rests of mudbrick are reported by Kenyon (1981, 356, Plates 192b, 328a). 3 The tomb wasn’t nominated by Kenyon: the name T.10 has been given by the Italian-Palestinian Expedition (Nigro 2009, Note 7).

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speculative, since we are missing the anthropological data from Kenyon’s excavations. Different is the case of tomb HAR, in which there were only two primary burials, one of them in a supine position. The funerary equipment was already dated within the second part of MB I, between the end of the 19th century BC and the beginning of the 18th century BC (Nigro 2008, 286-287; 2009, 362; contra Maeir 2010), but another accurate analysis of the ceramic repertoire allows to specify some points. Open bowls were retrieved only from D.641: a first one presents a disc base and a rounded shape with an inverted rim (Figure 3.1), while a second one has three handled feet (Figure 3.2).4 All these are datable to the MB I, for the typical presence of a disc base and the curved form of the walls (Amiran 1969, 91), although we cannot furnish a more accurate date because platter bowls are generally not a precise chronological indicator (Ilan 1996, 213). More information can be deduced by globular and carinated bowls, which were found in all the three tombs, up to three specimens. They usually have a rounded carination or a more pronounced one, with a disc base or a flat base. The paste is light coloured and with a few grits; they are slipped (Figure 5.3) and/or burnished (Figures 5.1-2 and 3.3-4). All these features and the relative parallels lead to a date within the second part of the MB I.5 Regarding close shapes, jug and juglets are part of the funerary kit. Two jugs from tomb HAR and T.10 (Figures 4.5 and 5.4) presents an ovoid form with a soft inner gutter lip.6 Another one from D.641 presents a globular body with a ring base and a double-stranded shoulder handle (Figure 3.6).7 Only one dipper juglet was found, in tomb HAR (Figure 4.4), while noticeable is a Black Burnished Ware two-foil juglet from tomb HAR (Figure 4.3). This peculiar surface treatment is typical of funerary equipment of the final part of MB I (Amiran 1969, 107; Nigro 2000, 1194; 2007, 379)8 and replaces the Red Burnished Ware previously attested (Nigro 2007, 379)9. It is also applied on a piriform juglet from D.641 (Figure 3.5). Only one of the built-up tombs from Jericho contained also non-ceramic finds, tomb D.641. Among the grave

4 For some coeval parallels, see Ilan 1996, Figure 104.4.6; Covello-Paran 2001, Figure 8.3. 5 A well dated sequence is been established by Ilan 1996, Table 4.4. Parallels with specimens from Jericho can be retrieved in Ilan 1996, Figures 4.104.9; 4.104.11; 4.104.13; 4.104.15; Cohen’s phases 2 and 3 (Cohen 2002a, Figures 4a.1, 5a.9; 2002b, Figures3.21, 5.9). Similar types can also be found at Tell el-Hayyat phase 4, dated through radiocarbon analysis to an advanced MB I (c. 1900-1800 BC; see Falconer and Berelov 2006, 64, Figures 4.4 m-o). 6 A parallel for this type is attested from tomb K3 from the necropolis extra moenia of Jericho, the only one dated to the MB I (Kenyon 1965, Figure 95.14); similar specimens with double rims and globular bodies come from mid-MB I Tel Yosef (Covello-Paran 2001, Figures 5.5-5; 6.3). 7 Parallels are dated to Cohen’s phase 2 (Gerstenblith 1983, Figure 10.3; Cohen 2002a, Figure 4b.13; 2002b, Figure 4.13) and from Megiddo stratum XII (Loud 1948, Plate 23.2). 8 Similar specimens dated to the MB I have been found at Megiddo and have been attributed to stratum XII, though coming from tombs, Loud 1948, Plates 24:10; 24:22. Another parallel is a juglet from Dan, stratum XII (Ilan 1996, Figure 4.106.11). 9 A good example comes from Cohen’s phase 3 repertoire at Aphek (Beck 1975, Figure 9.2; Cohen 2002a, Figure 5b.13).

goods, there were also personal ornaments of the lady buried: a bronze pin (Figure 6), a necklace (Figure 7), two pairs of bronze earrings (Figure 8), a ring with a steatite scarab (Figure 9) and a second steatite scarab on the girl’s breast (Figure 10). Both scarabs have been attributed to the XIII dynasty, which begins in a period corresponding to the last part of MB I in Palestine (Marchetti 2003b, 14; Nigro 2008, 298-299; 2009, 372-373). The grave goods are ordinary, except for this last burial, while a remarkable feature is the architectural typology, quite unfamiliar to the Levantine tradition of 2nd millennium. Tell el-Dabᶜa: the necropolis of Area F/I A direct comparison can be found outside Palestine, at Tell el-Dabᶜa, in the eastern Nile Delta. The site, identified with ancient Avaris, provided rests of a more ancient settlement dated to the beginning of MB Age, which will rise as capital of the Hyksos reign during the succeeding Second Intermediate Period, roughly corresponding to MB III in Southern Levant (Dever 1997, 293). The most ancient built-up tombs at the site were identified in Area F/I, strata d/2 and d/1 (corresponding to general strata H and G/4; Bietak 2002, Figure 2). In stratum d/2, the settlement was centred on a palace of Syrian tradition (the so-called Mittlehaus; Bietak 1984, 324-325, Figure 3). About 50m south of the settlement was a contemporary necropolis, with the most ancient tombs discovered at the site until now. The burials were composed by pits, which contained funerary chambers built in mudbrick. They were covered by different kinds of vaults, protected by a thick layer of clay. Particularly similar to Jericho burials is Tell el-Dabᶜa tomb o/20-n.20 (Figure 11). The funerary chamber is square in shape and ESE-WNW oriented. It was lined by a single row mudbrick wall and contained the body of a young boy, in a contracted position on the right side (Schiestl 2002, 339; 2009, 313-314).10 The funerary equipment was composed by a single imported red burnished juglet (Figure 12).11 Imports in this stratum were not so consistent, though, only 10% of the ceramic repertoire was Levantine (Schiestl 2002, 337). Nevertheless, about 50% of male burials contained a significant amount of Syro-Palestinian weapons (Bietak 1996, 14). An excellent example is provided by the tomb o/20-n.17 (Schiestl 2009, 282-283), where there was no pottery, but a dagger with a crescent-shaped pommel (Figure 13), generally dated from the second part of the MB I.12

10 The covering had been cut off by a silo, but other coeval examples of children burials show a gable roof or a flat covering (van der Brink 1982, 2-21). 11 Parallels from the Southern Levant are dated to the MB I, cf. Loud 1948, Table 16.5 (red painted); Beck 1975, Figure 14.7; Ilan 1996, Figure 4.105.1. 12 Examples from Hama Tomb G4; MB I graves from Tell el-Bahr; the ‘Dépôt des Offrandes’ at Byblos; and from Palestinian ‘warrior tombs’ from Beth Shean (tomb 92), Tell Rehov (tomb 2). All these specimens are dated to the MB I and thus the form is been considered typical of this period (Philip 2006, 141).

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From an architectural point of view, there is a general continuity in the following stratum d/1. The so-called ‘Palace’ belongs to this phase (Bietak 1984, 325-332), built following the Egyptian tradition. The area south of it was occupied by a garden, which soon went out of use and became a necropolis. The tombs were built in mudbrick, but with a slightly different technique, with a predominant use of the barrel vault with a double arch of mudbrick. An example of this typology is represented by tomb m/18-n.3 (Schiestl 2002, 343-350; 2009, 363-389). The structure, NNE-SSW oriented, is lined by multiple rows of mudbrick (Figure 14) and is one of the biggest of this stratum, composed by two burial chambers, with ten different burials, of mixed gender and age13. It is also one of the richest tombs in the necropolis, in which was found a conspicuous set of jewellery, including a scarab with the title of ‘foreign’ (Figure 15),14 weapons and pottery. The ceramic repertoire shows the presence of importations, like several ovoid jars with a profiled rim and a flattened base, with or without handles (Schiestl 2002, Figures 12-13; Schiestl 2009, 162-164), that are dated to the MB I by parallels from the Levant (cf. Amiran 1969, 102-103). The finds from the tombs of both strata are placed within the second part of MB I, coherently with the chronology established by the excavators (Bietak 2002, Figure 2), that ascribe stratum d/2 to the last part of the XII dynasty (after Amenemhat III, 1807/06-1794/93 BC), while stratum d/1 is contemporary to the beginning of the XIII dynasty (around 1794/93 BC).15 From the river to the spring: common traits between Avaris and Jericho Both groups of tombs from the two sites of Jericho and ancient Avaris belong to the same chronological horizon, showing that during the second part of MB I both Tell es-Sultan and, at a major scale, Tell el- Dabᶜa, used the same kind of funerary architecture, with built-up mudbrick tombs, set within the limit of the town and in which bodies were buried in the same semi-flexed position. The use of mudbrick in the funerary architecture is peculiar to the Egyptian tradition16 and the design of Tell el-Dabᶜa tombs has some comparative examples in

13 The tomb is also illustrative for the presence of donkey skeletons, typical of this stratum, often paired and accompanied by sheep/goat burials, set in pits in front of the tomb. Bietak (1991, 54, n. 24; 1996, 25) relates the presence of donkeys to caravan activities. Precise parallels of this custom have been retrieved in Palestine only at Tell el-‘Ajjul, but its predecessor is probably in 3rd millennium Mesopotamian and Syrian practice. 14 The scarab gives a hint for the attribution of this part of the cemetery to functionaries employed in foreign trade (Bietak 1996, 26), possibly belonging to a high personality of Near Eastern origin who was responsible to the Egyptian crown for regulating trade and expeditions in the Levant during the transitional period from the Twelfth to the Thirteenth Dynasties (Bietak 2010, 147). 15 The chronology here adopted is in accordance to von Beckerath 1997, 189. 16 A general predominance of the Egyptian element at Tell el-Dabᶜa during these phases can be confirmed by an analysis of the contemporary settlement (Bader 2011, 66)

Egypt.17 This architectural device, instead, is by now little known in Palestine. The most ancient example of this typology seems to have been found at Tell el-ᶜAjjul, in Cemetery 1500, where only one tomb, n. 1533, was a rectangular pit lined of mudbrick (Petrie 1933, Plate LIX). It has been dated to the EB IV period (Kenyon 1956, 41) and thus it would represent the earliest, though isolated, example of mudbrick lined tomb from Southern Levant, but set in an outside town necropolis. On the other hand, examples of intra-mural mudbrick tombs are known from MB II Tabaqat Fahl, ancient Pella, and at LB Ashkelon. The burial from Pella has been attributed to the so-called ‘Intramural Burial Phase’: the tomb (F.107) was badly disturbed but it has been recognized as a rectangular cist grave lined with a single row of mudbrick; rests of two adults were retrieved (Bourke, Sparks and Schroder 2006, 22). Two rectangular mudbrick lined tombs from Ashkelon contained the bodies of a child and a young adult woman. The assemblage and the stratigraphy clearly indicate a date within the LB I (Brody 2008, 523, Figures 27.5, 27.11). Other intramural structural tombs are known from several 2nd millennium Palestinian sites, like Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Schaeffer 1939, Plate XVII), Tell el-Mutesellim/Megiddo (Loud 1948, Figures 202-204, 214-222), Tel el-Qadi/Tel Dan (Ilan 1995, 122-124, Figure 15), Aphek (Kochavi 1977, 62-67) and Kabri (Kempinski 2002, 49-54), but all these examples are built in stone.18 The different materials could be linked to their availability (apparently, there seem to be a strong presence of stone tombs in the northern area, while in the Jordan Valley and in the southern part of the country, mudbrick tombs are favourite), although in general the structural typology of built-up tombs is little used in MB I Palestine. The position of the tombs within the settlement boundaries is an interesting feature present both at Tell es-Sultan and Tell el-Dabᶜa. This practice is well known in 2nd millennium Palestine (Gonen 1992, 20-21),19 witnessed at Megiddo (Loud 1948, 92-98), Tell Dan (Ilan 1995, 120-121) and Tel el-ᶜAjjul (Petrie 1931, Plate 54). However, in our two case studies the spatial connection to the seat of power is noticeable, both at Tell el-Sultan (Figure 16) and Tell el-Dabᶜa, stratum d/1 (Figure 17), where some tombs are set within the palace compound. This is particularly evident for tomb D.641 in Jericho and for tomb m/18-n.3 in Tell el-Dabᶜa. The later was set near the palace together with other five rich burials. Moreover, at both sites other tombs of the same typology, but less rich in funerary equipment, were located around the first ones. This evidence could lead to the hypothesis that

17 Mudbrick built-up tombs have been investigated at Tell el-Maskhuta, Tell Sahaba, Inshas, Tell el-Yahudiyeh, but most of them haven’t been published (van der Brink 1982, 56-61). In particular, the use of a vault seems to be rarely documented but it is to be linked to the lack of documentation (Schiestl 2008, 245, 247). 18 Structural tombs are considered a kind of ‘foreign’ burial for Palestine by Gonen (1992, 27-28). 19 However, it’s been argued that the evidences from the Delta region haven’t been considered enough, because for a long time studies have been focusing on Upper Egypt (van der Brink 1982,62-65; Schiestl 2002, 329-330).

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these tombs were designed for a specific group of people, maybe functionaries of the palace.20 Finally, the burials form both Jericho and Tell el-Dabᶜa share the same body treatment, with corpses laying on a flank. The contract position is directly linked to the Levantine tradition and is present at the same site of Tell es-Sultan during the preceding EB IV. Subsequently it was replaced during MB II by a preference for a supine position. Conclusions: Jericho and the Tell el-Dabᶜa connection The comparison with Tell el- Dabᶜa burials can add some hypotheses about Tell es-Sultan built-up tombs: these were probably part of an intra moenia necropolis, basically located underneath the local rulers’ palace (Nigro 2009, 361) kept in use for a short period during the second part of MB I. Here, traits of the local tradition, represented by the position within the town and the body treatment, are mixed up with a specific Egyptian tradition, the building of a tomb with mudbrick. This kind of funerary architecture seems to be linked to a distinctive social role of the buried, a feature that is confirmed by the position of the burials, under or near the MB palace. In particular, the rank of the lady buried in D.641 could be established by the reading of the scarab found on the girl’s breast, proposed by L. Nigro (2008, 298-301; 2009, 372-374), ᶜḏ-mr Rḫa, as ‘Administrator of Jericho’.21 This characteristic, together with the similarities just seen between Jericho built-up tombs and the necropolis of Tell el-Dabᶜa of Area F/I, could confirm the assumption of a distinctive relationship between Jericho and Egypt already at the end of MB I, in particular at the beginning of the XIII dynasty. The presence of mudbrick tombs in other sites in the southern area of Palestine strengthens the hypothesis of strong contacts between this region and Lower Egypt during the subsequent part of the 2nd millennium.22 This is by no means linked to the provenience of the Asiatic population in the Nile Delta, since this movement would have happened before and from elsewhere (Bietak 2010, 163); on the contrary, the predominance of the Egyptian factor in the manner of built-up tombs could express the will of Jericho functionaries to borrow an Egytian-style construction for their most prominent dead. Bibliography Amiran, R. 1969. Ancient pottery of the Holy Land: from its beginnings in the Neolithic Period to the end of the Iron Age. Jerusalem, Massada. Bader, B. 2011. Contacts between Egypt and Syria-Palestine as seen in a Grown Settlement of the late 20 Schiestl (2009, 481) argues that the tombs from Tell el-Dabᶜa palace compound in stratum d/1 belonged to Egyptian functionaries, but with an Asiatic cultural background, who contributed to the intensification of exchanges between Egypt and Levant. 21 For critics to this interpretation, see Maeir 2010, 34-35. 22 This relationship has already been postulated by several authors, e.g. Philip 1995, 523.

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