Information practices of Canadian Muslims post 9/11

Information practices of Canadian Muslims post 9/11

Nadia Caidi !, Susan MacDonald

Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, 140 St. George Street, 646, Toronto, Ontario, CanadaM5S 3G6

Available online 18 April 2008

Abstract

This article explores how the post 9/11 climate has impacted Muslim-Canadians' informationpractices, including their uses of various information sources, and their attitudes and perceptionsregarding their information rights in a post 9/11 world. A survey was conducted in 2004-2005 with120 participants and supplemented by in-depth interviews. The population consisted of Muslimstudents enrolled in post-secondary institutions in Toronto, Ontario. The findings highlight Muslims'malaise in a post 9/11 environment; the deep mistrust they hold vis-à-vis the media; the importancethey give to media and information literacy skills for all; as well as a call for increased introspectioninside the Muslim community(ies). The study contributes to shedding light on a community that hasoften being talked and written about but not often heard. By soliciting Muslim individuals'perspectives, we enable them to voice their opinions about how the 9/11 events impacted on their livesand how their information practices inform their experiences.© 2008 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

Although the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (referred to in the collective psyche as9/11) occurred on American soil, they have impacted the rest of the world, and their aftermathhas had reverberations elsewhere, including Canada, which shares geographical borders andlongstanding social, economic, and political ties with the United States. Pressures associatedwith geographical proximity and the political affinity of recent governments has led Canada to

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Government Information Quarterly 25 (2008) 348–378

! Corresponding author. Fax: +1 416 971 1399.E-mail addresses: [email protected] (N. Caidi), [email protected] (S. MacDonald).

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employ various security measures and legislation in an ostensible attempt to limit terroristthreats. As elsewhere, the quest for increased security to wage the “war against terror” has leadto an associated increase in involvement by (and added powers sought by) law enforcementagencies and the intelligence communities in Canada—i.e. the Canadian Security IntelligenceService (CSIS) and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) vis-à-vis new anti-terrorismlegislation (Part 11.1 of the Canadian Criminal Code, which came into force January 2002).And as elsewhere, among the casualties have been many of the civil liberties and fundamentalvalues most Canadians take for granted. These restrictions on civil liberties are enhanced bybroader definitions in the criminal code to support electronic interception of individuals'communications and movements, increased use of security certificates1, and the considerationof biometrics ID (such as a national identity card).

Over the years that followed September 11, 2001, there have been countless numbers ofarticles in the Western press making explicit links between global terrorism andfundamentalisms of all sorts, but particularly with Islamic fundamentalism. New anti-terrorism legislation has targeted (in a thinly-disguised manner) the Muslim population byenforcing embargoes or visa restrictions for anyone emanating from specific countries –almost all of which are predominantly Muslim (Warwick, 2005). This has led to Arab andMuslim Canadians, by virtue of their ethnic and religious affiliations, coming under greaterscrutiny and suspicion. The association in people's minds of law-abiding Muslims (Canadianor otherwise) with potential terrorist activities has led to increased attention and suspicion,instances of hate crimes or job discrimination, racist behaviors at school or at work,accusations of racial profiling by law enforcement, and restrictions on travel within and outsideof Canada (Hagopian, 2004; Khan & Saloojee, 2003; Weston, 2003). The fact that mostvictims do not report such actions or discrimination (out of fear of reprisal, fear of attractingany unwanted attention, or because they are not aware of their rights) does not minimize theproblem (Parry, 2004).

Islam is one of the three major monotheistic religions in the Abrahamic tradition and isfollowed by more than one billion people around the world (Grim & Finke, 2006). In theUnited States, it is estimated there are between 1.55 million (or .5% of the total US population)(Kosmin & Mayer, 2004) to more than 3.5 million Muslims (according to the Arab AmericanInstitute, 2005), and in Canada alone, there are about 650,000 (Hussein et al., 2005). Muslimscome from various parts of the world and are therefore hardly a homogeneous community.Rather, religious interpretation and cultural practices differ among Muslims. In our study, forexample, more than 50% of respondents indicated that in addition to their Canadiancitizenship, they held ties (or additional citizenship) to one (or more) of 20 different countries,which speaks to the diversity of the Muslim community (or perhaps more accurately, com-munities) in Canada.

1 Under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act security certificates are “only issued when there is a needto use sensitive information that needs to be protected for reasons of national security or for the safety of anyperson.” The incriminating information does not have to be disclosed and the individual can be arrested anddetained for up to 120 days where upon review of the Federal Court of Canada they are either released or removedfrom the country. http://www.cbsa-asfc.gc.ca/newsroom/factsheets/2005/certificat-e.html.

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http://www.cbsa-asfc.gc.ca/newsroom/factsheets/2005/certificat-e.html

The social climate for Muslim Canadians in the post-9/11 era has become one of greatupheaval, and newspaper accounts and various studies have pointed out the state of turmoil inwhich Muslim Canadians find themselves. In one highly publicized case, a Syrian-bornCanadian,Maher Arar, was arrested in the U.S. and deported to Syria, where he was imprisonedfor over a year, interrogated, tortured, and released without charge. His case became the subjectof an extensive judicial inquiry. In 2004, the Canadian government ordered a public inquiry intoMr. Arar's ordeal (the “Commission of Inquiry into the Actions of CanadianOfficials in relationto Maher Arar”) despite repeated attempts by federal officials to protect this information. Athree-volume long report entitled “A New Review Mechanism for the RCMP's NationalSecurity Activities” was produced, which the media dubbed the O'Connor Report (afterCommissioner Denis O'Connor). The report effectively exonerated Mr. Arar, and spawned asubsequent $10-million compensation package, the resignation of the head of the RCMP, and anew inquiry into the cases of other Canadian Muslims jailed overseas.

As for Mr. Arar, years after his return to Canada he was still trying to make sense of whathappened. In a 2004 interview with the Canadian newspaper The Globe and Mail, Arar wasportrayed as someone who “puzzles over every news account that mentions his name – to thepoint where he can recite passages by heart – wondering who are the faceless people who aretalking about him and what is their motive. Every turn of phrase in the articles is analyzed fordeeper meaning. ‘I am trying to make sense of this.’” (Sallot, 2004). The coverage of his returnand fight with the system that curtailed his civil liberties and allowed him to be deported gave hima newly acquired or sharpened sense of warinesswith regard to news reporting by themedia. Thisawareness and critical thinking with regard to the “behind the scenes” of information productionand representation speaks to the state of crisis that individuals like Arar (or whole communitieslike Muslims or Arabs in many Western countries) find themselves in, particularly after 9/11.

The purpose of this study is to examine how individuals of Arab origin and/or Muslim faithuse information to make sense of their world (as citizens of Canada or of any other nation) in apost-9/11 era in light of the stigma attached to being part of these cultural and religious groups.In particular, the study explores how the post 9/11 climate has impacted Muslim-Canadians'information practices, including their uses of various information sources, as well as theirattitudes towards and perceptions of their information rights in a post 9/11 world. In assessingif and how the information practices of Muslims Canadians have changed since 9/11, weaddress the following questions:

• How do Muslim Canadians seek and process information from various sources (print,electronic media, institutions, individuals and social networks, etc.) in a post 9/11 world?

• How has 9/11 changed the way Muslim Canadians perceive themselves and their place inCanadian society? How do they make sense of the events of 9/11?

• Have the post 9/11 legislations and practices led Muslim Canadians or those of Arab originsto alter their information practices (privacy concerns, border crossing and travels, right ofassociation or assembly, freedom of expression, etc.)?

The findings shed light on a community that is often talked and written about but seldomgiven a voice (Elasaar, 2004; IHRC, 2002). Here, we recountMuslim individuals' perspectives,

350 N. Caidi, S. MacDonald / Government Information Quarterly 25 (2008) 348–378

thus enabling them to express their opinions about how the events of 9/11 impacted their livesand how their information practices reflect or shape their experiences.

2. Background and context

In the post 9/11 era, a surge of English publications, both scholarly and popular, haveemerged about (and sometimes by) Muslims. The focus of popular works has been largely togain an understanding of Islam, to explore what has been referred to as the clash of Islam anddemocracy, or to examine the relationship between Islam and global terrorism. Scholarlybooks published in this period were primarily concerned with violence and religiousextremism. These include Terror in the Mind of God: the Global Rise of Religious Violence(2003, by Mark Juergensmeyer) and Terror in the Name of God: Why Religious Militants Kill(2003, by Jessica Stern), both of which dissect religious terrorism as a sociologicalphenomenon. We have also seen a number of books devoted to the theoretical and empiricalstudy of terrorism and national security concerns. Most works during this period revolvedaround the academic debate between common good (national security) vs. individual rights(privacy, freedom, liberty, etc.), and the ethics of surveillance and secrecy.

Another trend in the literature is the promotion of inter-faith dialogue. Works offering anexploration of Islam as a religion of peace are viewed as attempts to foster inter-faith dialogue(Abdul Rauf, 2004; Abou El Fadl, 2005; Hasan, 2004; Klinghoffer, 2004). While much of thescholarship focuses on anti-American sentiment abroad (Shore, 2005; Hiebert, 2005; Peterson,2002; Nisbet, Nisbet, Scheufele & Shanahan, 2004; Gentskow & Shapiro, 2004), therelationship of Muslim Americans to the United States is also a central theme. In Muslims'Place in the American Public Square: Hope, Fears and Aspirations (Bukhari, 2004), theauthors illustrate what it means to be a Muslim living in the West by exploring specificreligious and immigrant-related issues, and how Muslims have strived for decades to adjust toa Western lifestyle and to participate as active citizens. The book rightfully points to theheterogeneity of the Muslim community (which is neither ideologically nor raciallyhomogeneous). Civil Rights in Peril: The Targeting of Arabs and Muslims (Hagopian,2004), on the other hand, documents the experience of Muslims coping with new restrictionsto their civil liberties, and establishes the troubling hypothesis that Muslims are ultimately notwelcome in the American public sphere. These and other works suggest that while the politicsof pluralism, diversity, and multiculturalism can seemingly absorb the cultural and religiousdifferences of Muslims, there are limits to what this means in terms of rights as citizens ofArabs and/or Muslim individuals. This is due largely to the strained relations between the U.S.and Middle Eastern (or predominantly Muslim) countries.

We note that much less research is available in the literature on the particular role thatinformation plays in the life of North American Arabs and Muslims, and the role thatinformation has played in their experiences since 9/11. In the information studies field, thereare relatively few writings on this subject. There is evidence that public libraries are concernedwith providing reliable information sources for library patrons on topics such as terrorism,national security, and Islam (Carlson, 2003), and about the quality of Islamic information onthe internet (Nor Shahriza and Norzelatun, 2005). But there is little research assessing the


impact of changes to information practices and policies in libraries. In 2002, the University ofIllinois/Urbana Champaign's Library Research Center conducted a national survey of publiclibraries to assess the impact of 9/11 on library practices including public service, changes insecurity measures, and attitudes toward patrons (Estabrook, 2002a). Contrary to expectation,Estabrook (2002b) concludes “most libraries played a disappointingly passive role in theircommunities… [and the events of 9/11] have led librarians to change how they view corevalues of their profession.” While 81% of libraries surveyed nationally made purchases fortheir collections to reflect gaps in subject areas related to 9/11, only 25% of libraries hadinitiated special programming. Further, Estabrook notes that over 50% of librarians indicatedthere may be “circumstances in which it might be necessary to compromise patron privacy”(Estabrook:2002b).

These findings contrast with the American Library Association's (ALA) (2003) position onfreedom of speech, access to information, and on the role that public libraries can play inproviding educational opportunities and/or forums to learn about the nature of Islam. Kniffel(2002a,b) cites the case of the Dearborn (Michigan) Public Library, where up to 20% of thepopulation is Muslim and in need of various types of information that the library is able toprovide. In other words, it is of particular importance to consider the experience of Muslims asa community of users, and the changes in the practices and policies regarding informationprovision to them. The aim of this study is to contribute to this body of literature by surveyingthe information practices of a sample of Muslims from Toronto (the largest city in Canada) aswell as their perceptions of and attitudes toward information access and other informationrights in a post 9/11 environment.

3. Information practices of Canadian Muslims

3.1. Methodology

In order to investigate the information practices of Muslims, as well as their perceptions ofand attitudes toward information access and other information rights, we examined variouspublicly available media stories, government reports, community surveys, and case studies toprovide a background for the framing of 9/11 and the issues confronting Muslims in Canada.

In addition to the literature review, a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews wereundertaken with a sample of Muslim students enrolled in post-secondary institutions inToronto, Ontario. Over a period of eight months (January 2004 through August 2005), werecruited 120 participants and asked them to share their views on various aspects of theirinformation needs and uses in a post 9/11 environment.

A 15-page questionnaire was developed and administered to the 120 participants. The twocriteria for participation in the study were that those individuals self-identified as Muslims, andthat they were regularly enrolled in a post-secondary (higher education) institution at the timeof the study. We decided to limit our sample to Muslim students rather than surveying thegeneral Muslim population in Toronto to ensure a more homogeneous (and comparable)sample. The questionnaire was administered in person and was in English only. There werefive main sections to the questionnaire: demographics, information sources, experience with


computers and the internet, and perspectives on the events of 9/11. The questionnaire consistedof both open-ended and closed questions. The closed questions were a mixture of Likert-scaleand multiple-choice questions. Participants were paid a small honorarium of $10 (Canadian) asa token of appreciation for their time.

It must be noted that the process of recruiting 120 participants took longer than expectedand may point to reluctance and/or suspicion by many regarding participation in a studytargeting Muslims. Word-of-mouth and active involvement and explanation of the purpose ofthe study (along with help from several student assistants, some of whom were members of theMuslim community) were essential in meeting the target goals.

Among those who answered the questionnaire, a subset of participants (N = 16) was askedto participate in a 20-minute interview. They were asked various open-ended questions. Thequestions addressed broad issues, asking participants what it meant for them to be a Muslim,what they saw as the most significant issues in their personal and professional lives since 9/11,their reflections and assessment on their access to information and other rights in a post 9/11world, and for their input in reaching out to non-Muslims.

The respondents' participation in the study (both survey and interview) was voluntary,based on a call for participation publicized through postings in email/notice boards and postersat various key campus locations throughout the greater Toronto area. The call for participantswas also publicized through various student associations (including the Muslim StudentAssociations of the various universities), as well as other community-based culturalorganizations (e.g., Canadian Arab and Muslim organizations).

3.2. Demographics

As stated before, the criteria of eligibility for participation in the study were that individualsself-identify as Muslims and be regularly enrolled in a post-secondary institution in the GreaterToronto Area. Our data shows a good representation of the major universities in Toronto:University of Toronto (N = 62 or 51%), York University (N = 38 or 32%), and RyersonUniversity (N = 13 or 11%). The other institutions accounted for 6% (N = 7).

Information was gathered with regard to country of origin, citizenship, languages spoken,ethnic background, religion, marital status, and gender. In general, the data supports the ideathat this is largely a community of immigrants (and that Toronto is a very multicultural city):80% of participants were born in countries other than Canada, with 24 countries of originrepresented, including Pakistan (14%), Saudi Arabia (14%), Kenya (8%), Somalia (6%), theUnited Arab Emirates (6%), Bangladesh (5%), and Iraq (4%).

According to Statistics Canada 2001 Census2, the population of metropolitan Toronto in2001 was 4,647,960 of which 2,032,960 (43.7%) were foreign-born, with almost 40%immigrating between 1991 and 2001. In comparison, 57% of the Muslim immigrants whoparticipated in this study arrived during this period. On average, our sample has lived inToronto for approximately 9 years.

2 According to the 2006 Canadian Census, the population of metropolitan Toronto was 5,113,149, butcomparable immigration statistics will not be available until December 4, 2007.


Male participants made up 54% (N = 65) of the sample, and 46% (N = 55) were female. Themajority of participants (N = 91 or 76%) were undergraduates, while 18% (N = 15) weregraduate students. Ninety-five percent of all participants surveyed were between the ages of 19and 30. Almost 40% study science or engineering, 19% study business or law, 13% thehumanities, and another 13% the social sciences. Prior to starting university in Canada, themajority of participants (65%) were previously students elsewhere, and 28% had beenemployed. Most of the participants (91%) were single and 9% were married. Thirty percent ofthe individuals surveyed have lived in countries other than Canada or their country of originfor three years or more including Saudi Arabia (8%), the United Arab Emirates (8%), andPakistan, the United States, India, Jordan, and Bangladesh (all 2% respectively). Respondentshold citizenship in more than 20 different countries, although almost half are Canadian citizens(dual citizenship is allowed in Canada). Other countries where citizenship is held includePakistan (15%), Kenya (5%), Bangladesh (5%), Somalia (4%), Iraq (4%), India (2%), Sudan(2%), and the United States (1%).

With respect to linguistic competence, 25% of all respondents spoke Urdu as children,followed by 20% who spoke English, 19% Arabic, and 8% Somali and Bengali respectively.In addition to the language in which the interview was conducted (English) and theirchildhood language, almost half of all participants spoke additional languages includingUrdu, French, Hindi, Arabic, Punjabi, Swahili, and Gujarati. Other languages mentioned byparticipants include Dari, Kutchi, Sindhi, Pashto, Ethiopian, Spanish, and Tamil. At home,42% of the participants report speaking English, 17% report Urdu, 17% Arabic, 7% Somali,and 4% Bengali. However, English was the language most often spoken with friends (80% ofparticipants), followed by 10% who spoke Urdu, 5% Arabic, and 2% who spoke Somali orFarsi.

As for religion, 71% identified as Sunni Muslim and 20% as Shia Muslim, while 6% did notspecify. The remaining 3% reported other religious affiliations including Hanafi, Ahmadiyat,and Salafee. In terms of ethnic background, over half (54%) identified as being either SouthAsian or Canadian Asian, whereas 28% identified as being Middle Eastern or Arab, followedby 12% who identified as Black or African Canadian.

3.3. Information practices

In the survey, respondents were asked about their information sources and their experienceswith computers and the internet. They were asked to list and rank the sources of informationthey access most often (see Table 1). The internet was by far the most popular with 93% (N =111) of participants. The second most popular information source was newspapers andmagazines, chosen by 66% (N = 79) of participants. Television was the third most popularsource of information as chosen by 56% (N = 66) of participants. The fourth most popular waslibraries, with 43% of all participants (49% of females chose libraries in contrast to 38% ofmales). Moreover, almost 50% of female participants indicated that they would consult aperson for information, such as a friend, family, or relative, as opposed to only 29% of males.In the case of institutions or organizations, 25% of females indicated they would consult these(e.g. schools or mosques) in comparison to only 11% of males.


3.3.1. Media use and consumptionA significant portion of the study was spent exploring the information environment of the

participants. They were asked a series of questions about the information sources they used:whether they read newspapers or magazines (and how frequently), which titles they favor andwhat types of articles they read (sports, world news, local/community news, business, etc.).They were asked similar questions about their television and radio viewing habits. Results ofthe survey revealed that newspapers and magazines were regularly read by 83% of respondentsan average of four days each week. Television was also popular, with 84% of respondentsindicating that they view it an average of 8 h per week. In contrast, radio was somewhat lessfrequently cited: 40% of all participants indicated that they listened less than 2 h each day.

Respondents were asked to list the titles of newspapers and magazines they read, thetelevision stations they watched, and the radio stations they listen to, and to indicate thefrequency they consume each. In all, 63 different newspaper and magazine titles, 61 televisionstations, and 33 radio stations were cited. Table 2 illustrates the top-ranked information sourcesfor each type of media. In general, traditional media (print, television, and radio) seem pre-dominantly to be used to access news sources.

3.3.1.1. Newspapers and magazines. The Toronto Star was by far the most popularpublication, with 66% of all participants indicating they read it on average three days perweek. This is significantly higher than the 52.7% weekly readership in all of metropolitanToronto (Canada Wire Newsgroup, 2005). The “free dailies” were the second most popularpublication, with 16% of all respondents. These typically have circulations of approximately400,000 (Maclean's Magazine, 2005). Other popular titles chosen by respondents includeThe Globe and Mail (chosen by 12%), BBC online (6%), student newspapers (5%), TheNew York Times (4%), and The National Post (4%). Community newspapers from GreaterToronto Area included the cities of Hamilton, Oakville, and Waterloo. Jang is the largestEnglish/Urdu publication group in Pakistan, the Toronto Sun is a daily tabloid, Gulf is anEnglish/Arabic publication from the U.A.E., and Daily Dawn is an English publication fromPakistan.

Table 1Information sources by rank and gender

Internet NewspapersTVLibraryPeopleInstitutions or organizationsMagazinesRadioGroupsOther

111 79 66 52 44 21 19 18 13 4

93% 66% 55% 43% 37%18%16%15%11% 3%

493530272514 7 5 5 3

89% 64% 55% 49% 45% 25% 13% 9% 9% 5%

6244362519 71213 8 1

95% 68%55%38%29%11%18%20%12% 2%

Information sources Total numberof responses

Total % sample

Number of female responses

% of females

Number of male responses

% of males


3.3.1.2. Television. As with newspapers, the most popular choice of television stations was alocal broadcaster, Citytv (32% of all respondents), followed closely by CBC (Canada'snational public broadcaster) at 29%. Other popular stations included CNN (27%), and twonational Canadian television broadcasters—Global TV (24%) and CTV (22%). The BBC iswatched by 14% of respondents, while FOX and Turner Broadcasting System (TBS) wereeach mentioned by 9% of the respondents. Aljazeera3, one of 12 Arabic satellite/internettelevision stations mentioned by respondents, is watched by 5% (N = 6). Other populartelevision stations include ATN (the Asian Television Network), which is a Canadianbroadcasting network with 6 specialty channels including ARY (the Urdu language channel forentertainment, news, and sports) and B4U (the 24-h Hindi movie channel). OMNI is amultilingual/multicultural Toronto television station, and Much Music is a Canadian musiccable television station.

3.3.1.3. Radio. The most popular choices of radio stations by all respondents weremainstream stations (680 News, 15%; Flow 93.5, 13%; CBC, 8%; CHUM 104.5, 7%; and Hits103.5, 7%). 680 News is an all-news Toronto-based radio station that covers local, national,and international news. The majority of the other radio stations were Toronto-based featuringpopular music, except for CFRB 1010, which is an all-news Toronto radio station. IslamUnited Muslims broadcasts from Toronto on 1540 AM/91.9 FM.

3 In Canada, an application to the Canadian Radio and Television Commission (CRTC) made in 2003 for alicense to broadcast Aljazeera for Direct-to-Home (DTH) Satellite delivery met with controversy from theCanadian Jewish Congress and others who claimed the station contravenes Canadian values. In 2004, CRTCgranted conditional approval but at the end of 2007 Aljazeera is not yet distributed by any DTH satellite companyin Canada.

Table 2Information sources by rank and type of media

Newspaper and magazine titles TV stations Radio stations

1 Toronto Star Citytv or CP24 680 News2 Free Dailies CBC/Newsworld Flow 93.53 Globe and Mail CNN CBC4 Community newspapers Global Hits 103.55 BBC online CTV CHUM 104.56 New York Times BBC 102.017 National Post Fox Mix 99.98 Jang TBS CFRB 10109 Times Magazine ATN Dubai10 The Toronto Sun NBC 640 Mojo11 Gulf OMNI CHFI12 Newsweek ABC BBC News13 Daily Dawn Aljazeera Islam United Muslims14 Wall Street Journal CBS Classical 96.315 Macleans Magazine Much Music 107.9


Table 3 provides a comparison between the three types of media and the kinds of programsconsumed (comparisons were made only when similar categories existed for at least two of themedia forms). The most popular topic for all three media sources is world news: print andtelevision being more popular than radio, which represents less than 25% of all respondents'choice. Canadian or domestic news was also popular and was accessed by approximately halfof all respondents through both print and television.

3.3.2. Experiences with computers and the internetParticipants were also asked about their computer and internet usage. They were asked to

report how often they use a computer and for what purposes (email, news, homework,shopping, etc.). They were asked to list the websites that they most often access, the languagein which they are published, the country in which they are published, and the approximatefrequency that they access these sites. The students who participated in this survey are like themajority of students in the general population when it comes to internet usage. They seem tohave high levels of access and the majority used computers daily.

Study participants were also asked to indicate what they use the internet for. They wereasked to choose all the categories that applied from a list that included email, class work,information gathering, checking the news, library resources, downloading shareware orfreeware, games, chat, travel information, bulletin boards, getting involved in professionalorganizations, shopping, and website maintenance (see Table 4). Not surprisingly, the mostpopular use of the internet (96% of all respondents) was email, followed closely by class work-related activities (91%), information gathering (83%), checking the news (81%), and accessinglibrary resources (66%).

Respondents were also asked to list the websites they accessed most, to indicate thelanguage and country in which the sites are published, and the approximate frequency theyaccess the sites. In all, a total of 107 different websites were listed. For the purpose of dataanalysis, each website was assigned to one of the following categories: email, search engine,chat (includes forums), news, reference, religion, entertainment, sports, and shopping. In somecases several categories might have applied, but the most dominant purpose was chosen. Themost popular type of site was news, with 26 different news sites being listed (representing 25%of all sites in the study). The second most popular type was religion (16 sites representing 15%

Table 3Comparison of media by type of article or program

Type of article or program Newspaper Television Radio

Female Male Female Male Female Male

World news 82% 72% 76% 60% 24% 28%Canada/domestic news 45% 52% 56% 51% 15% 25%Home country news 45% 37% 44% 26% 13% 8%Entertainment 49% 34% 64% 35% 18% 8%Sports 27% 42% 18% 40% 11% 8%Community news 44% 18% 38% 12% – –Other 15% 6% 9% 14% 5% 9%


of all sites listed). Other popular sites include reference (12 sites), entertainment (9 sites), chat orforums (9 sites), sports (8 sites), shopping (8 sites), search engines (6 sites), and email (3 sites).There were 6 sites that could not be located using the URL given or via a Google search with thetitle provided. In some cases, the particular names of websites were not given (e.g. “Indianwebsites”) consequently these four sites were not included in the final 107 sites for analysis.

In general, the most popular sites (see Table 5) include email providers, (e.g. Hotmail, BellSympatico, and Gmail), search engines (e.g. Google and Yahoo), and news sites (e.g. theonline versions of the BBC, CNN, the Toronto Star, the Globe and Mail, and the DailyDawn). Other popular sites include some religious (e.g., islamway.com and al-islam.com),chat (e.g., msn and shiachat.com), sports (e.g., nba.com), and university websites (e.g.utoronto.ca or Ryerson.ca).

The results in Table 6 suggest that television (32% or N = 20) and, to a certain extent radio(34% or N = 12), offer the most non-English sources. This is in comparison to only 22% ofEnglish language newspapers and magazines (N = 15) and 21% of all websites (N = 24). Forexample, the best sources for Arabic are television (N = 12 or 18%) and radio (N = 5 or 14%)compared to 9% of newspapers and magazines (N = 6) and 8% of websites (N = 10). Othernon-English languages for newspapers and magazines included: French 6% (N = 4), Bengali(3%), and Urdu (3%).

The internet seems to offer the most variety with regard to publication or broadcast origin.More than 40% of all websites used by survey participants originate outside North Americafrom countries including Somalia, India, and Turkey. While approximately 30% of alltelevision stations mentioned broadcast from Canada (N = 22) or the United States (N = 24),20% (N = 15) broadcast from the Middle East via satellite or the internet. Similarly, whileapproximately 3/4 of all radio stations broadcast from the greater Toronto area (and, in a fewcases, from Ottawa and Montreal), the remaining 25% mentioned broadcast from abroad, viathe internet or shortwave radio, from countries including the United Arab Emirates, Egypt,Morocco, and France.

Table 4Purposes of internet use by rank

EmailClass workInformation gatheringChecking the newsLibrary resourcesDownloading shareware, freewareGames/entertainmentChat groupsTravel informationBulletin boardsProfessional organizationsShoppingMaintaining websitesI don’t use the Internet

115109 99 97 79 62 55 53 52 38 39 34 14 0

Purposes of Internet Use Total # responses

96%91%83%81%66%52%46%44%43%32%33%28%12% 0%

Total % sample


http://islamway.com

http://al-islam.com

http://shiachat.com

http://nba.com

http://utoronto.ca

http://Ryerson.ca

3.3.3. Summary of information practicesThe survey findings enable us to depict a particular group of Muslims, at a particular point

in time. In general terms, this group of men and women are young, highly educated, and havemixed and diverse backgrounds (which is not unusual for Toronto, a very multicultural city).The participants by and large are fluent in English (and various other languages), and tend toput their knowledge of other languages to good use in their everyday information seekingpractices. The findings also illustrate that they are avid consumers of information in variousforms and in different languages, which contributes to exposing them to a variety ofperspectives on the events that unfold in the world around them.

While the participants also expressed interest in areas and issues that are typical of youngpeople of that age group and/or gender, they are also more aware of specific issues that mayhave to do with their particular circumstances. In this case, for instance, we note the keeninterest in news items (world news, “home country” news, Canada news, local news) and thestrong transnational ties held and maintained by many respondents (e.g., they may havefamilies living in other parts of the world, they may be newcomers or foreign students, or seekinformation sources from other parts of the globe, etc.).

We found that the participants were also savvy computer and internet users, with usagepatterns similar to others in this age group and category (i.e., heavy use of email and searchengines, uses of computers and internet for a variety of purposes, daily consumption, etc.)

Table 5Most popular internet sites accessed

Websites a Language % (N=?)

1 Hotmail.com English 44.2% (N=53)2 University websites English 35% (N=42)3 Google.com or .ca English 21.7% (N=26)4 Yahoo.com or .ca English 20.8% (N=25)5 bbcnews.com English 18.3% (N=22)6 msn.ca English 11.7% (N=14)7 thestar.ca English 9.2% (N=11)8 CNN.com English 6.7% (N=8)9 gmail.com English 6.7% (N=8)10 globeandmail.com English 4.2% (N=5)11 dawn.com English 3.3% (N=4)12 islamway.com Arabic/English 3.3% (N=4)13 shiachat.com English 3.3% (N=4)14 Aljazeera.com Arabic 3.3% (N=4)15 Al-islam.org English 2.5% (N=3)

a thestar.ca is the online version of the Toronto Star newspaper; dawn.com is part of The Dawn Group ofNewspapers from Pakistan; islamway.com, an Arabic site for followers of Islam, also has an English site and offersaudio broadcasts in almost 40 other languages; shiachat.com is an online community for real-time chat anddiscussion boards for Muslim and non-Muslim members; al-islam.org is “maintained by the Ahlul Bayt DigitalIslamic Library Project (DILP), a registered Non Profit Organisation that operates through the collaborative effortof volunteers based in many countries around the world. Our objectives are to digitize and present on the Internetquality Islamic resources, related to the history, law, practice, and society of the Islamic religion and the Muslimpeoples, with particular emphasis on Twelver Shia Islamic school of thought.”


http://Al-islam.org

http://Hotmail.com

http://Google.com

http://Yahoo.com

http://bbcnews.com

http://msn.ca

http://thestar.ca

http://CNN.com

http://gmail.com

http://globeandmail.com

http://dawn.com

http://islamway.com

http://shiachat.com

http://Aljazeera.com

(Pew, 2005). The internet is also at the top of the participants' list of popular sources ofinformation, followed by newspapers and TV.

In addition to the more generic uses of the internet and computers, there are other uses madeof the internet which emerged from the findings, such as accessing some specific websites inlanguages other than English, or sites that are tailored to groups belonging to a particularcultural group or religious affiliation. The internet and TV were reported to be the best sourcesto access materials in languages other than English. Arabic language materials were accessedprincipally through TV programs and through the internet.

4. Making sense of the 9/11 events: In their own voices

In addition to the exploration of their information environment, the survey participants wereasked 23 questions about their perspectives of 9/11 and the impact these events had on theirpersonal and professional lives. The participants were asked to state whether they“strongly agree,”“agree,” “disagree,” or “strongly disagree” with a variety of statements that revolved around fivemajor themes:

1. The place of Muslims in Canadian society (for instance, “I see a change in the way I viewmyself as an Arab or Muslim Canadian” or “I see a change in the way others view Arabsand/or Muslim Canadians”).

2. The media portrayal of Islam and Muslims (e.g., “I see a difference in the way the mediaportrays Arabs and/or Muslim Canadians” or “I am more critical about what I read in themedia when it comes to stories about Arabs and Muslims,” etc.).

3. Citizenship and rights such as privacy, freedom of speech, freedom of association, etc. (e.g.,“I ammore careful about when and how I use email and the internet,” “I am more concernedabout who has access to my personal information and for what purposes,” “I am afraid ofassociatingwith otherMuslims for fear that I could be found guilty by association,” and etc.).

4. Discrimination at school or in the workplace (e.g., “I have been treated differently at schooland/or work by colleagues and supervisors by virtue of being a Muslim” or “I know at least

Table 6Media type by language

N= %

English ArabicFrenchBengaliUrduFarsiHindiSpanishIndonesianKorean

52 6 4 2 2 1 0 0 0 067

Languages Newspapers & magazines

78% 9% 6% 3% 3% 1% 0% 0% 0% 0%100%

4512 3 0 2 0 1 1 0 165

69% 18% 5% 0% 3% 0% 2% 2% 0% 2%100%

23 5 4 0 2 0 1 0 0 035

66% 14% 11% 0% 6% 0% 3% 0% 0% 0%100%

94 10 5 0 2 3 2 1 1 0118

80% 8% 4% 0% 2% 3% 2% 1% 1% 0%100%

Television

N= %

Radio

N= %

Websites

N= %


one family whose child(ren) have been treated differently at school for appearing Muslim orhaving a Muslim-sounding name”).

5. Advocacy and representation (e.g., “The need for Arab and Muslim advocacy groups andorganizations is greater than it has ever been” or “I am now fearful of making a complaint orvoicing my opinion on political issues”).

Additional data was also gathered at the end of the survey when participants were asked torespond to two open-ended questions. The first asked why they chose to participate in the study,and the second asked if there was anything else that they would like to add to this study.Approximately 40% of respondents answered the first question. The most frequent answer wasthe desire to contribute to research that deals with Muslims' perspectives on contemporaryissues (47.9%). The second (and related) response emphasized the importance of giving a voiceto Muslims and raising awareness of the broader public about issues related to Islam andMuslims post 9/11 (35.4%). To the question, “Is there anything else that youwould like to add?”58% (N = 70) of participants provided feedback. Interestingly, over half of their contributionsreferred to the research itself. In most cases, participants showed appreciation for this study andthanked the researchers for their interest. Other feedback revolved around themes that werepervasive throughout the study including Muslims' place in society, media depiction, policyissues, comparison between Canada and other countries, or sadness expressed over the 9/11attacks.

In the remainder of this section, we report on the survey findings as supplemented by findingsfrom interviews conducted with a small sample of survey participants (N = 16). The aim of theinterviewwas to examine inmore depth the issues that emerged from the survey data, aswell as tohear participants speak in their own voices about what it meant for them to be aMuslim, and howthe 9/11 events changed their personal and professional lives. The breakdown for the participantsinvolved in the semi-structured interviews was as follows: 8 males and 8 females; all between 19and 30 years old; four were born in Canada; the others have been in Canada for an average of6 years (three came toCanada from 1990-1995, and the 9 others arrived between 1996 and 2001).Seven respondents reported having a dual citizenship (Canadian and another citizenship, mostnotably Pakistani, Iraqi, Bangladeshi, and Syrian). Interviewees were asked six questions:

1. What does it mean for you to be a Muslim?2. What has changed in your personal life since 9/11?3. What has changed in your professional life since 9/11?4. In terms of access to information, what are your biggest concerns?5. Are there other concerns that you have regarding any other rights post 9/11?6. What do you see as important or concrete actions that can be undertaken to raise awareness

of Muslims' concerns in Canada?

A summary of the responses to the survey's Likert-scale questions, the open-endedquestions at the end of the survey, and the interview questions have been organized along a fewkey themes emerging from the data. The principal themes are: (1) Muslims' place in society,(2) Media portrayal of Islam and Muslims, and (3) Information rights.


4.1. Muslims' place in society

The survey was designed to elicit respondents' perceptions about themselves as Muslims andtheir perceptions of others, particularly of non-Muslims and non-Arabs. We wanted to know ifrespondents saw a change in the way they view themselves as Muslims since the events of 9/11,and how they feel about being in Canada (i.e., perceptions about their civic freedoms, rights andprivileges, sense of belonging, etc.). When asked, I see a change in the way I view myself as anArab or Muslim Canadian, 58% of participants agreed (27.9% strongly agreed) while 42%disagreed (with 21% strongly disagreeing). This finding suggests that nearly 60% of respondentshave undergone some introspection and questioning about their place in Canadian societyfollowing the 9/11 events.

The interviews afforded us the opportunity to further probe how the lives of CanadianMuslims have changed post 9/11. When asked what it means to them to be Muslim, manyinterviewees indicated that being Muslim is central to their identity. Responses included:

“It is a complete way of life. It is part of my identity.”

“For me, it is about the practice of my religion and the relationship with God. It is also myidentity.”

“My idea [has] changed a lot recently. Growing up, I took it for granted [i.e., to be aMuslim]. When I came to the university, I started questioning many aspects of the religion.Certain things I do not agree with them, others do not require any changes for me. Iattended study circles to try and understand more about my religion. I also hanged out withother people not from my religion.”

When asked about how their personal lives have changed since 9/11, several intervieweessaid that they were forced to examine their religion more closely, and in many cases becamemore committed to it. One interviewee stated: “I am not happy about what happened in 9/11,but it showed me the right way as a Muslim.” Another stated: “I feel like I am being put onthe defensive and always ask myself: does Islam really say this? People expect me to knowall this. I have to do more research, and it helped me strengthen my religion.” In other cases,however, interviewees adamantly ruled out such questioning. One stated: “Islam is like aflag that I can wear around my arm. I did not have to be questioning it to reinforce myidentity.”

All interviewees describe the 9/11 attacks as tragic and seemed to view them as a turningpoint or a catalyst with a dialectic of “before” and “after” 9/11 appearing throughout theircomments. The following quotes illustrate the representation of time used in conjunction withthe 9/11 events:

“Arabs/Muslims have it really bad since 9/11.”

“Arabs/Muslims post 9/11 are like Japanese after Pearl Harbor.”


“People are more uncomfortable about my [head] scarf after 9/11.”

“9/11 forced me to give up on taking up a pilot degree and a job related to it. It made melook at the world more carefully. You end up questioning more things.”

“More people should do such research and people should tell their opinions about howeverything changed after 9/11.”

The 9/11 attacks were also used to raise awareness about the impacts of a post 9/11 world onMuslim individuals and the Muslim community at large. Observations included:

“I am less able to do certain activities, like sports. I am less safely able to hold a gun forsports activities, or if don't shave I feel more self-conscious. I am less free.”

“Terrorism to me means terror, danger, something bad. But for some people, it isMuslims; I do not think of terrorists as necessarily Muslims. There are terrorists ofall religions and all ethnicities, like the Irish, the Basques, etc. Before 9/11, I didn'teven think about it. Now, with school and what links people have made with Islam,I have been aware more of terrorist attacks and activities not committed byMuslims.”

“I always wanted to be more of a social activist but because I was not born here, I amafraid that there are more implications to me now. I am afraid to lose my papers or toappear in a list of so-called terrorists. There is a lot of suspicion about Islam, and betweenMuslims too.”

To the statement, I see a change in the way others view me since 9/11, an overwhelmingmajority of respondents (94%) agreed or strongly agreed, highlighting the perception held bymost members of the Muslim community that they are under intense scrutiny. The languageused to talk about the theme of image and representation of Muslims included frequentmentions of the negative depiction and treatment of Islam and Muslims such as: “unfairtreatment,” “stigmatization,” “discrimination,” “untrue stereotypes,” “derogatory treatment,”and “disrespect against Muslims/Arabs in theWest.”Other perspectives on this topic includedcomments about equality and social justice including: “people should be made aware that areligion is vastly being blamed for repercussions of action of individuals. When non-Muslimscommit a crime, not the whole faith is accused,” or “People should be able to practice theirreligion freely.”

The search for a variety of trusted information sources seems to be related to the questioningand negotiating of their identity as Muslims and as Canadians. Through the feedback portionsof the survey, as well as the interview data, the theme of identity and Muslims' place inCanadian society emerged as essential. Findings point to a mix of reactions, from trying to finda balance between defending one's religious beliefs to attempting to “fit in,” from becomingmore withdrawn and cynical to opting for a more secular approach, from deciding to pass as


non-Muslims vs. resignation at being categorized because of one's beard or veil. Sampleresponses included:

“Individuals' behavior has to be clear and open. A lot of it is about word of mouth. I amcareful about the perception of me as a Muslim that I give to people.”

“Appearance is nothing. It is not because you have a beard that you are a terrorist. They[the terrorists] are not stupid, they will change their appearance if they want to commit anact. You should not judge someone because of their appearance.”

“I came from a Muslim country and society, so I took it for granted. It was like Iinherited it, so I wasn't paying attention. But when I moved to Canada, I realizedhow different it is elsewhere. At school, there was a lot of incomprehension about mybeliefs when I immigrated. I was not allowed to miss Friday classes to go to prayers.I went anyway, and they [the professors] did not like it very much. I had a lot ofproblems.”

“I dissociated myself with Muslims very much. I thought that I wouldn't but I did. I amgrowing older, I want to get married. I don't want to be categorized. I have suspicions.Professional characterization is better than one based on religion or culture.”

When asked whether they felt that they have the same freedoms, rights, and privilegesas other Canadians, 59.6% of the respondents agreed, while 40.4% disagreed (6.7%strongly disagreeing). This makes a strong statement questioning the presumed equality ofrights between Muslims and non-Muslims as inscribed in the Charter of Rights andFreedom. When asked whether they felt that they have been treated differently at schooland/or work by colleagues and supervisors by virtue of being a Muslim, 44.2% agreedwhile 55.8% disagreed. The subsequent statement about whether participants knew atleast one family whose child(ren) have been treated differently at school for appearingMuslim or having a Muslim-sounding name elicited a less mitigated answer: 70.9% agreed(36.9% strongly agreeing) while 29.1% disagreed. To the questions about whether theyare now fearful that they could lose their job because of their religion or the nature of thejob (access to sensitive data), 73% disagreed, and 27% agreed. It must be noted, however,that since participants are students, they may not have full-time employment. This pointwas reinforced by answers to the next question about whether they believed that as aresult of 9/11, Muslims will have a more difficult time securing employment opportunities;with 82.3% of participants agreeing or strongly agreeing (females even more than males).In a similar vein, when asked to comment on whether they are less likely to apply forcertain jobs as a result of being a Muslim, 46% of participants concurred while 53.9%disagreed. Slightly more women disagreed while slightly more males agreed with thisstatement.

When asked what has changed in their professional lives since 9/11, the respondents madevarious comments regarding name-calling or suspicions they faced (“In class, people make


comments sometime,” “At work, me and my friends are called names, like ‘Hey Al-Qaeda’, or‘Oussama’”). Another respondent stated:

“[We have] More discussions, maybe, with my colleagues. Maybe people will look at medifferently when something happens now. For example, the London bombings. There wasan Egyptian Ph.D. student accused of being involved, and people looked at me funny. Iunderstand their views but one should not blame all others. [An Egyptian respondent].”

Some respondents reported that they themselves made assumptions, sometimes based onhearsay:

“I considered applying for a Masters in the U.S. But no longer. Now, Canada is more of mychosen place to live. My reluctance to go to the U.S. is more based on word-of-mouth. Iguess I should do more research, really.” [a male respondent]

“I don't think people in the workplace would want to be obvious about discrimination, butit might happen. Some jobs, I wouldn't even want to apply for. For example, my cousin theother day told me about a job at Banana Republic, but I said no because most probablythey wouldn't want to hire me, because of my scarf.” [a veiled female respondent]

For some respondents, however, there have not been any significant differences, partlybecause of the cultural diversity of Toronto (“No real changes in the workplace for me. It is avery diverse environment. Toronto is really an exception in that sense, because it is sodiverse”).

However, the focus was not always upon Muslims in Canadian society. Participants alsocommented specifically on actions that could be undertaken by Muslims themselves to changetheir situation and be more proactive. Ideas conveyed included themes of unity, dialogue,tolerance, and action: “Muslims should be more united,” “Muslims should be more tolerant ofeach other,” “Muslims should not act as victims,” “Muslims should make efforts to integrate,”“Pluralism is crucial...One needs to reconcile Western values but still hold one's religiousbeliefs,” along with calls “to be more active” and “to voice their opinions.” There were alsomany mentions of the state of turmoil and anxiety in the community, and members' fears aboutmaking their voices heard: “We are scared to talk about these issues,” “it is a sensitive issue,” “Ifelt it was my duty to speak out,” “I hope everyone's views of Muslims changes in a goodway.”

Our findings also point out the recognition of the importance of civic participation in theseyoung Muslims' lives. Civic participation seems to be highly valued, although we do not haveenough data to state whether this sentiment translates into concrete actions. If we define civicparticipation as active involvement in organizations, the data indicate that almost 70% of theMuslim students surveyed are actively involved in at least one student organization. Inaddition to “getting involved”, the sample also listed “getting information” as the second mostpopular way to define civic participation (almost 60% selected this option). When asked abouttheir most trusted sources of information, over 60% of Muslim students chose “word-of-


mouth,” followed closely by student newspapers and email lists. The internet was chosen byonly 46% of Muslims. This finding points, perhaps, to the importance of community and socialnetworks that favor personal connections and word-of-mouth, in addition to more mainstreamand impersonal sources of information for community and civic engagement activities.

Our findings on civic engagement correlate with other studies of the larger CanadianMuslimcommunity (Hussein, Hamdani, Bhatti and Munawar, 2005), which has been found in generalto be a young and highly educated population (average age is 27). The Canadian Muslimpopulation is also increasingly establishing itself as a political identity post 9/11: 80% of thegeneral CanadianMuslim population voted in the 2004 Federal elections (Hussein et al., 2005).

Despite the uncertainty and soul-searching expressed by respondents, 67.3% ofrespondents disagreed with the statement I have thoughts of leaving Canada (37.6%strongly disagreed), and only 14.9% of participants strongly agreed (17.8% agreed). It mustbe noted that females (N = 23 or 49%) disagreed more strongly than their male counterparts(N = 15 or 26%) with this statement, perhaps due to a difference in treatment of youngMuslim males vs. females after 9/11, or this may reflect a higher level of comfort amongMuslim females in Canada. On many occasions participants made a distinction between thestates of affairs in Canada vs. in other parts of the world, with the most common country ofcomparison being the United States. More often than not, respondents told us that Canadarated more favorably when compared to the situation of Muslims in other countries(particularly in the U.S.). The general sense is that there is a higher level of discrimination inthe U.S. (although as one participant reported: “but it exists [in Canada] too”). In the words ofthe respondents:

“Canada is still much more accepting than some other Western countries.”

“Visa takes more time now; even more[so] for the U.S.”

“Canada is still a homeland for Canadian Muslims. The problem is for border crossingwith U.S.”

“I was not allowed to go to the U.S. because of my name.”

“The view of Canadian Muslims would be vastly different from [that of] AmericanMuslims.”

All in all, it seems that Muslims are relatively happy to be living in Canada, rather than inother western countries (U.S., U.K., Europe, etc.).

4.2. Media portrayal of Islam and Muslims

Supplemental data gathered from interviews conducted with a select number of respondentshelp to contextualize these findings. In the interviews, when respondents were asked to reflectspecifically on their post-9/11 information practices and concerns they have about accessing


information, two themes emerged. The first revolved around the reliability of information foundin the media or on the internet, and the need to evaluate the quality of the information especiallyin terms of bias. The second related to concerns on how Muslims are portrayed in the media.

Respondents consistently pointed to the perceived bias of the media (particularly televisionand print sources), and the need for media literacy and critical skills. It is instructive at thispoint to consider how media bias impacts general information practices. For example,concerns about the reliability of information may help to explain why the majority ofrespondents in the study consume information from diverse sources and actively evaluate theinformation they find. Here are the thoughts of one interviewee on this issue:

“I use internet a lot. I used it even before 9/11. There is a lot of misinformation though.Before 9/11, when I had to do research, I used to go for whatever came. Now, I am morepicky, I evaluate the information much more. For example, if you search for Islamic sites,then what you get first are a bunch of anti-Islamic websites. This changes one person'sview about Islam especially if that person does not know anything about Islam. It gives abad press.”

Further, our findings point to the overwhelming agreement among our respondents aboutthe media portrayal of Muslims and Islam: 93% of participants agreed or strongly agreedwith the statement that they see a difference in the way the media portrays Arabs and/orMuslims. Similarly, 92% of participants agreed or strongly agreed with the statement thatthey were more critical about what they read in the media when it comes to stories aboutArabs and Muslims. An overwhelming 95% of participants surveyed agreed or stronglyagreed with the statement: I believe that the media do engage in racial stereotyping of Arabsand Muslims, with only 5% (N = 5) disagreeing with the statement. As noted in the previoussections, the theme of media portrayal and representation of Islam and Muslims was arecurring theme throughout the study, appearing in both the open-ended questions in thefeedback section of the survey as well as in the interviews. Indeed, it seems to stronglyresonate with our sample. There was evidence of frustration and sometimes anger by re-spondents about the media's treatment of Islam and Muslims. In particular, accusations ofbias were rampant. The media seem to have been the locus point for participants' anger e asillustrated in the excerpts below:

“The media are responsible for mistreating Muslims.”

“Media is responsible for false information.”

“Stories about Muslims are in negative light.”

“The public would be more positive toward Muslims if media stopped paying attention toMuslims and the Middle East.”

“More research is needed to counter negative media biases.”


When asked to comment on whether they were afraid to speak out against negative mediaportrayals of Muslims, 71.2% disagreed (25% strongly disagreed) versus 32.7% who agreed(8.7% strongly agreed). While participants claimed that they were not afraid to speak out, itis not clear from the findings that they actually engaged in such activities and challenged thenegative discourse of the media. There were calls for a better-informed public and the “needto get different perspectives” as a means of finding alternatives to these media depictions.The onus seemed to be on the individual to triangulate by seeking information from varioussources, including from transnational information sources. One participant suggested thatMuslims establish “more personalized relationships with friends and neighbors. That wouldbe better for Islam/Muslims' portrayal and the ‘true image’ would be portrayed.”

Two elements seem to emerge: (1) the media's contribution to depicting a negative (and“false,” according to some participants) image, which differs from the “true” or positive imageof Islam and Muslims; and (2) the importance of media literacy and of educating the generalpublic. The issue of “true” versus “false” information came up in many participants' accounts:

“Things changed after 9/11 negatively. Now I know westerners are really ignorant. Theybelieve everything in the media, not questioning if it is true.”

“In Canada, [there is]much less coverage ofworld events [than in participant's home country].”

“Canadians are unaware; [there is a] lack of true information and news; [this is] one of thecauses of attitudes toward Muslims.”

Another respondent pointed out: “the problem is getting access to relevant articles.” Asmentioned previously, our respondents go to great length to access information from varioussources and showed a level of sophistication in their pursuit and processing of information(i.e., actively evaluating information sources for reliability and authority). They have come toexpect (or hope) that the general public (including other Muslims and non-Muslims) would dothe same in order to have a more balanced view than what they think the media offers. It maywell be, however, that it is their particular circumstances (being a member of a community thatthey perceive to be under attack or under surveillance) that results in their heightenedawareness about information and media consumption.

4.3. Information rights

We asked respondents about various information rights. We use “information rights” to referto “the rights of individuals and communities to know about the collection, use, or disclosureof personal information about them (what personal information is collected about oneself, whyit is collected, what is done with it, and who gets access to it?)” (Caidi & Ross, 2005). Weextend information rights to include various spheres of life including the right of redress,freedom of opinion and assembly, surveillance in the workplace, and so on.

When asked to respond to the statement, I am more careful about when and how I use emailand the internet, 52.3% of participants agreed or strongly agreed, whereas 45.7% of participants


disagreed (14.5% strongly disagreed). When asked whether they would be less likely to useemail, cell phones, etc. to converse with friends and colleagues, 85.6% of participants disagreedor strongly disagreed. Obviously, our respondents represent a technologically savvy group thathas probably grown accustomed to using information and communication technologies. Only14.5% of participants agreed with the assertion. When asked whether they agreed with thestatement: I have to be more careful now of what I say or do at work, at school, at the mosque orin public, 63.1% of participants agreed (30.1% strongly agreed) while 36.9% disagreed (14.6%strongly disagreed). The participants' level of agreement/disagreement were in the sameproportions with regard to the subsequent statement about whether they are now moreconcerned about who has access to their personal information (medical records, libraryrecords, school records, etc.) and for what purposes: 65.4% agreed (37.5% strongly agreed) and34.6% disagreed (6.7% strongly disagreed), thus pointing to our sample's concerns about whathappens to the information collected and who has access to it.

The second theme emerging from the interview data concerned privacy. More than half of oursurvey respondents indicated that they were more careful about how they use the internet, email,and cell phones. In the interview section, respondents expressed further concern that they mightbemonitored in their access to information, and indicated that they were more careful about whatinformation they accessed post 9/11 for fear of being associated with terrorists or terroristactivities. Often, however, despite warnings from friends, peers, or relatives, the respondentsinterviewed did not dramatically alter their practices, as illustrated by these excerpts:

“I know the sites that I like and I visit them. I am not completely changing what I do withmy life because of that [9/11]. I don't want to be bothered although they probably haveways to know what I am accessing.”

“I know the IP address of the sites where terrorists post their pictures and texts, etc. But Inever go there. I know these sites are watched. Some sites are banned, so I don't touch them. Iam just more careful. An Egyptian advisor of mine, shortly after 9/11, advised me not tocheck Al-Jazeera or to check out any Arabic materials or newspapers or access certainsources and be more careful. After a while, though, I went back to my regular sources.”

“Privacy is a big issue, but everyone has to be more careful, not only Muslims. If youassociate with certain people, they will watch you more. I make sure to check that when Igive money for charity, the zakat, I check that it is to a legitimate organization, and I getinformation about it.”

The charged political climate and prevalence of technologies of surveillance (data collectionand aggregation, inferences, etc.) may have contributed to the changes in perception aboutprivacy amongmembers of this group. It must be noted that privacy is a cultural construct, and formany of the respondents who havemoved to Canada in recent years, the concept may still be a bitforeign. For instance, there is no single word referring to the concept of “privacy” in the Arabiclanguage, andmost words translated “privacy” (or similar to the English usage of privacy) tend toemphasize the idea of “being lonely.” In Urdu, two words ojhal and ekant refer to private or


screened and undisturbed respectively. Privacy as such does not seem to fit well with the morecommunal attitudes of theMuslim tradition. The roots of theword “privacy” go back to theKoranand the prophetic traditions (the Sunna). In Islamic society, there is a clear demarcation betweenpublic and private space (which usually ends at the front door step of a person's home). Theconcept of individual space is honored and divinely mandated (Kadivar, 2003). There areexpectations of privacy in the home (although a solitary immoral act performed in privacy canstill be a sin and a crime – therefore punishable – if proved through confession or other means(Vogel, 2003), but there is also a pronounced spiritual and societal accountability toward societyand the broader community in public settings. Article 18 of the Cairo Declaration on HumanRights in Islam (1990) emphasizes the private sphere in its discussion of privacy: “Everyone shallhave the right to privacy in the conduct of his private affairs, in his home, among his family, withregard to his property and his relationships (…) A private residence is inviolable in all cases.” TheArabCharter onHumanRights extends somewhat this definition. Article 17 of the Charter states:“Privacy shall be inviolable and any infringement thereof shall constitute an offence. This privacyincludes private family affairs, the inviolability of the home, and the confidentiality ofcorrespondence and other private means of communication.” The Charter was adopted by theLeague of Arab States in 1990, although it had not been ratified by any of the Arab countries as of1997.

In this context, the 9/11 events and the social climate that ensued seem to have heightenedCanadian Muslim's sense of identity, and of their perception that others are watching them.Wesee evidence from the data of self-censorship, cautious attitudes toward others (non-Muslims,but also among Muslims), mistrust, resentment, and feelings of being socially excluded. Thefollowing excerpts illustrate incidents recounted by two participants, and the particularcircumstances that made them feel that their right to privacy was being infringed upon:

“I wanted to send my brother $50 that I owed him, and I decided that it would be faster towire the money to him. So I go to a MiniMart and wire the money, but they kept the moneyfor a week. They called me and said there was a problem with my name, because it soundsMuslim, and they were afraid I was a terrorist. They asked me to come back and to faxsome ID documents. I was there for the whole day. They asked me all kinds of questions,and I had to pay another $13 to get the service.”

“Once I went to make a copy of my passport and other documents with my father atStaples. They asked me all sorts of questions, and requested that I leave a copy of thedocuments with them. I said, no way. But I was very upset about that, and my father too.But I don't know who to go to complain about that. There is no place where one can getinformation about what to do in this situation. I was very upset.”

When asked about whether they are afraid of associating with other Muslims for fear that theycould be found guilty by association, 77.9%of participants disagreedwith the proposition (42.3%strongly disagreeing), while 22.1% agreed with the proposition. Finally, when asked whetherthey are less likely to join Muslim organizations or donate to Muslim charitable causes, 85.6%disagreed (a significant 58.7% strongly disagreed) in contrast to 14.4% of participants who


agreed (3.8% strongly agreeing). For the last two propositions (fear of associating with otherMuslims, and joiningMuslims organizations and donating toMuslim charity), the data show thatfemales were more likely to strongly disagree with these propositions as opposed to males.Whileit is not evident from the data why this difference exists between genders, it must be noted thatthose who decided to participate in the study were more likely to self-identify asMuslims and beinvolved in various Muslim student associations or be active members of the community. Thosewhomay not bemembers of these networksmay therefore be under-represented in the study. Thisapplies to advocacy and social activism as well. There are good indications that those who choseto participate in the study had strong Muslim identities and were interested in raising awarenessaboutMuslim-related issues (and our interview data corroborate these findings: the importance ofgiving a voice to the Muslim community was a recurring theme, for instance).

Another theme emerging from the interviews and feedback portion of the survey relates tofreedom of movement, and particularly border-crossing post 9/11. Many of the respondentsindicated that traveling had become more difficult for them, especially to the United States.

“Before 9/11, I wanted to go and live in the US. That idea has been totally scratched after9/11. Many friends and relatives of mine lost their job in the US after 9/11. Now, I thinktwice before visiting my relatives in the US. I have been lucky as I have not beenfingerprinted, but still…”

“There was an incident where a member of my family who happened to be a sheikh was togive a talk in Florida about the 9/11 events and tolerance, etc. He was arrested at the airportsand checked and kept at security and not allowed to enter the US. He ended up not giving thetalk, which is ironic. I don't want to go to the US anymore. If it is for a short time, I wouldrather not go through the hassle. Even England is the same. I am alsomore careful about whatI bring in the plane. At security checkpoints, they are extra cautious with us.”

“Every time I go to the US, I am more careful. I actually like going there, but one needs tobe careful now. Travel and the border crossing is the most difficult now. At the USembassy, the officers are actually very nice and understanding. It is the guys in the customsat the border, they do not treat you properly. Last time I was there with some colleagues,because of my Egyptian passport, they treated me differently from the rest of them. Theyasked me to report my departure. The agent is not necessarily a bad person, and he saw thatI was very upset about the situation, but I think he is afraid of letting someone in, who willend up committing an attack, and then it will be his mistake. But they should be moreintelligent to go about security.”

“Travel is a big problem, not only to Canada, but everywhere now. Now my friends say orwere told that if you have a beard, you have to shave it especially if you travel to theMiddle East.”

Indeed, the proliferation of security measures, biometrics, and national ID cards is makingcross-border travel increasingly difficult for everyone. Hosein (2005) suggests that terrorism-


related policies made in the wake of 9/11 in Canada, the U.S., and elsewhere are often theresult of rushed decision-making and lack informed public debate. Individuals of Arab and orMuslim origins seem to be particularly affected by such security measures, and our samplereflects this ambivalence toward being surveilled and having their data entered systematicallyinto a system.

There have also been a few comments about the need for better policies to handle the issuesfaced by Muslim Canadians. A few participants expressed their concerns about the role of thegovernment in fostering fair policies and the implications of current policies for individuals ofMuslim faith (“I am scared about anti-terrorism legislation impacts for Muslims,” “we shouldavoid discrimination against certain ethnic minorities,” “I am scared that the terrorism billbecomes true. Secret evidence could put anyone in jail: where is freedom of people? In thehand of policymakers?”). Many participants called for the Canadian government not to “followUS government decisions.”

5. Discussion

The starting point of this study was a quote byMaher Arar (about how every turn of phrase inthe articles he read was analyzed for deeper meaning) and led to our broader attempts tounderstand how individuals perceiving themselves as under siege go about seeking and usinginformation tomake sense of their lives. Our findings point to an interesting– if not surprising–paradox between the lack of confidence in fair reporting on Islam and Muslims in the media,along with an increased awareness and consumption of media objects by the populationsampled. On the one hand, many participants criticize what they considered to be biases fromcertain media sources with regard to their portrayal of Muslims, on the other hand, the rate ofmedia consumption reveals that participants are paying attention to what is being printed in thenewspapers or broadcast on TV and, in the process, sharpening their media and informationliteracy skills. As Arar's quote suggests, there is an attempt to go behind the scenes in themaking of the news to ask about the identity and agenda of the reporters, their presumed orunintended biases and assumptions, or the framing of the story.

Our respondents emphasized both the responsibility of the individual and that of the generalpublic. They mentioned the need for outreach and promotion as a means to better educatepeople about Islam, and to correct the supposedly false claims about their religion. The need forconcerted efforts on the part of the Muslims themselves was clearly spelled out, as well as theneed for a common voice which seems to be lacking within theMuslim community, particularlywhen it comes to straightening facts or lobbying for better representation of Muslims in themedia. CAIR-CAN (Canadian Council on American Islamic Relations), an advocacy orga-nization, wasmentioned a few times as one that fills some of the void, but there was a realizationof the need for more Muslim voices in mainstream media. Haroon Siddiqui (Toronto Star) andSheema Khan (Globe & Mail occasional contributor) were mentioned as examples of Muslimvoices in the mainstream. These results support Putnam's argument that being informed ispositively associated with political participation (1993, 2000). Indeed, educated informationseekers – those who are usually more interested in public debate, governmental decision-making, and political changes – are more likely to be politically active (Wei & Leung, 1999).


Among the concrete actions suggested by study participants are educating Muslimsthemselves about their religion, organizing inter-faith dialogues; having champions, as well asmore research and exposure.

“Someone should explain to Canadians that Muslims are individuals with differentperspectives and backgrounds and that they are very diverse as a group. This someoneneeds to be someone who is well informed and influential, like the CAIR-CAN [anadvocacy organization] folks. They are very good about that.”

“Reaching out should be done through the media. Non-Muslims should raise awareness ofMuslims' concerns. For example,MP [Member of Parliament] DaltonMcGuinty came to theEid Prayer and addressed the Muslim crowd and started with “Salam Allaikum.” Same thingafter the London bombings, many personalities talked about the concerns of Muslims. Moreinfluential persons should make these distinctions between terrorists and Muslims.”

“Muslims should come out of the closet. They have to team up with the rest of thecommunity. Muslim organizations should try and work together with each other. That willtake a while for Muslims to come close together. 9/11 brought people closer but alsodivided them.”

“We need less MSAs and more government actions to stop the islamophobia. But moreshould also be done byMuslims themselves.We have to go beyond cookie-cutting approach.There is a lot of diversity within the Muslim community. We agree to work together, butwhen time comes, no acceptance of diversity in Islam and the Muslim community.”

“Some of the Muslims are very closed, like the newcomers, the new immigrants. They arevery closed as communities. Sometimes even their appearance is scary. For example, thePakistanis, when they come, they are so closed. Usually, these [closed] Muslims are oldand do not speak English and hang out together. The 2nd generation are doing betterusually. Problem is that Muslim immigrants are too closed. They need to show people thatthey are open and they should get involved in their community, help with charity, etc.”

“Muslims themselves should do it. They have to wake up. It is not Islam, it is the culture.Two cultures pervade: Indian and Arab cultures. They are different and don't speak to eachother. Secular Muslims tend to be more at the intellectual level. My future is to integrateinto Canadian society. I don't see a Muslim future. There is no such thing as Muslimvalues, culture, etc. It is about ethics. No real opportunity or need to meet other secularMuslims. As for traditionally-minded folks, I don't tell them anything. Others who havesecular views, it does not matter that they are Muslims.”

These excerpts point to the need for (and the potential of) the Muslim community in Toronto(and Canada) to become more active and politically aware so as to exert pressure on localpoliticians. As such, the challenges faced by Canadian Muslims need to be understood as part


of broader societal issues, including the chorus of voices alleging a causal link betweenmulticulturalism, divided societies, and terrorism. The 9/11 attacks enabled a resurgence of thefear of the “other” and forced the Arab/Muslim communities (among others) to questionmulticulturalism.

In the United States, Europe, and elsewhere, the post 9/11 climate launched a debate aboutimmigration policy and assimilation. In Britain and Spain, where terrorist acts werecommitted, it was made clear that the perpetrators were born and raised in the country ratherthan the product of a foreign country. The homegrown terror was viewed by many in theUnited Kingdom as evidence for the need to assimilate members of the society. Trends towarda more active assimilation of immigrants (i.e., “community cohesion”) into the mainstreamsociety are appearing. This trend is fueled by debates about the hijab (Islamic veil), which haveraged in the UK and in France. In the Netherlands, forcing immigrants to learn about values ofthat society is advanced under the label of “civic integration.”

In Canada, with its long tradition of multiculturalism, respect for the diversity and pluralityof cultures still prevails, but the ongoing debates south of the border (as well as across theAtlantic) has led to a re-examination of the identity and place of Muslims in Canada. Suchheated debates are an example of public interrogation and self-examination in relation to amore secular view of public institutions, versus institutional accommodation of group rightsfor cultural and religious communities (including orthodox views of minorities within variousreligious affiliations).

After the June 2006 arrests of 17 suspected terrorists in Toronto, linkages were being madein the media between multiculturalism and terrorism, with some arguing that multiculturalismis among the factors contributing to extremism in Canadian communities. This criticism ofmulticulturalism is not new and follows in the footsteps of those who have proclaimed foryears that multiculturalism is a divisive force in a society, and that it prevents the integration ofimmigrants and members of visible minority populations. Following the events of 9/11 andsubsequent attacks in other countries, governments reacted swiftly, often with both legislationto combat terrorism and measures to enhance integration. Concerns over crime, lifestyle, andghettos have been answered by a call for much stronger integration measures in variousEuropean countries.

It is beyond the scope of this article to examine the assumptions of causality that underlieclaims that multiculturalism policy is at fault and must be remedied if we are to maintain acohesive society free from security threats posed by members of minority groups. However, itis important to pay attention to the causes of alienation or radicalization, especially among theCanadian-born children of immigrants, and ask what would be the results of abandoningmulticulturalism in favor of a more assimilationist integration policy. A recent study based onan analysis of 2002 Statistics Canada data (Reitz & Banerjee, 2007) has found that the childrenof visible-minority immigrants exhibited a more profound sense of exclusion than theirparents. According to the study, visible-minority newcomers, and their offspring, identifythemselves less as Canadians, trust their fellow citizens less, and are less likely to vote thanwhite immigrants from Europe. The findings suggest that multiculturalism, Canada's officialpolicy on interethnic relations since 1971, is not working as well for newer immigrants or theirchildren, who hail largely from China, South Asia, and the Caribbean.


In Canada as elsewhere, there have been debates as to whether Canada's multiculturalism isa strength rather than a liability in the current security environment. Many have argued that thepropagation or cultivation of a climate of fear is unproductive and that Canada's lawenforcement and intelligence agencies should be at the forefront of preventing the alienation ofCanada's Muslim communities. Our data is useful in pointing out the state of malaise thatmembers of the Muslim/Arab communities find themselves in, and the need to address thismalaise. However, such an initiative requires listening to the voices of those who feel alienatedand examining who/what is responsible for the alienation.

Ultimately, the question is: Who will construct the identity of Canadian Muslims? Will it bedefined by the technologies of surveillance that gather data from different places to constitutesocial profiles? Will it be constructed by the media, who tend to focus on particular issues, orwill it be constructed by individuals themselves? Our data show that the respondents viewthemselves as a community in a time of crisis, one that has been “outed” and therebycompelled to engage with these existential issues. Individuals with a beard, a veil, particularnames or physical characteristics have seen their right to anonymity being replaced by theburden to prove their “normalcy” in the face of public scrutiny, while increased surveillanceand the curtailing of civil liberties have been tolerated by the broader public in the name ofnational security. This climate of fear and suspicion has implications for visible minorities (andindividuals of Muslim faith, in particular) who are more likely to be affected in theirinformation rights and practices.

6. Lessons learned

There is strong evidence that the information practices of our population sample contributeto shaping their experiences in the post 9/11 environment and their place in Canadian societyand the world at large. Indeed, the role of information gathering in the process of refining one'sviews (whether it is to get to “the truth” or to gain information and knowledge because of thepressures to justify one's beliefs and practices) was deemed essential by our sample. We note asignificant level of sophistication shown by the participants in their understanding of theimportance of accessing multiple and varied sources of information and making sense of thecontent. It points to a broader societal need to understand the social nature of the constructionof knowledge and the biases inherent in the process. Participants seem to access varioussources of information (including some they are critical of, such as CNN and FOX news) inorder to get a sense of the broader picture.

There are limitations to this study and one should keep in mind that the sample is notrepresentative of the general Muslim population in Toronto, or in Canada. It is also importantto keep in mind that we dealt mainly with a highly-educated segment of the population(university-educated), and also that those who chose to answer our survey self-identified asMuslims, and were willing to speak about their practices and experiences. There may be manymore individuals out there whose perspective would have been equally interesting andinformative but whom we could not reach because of their reluctance to participate, or perhapsbecause their self-identification was not first and foremost to Islam (although we were carefulto include Canadian Muslims as one of the labels in our Call for Participation).


Despite these limitations, there are lessons we can draw from this study. First and foremost,there is a need to consider the plea of Canadian Muslims for more social responsibility in thenews media. It was clear from the data that those who participated were forceful in stating thattheir identification with Islam was an attempt to reclaim their use of the word and dismiss anynegative associations with terrorists. In other words, they were not necessarily more religiousthan average, but as individuals, they felt alienated by negative pressures towards their religionas expressed by the media or the uninformed public, and wanted to do something about it. Ourparticipants felt alienated by the constant waves of (what they perceived to be mostly negative)articles and segments about Islam, and in particular the association between Islam and globalterrorism (suicide bombings, terrorist attacks, hostages, etc.).

Participants also reported that there needs to be more engagement on the part of “averageMuslims” in discussing what it means to be Muslim in Canada. Such a debate, and its placewithin broader Canadian society, was viewed as particularly lacking. The fact that participantswere students enrolled in institutions of higher education is even more alarming when werecall that university settings are traditionally considered as the bastion of dialogue anddebates. Some participants felt particularly skeptical after incidents at various universities,where meetings bringing together differing perspectives on controversial issues (such as theIsraeli-Palestinian conflict) were cancelled or went awry.

Finally, there are lessons to be learned for information institutions. If libraries, for example,are to remain faithful to their core values to serve all user groups regardless of creed, socialstatus, or age, then they have to take into account their Muslim constituency. This meansreaching out to them by providing collections that reflect the complexity of the issues relevantto this community, providing spaces for dialogue and exchange, as well as respecting theprivacy of all patrons.

Acknowledgments

This study has been funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities ResearchCouncil (SSHRC). The authors wish to acknowledge SSHRC as well as the excellent researchassistants who have participated in various capacities in this study, notably R. Baltovich, E. ElAdnan, andM. Habash. Also, we extend our thanks to Mr. Ted Richmond for his feedback on aprevious draft of this article.

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NadiaCaidi is anAssociate Professor at the Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto. She holds anMLISand a Ph.D. from theDepartment of Information Studies, at theUniversity of California, LosAngeles (UCLA). She alsoholds an MST in Communication Studies from the Universite Stendhal Grenoble 3, France.Her primary research interests are information policy and social/community informatics. She is also involved in cross-cultural and comparative studies, researching the influence of culture on the production, distribution and use ofinformation and its technologies.Her current research revolves around “Information” and “Access” Post 9/11. She has been awarded two grants from theSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) in Canada to study these issues. She is currentlycompleting a book on this topic (to be published by Blackwell Publishing).

Susan MacDonald is a doctoral student at the Faculty of Information Studies, University of Toronto, where sheobtained her Masters in Information Studies in 2005. She also holds a Bachelor of Arts from Trent University(1990). For more than a decade, she worked at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) and this experiencenow informs her interest in information use and policy.


Information practices of Canadian Muslims post 9/11

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