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Hybrid, Hyphen, History, Hysteria: The Making of
the Bt Cotton Controversy
Chandrika Parmar and Shiv Visvanathan
Centre for Study of Developing Societies, 29, Rajpur Road, Delhi –110054. Email:[email protected]
IDS Seminar on Agriculture Biotechnology and the Developing World. 1-2 October, 2003
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I
Imagine one is an alien with an anthropology degree. Ritually one lands up at
Delhi does the circuit, and then like a true diasporic visits Bangalore or Hyderabad, the
diasporic capitals of India and then reluctantly turns to Gujarat or Ludhiana or Warrangal.
How does one read the Bt controversy at these three different levels or sites?
If one were at Delhi, the words that would constantly echo are regulation.
Activists would nibble at names like Vandana Shiva, Suman Sahai or Devender Sharma.
They are good hard currency in activist circles. Whether one is in Delhi or Sussex there is
little difference. The narratives are virtually the same, the cast of characters one
interviews from Manju Sharma to P K Ghosh follow you to these international seminars,
content to be both analysts and case studies. The plethora of work on regulation is
stunning. In fact the obsession on regulation appears like a nostalgia for a new license
raj.
The new discourses on globalization always reveal a penchant for law. Law is the
best site to capture the new grammar of the global system. Bureaucrats, economists,
political scientists revel in the new rule games of the system. Regulation appears like a
readymade script for the new reality. One begins wondering whether regulation is already
a predetermined narrative, a grid thrown across event, telling you what to read, pointing
out to lack and silence. The scholarship is awesome. Ivy league PhDs, IDS working
papers and EPW special articles vie for attention. Reading it, one is not sure whether
regulatory domain is an actual architecture, a proposed architectonic or a plain wish list
allowing for a transfer of protocols across countries - “We already have it therefore you
need it syndrome”.
If the domain of scholarship suffers from the proliferation of predetermined
narratives, dictates, presumptions, the world of NGOs and activist groups, is a happy
hybrid of the local, glocal, global and also seems to have a readymade agenda. One sees
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it best in the debate on peasant juries on biotechnology. These juries were public hearings
about biotechnology and transgenic crops conducted by NGOs, grassroots groups and
international groups of environmentalists. They projected a drama of idealism at its best,
with activists, exponents of diversity, Greenpeace, all rubbing shoulders in this new
Vavlovian space. Dramas were enacted and but ‘butler did it’ verdict was clear.
Biotechnology, in the form of GMOS, was declared irrelevant and dangerous for
India. The peasants have spoken and their wisdom invokes a return to traditional
knowledge and a ban of genetically modified crops.
The controversy over peasant juries acquired a set-piece impetus when authorities
at IDS and elsewhere, possibly dependent on DFID money, harass the researchers
involved with the jury project. This provokes the standard reactions and usual Pandora’s
box of dualisms – west/rest, developed – underdeveloped, consultants-NGOs, big versus
small - exploded as a predictable grid. The battle carries its own mystique with third
world NGOs defeating development ideology and official economists. As a witness to the
jury proceeding in Andhra, one felt that a study of the body language of the jury or even
of the language of translation might have been more fruitful.
May be activism needs a hearing aid or minimally a translator. One wonders,
whether rituals of condemnation allowed for silences, agency, doubts even plain
adventurousness among the allegedly peasant audience. The debate on regulation reads
like a predetermined discourse and, the activist’s discourse reads like an overdetermined
one. There even appears to be a transfer of hysteria, a continuation of the war against
GMOS by other means. Only the site is not Europe but various localities in India.
Our anthropologist entering the field encounters two powerful anticipatory
discourses with set-piece vocabularies. It is a heady logic, this multiple potion of Dhar,
Suman Sahai, Tom Wakeford et.al. and equally seductive. It has a magic of its own. One
has then a sense of emptiness one usually feels after watching a powerful film. Reality is
poor stuff next to it. The everydayness of actual controversy seems sketchy. Not that one
wants to privilege one over the other, but what one studies is more a fragmented jagged
ethnography. Fragments don’t hold together. Instead of powerful generalities one finds
confusion, even contradiction. But one wants to outline this lesser drama because it
captures not just urgency and crisis, but the multiple realities of indifference, ignorance,
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tolerance, even a suspension of judgment. One misses the language of regulatory
maneuvers, gene flow, bollworm behavior, monitoring, Cartegena protocol. The folk or
regional imaginations seem to have a mind of their own.
II
One drives down to Gujarat, the virtual epicenter of the Bt Cotton controversy and
one is met by strange silence. One looks for local informants and inevitably meets the
local correspondent of Times of India. An enthusiastic environmentalist, even he is
puzzled by the event. Shyam Parekh observes. “The story originated somewhere from
Delhi. All the national newspapers carried it and gave it to the local newspapers. We
decided to follow it up and since it had a Gujarat angle, it was our business. What we
found was that there was not much information…on either the Bt Gene or whether such
an episode had even taken place”. The journalist in fact called it ‘a downloaded
controversy’ describing it as something that happens in Delhi or abroad and which you
first explore on the net. Parekh explored fresh angles, attempting to look at it from the
health point of view, investigating whether the Bt gene had some impact on streptomycin.
“In the government nobody knew much, the forest department, the entire ministry,
nobody had any information. In fact, they said if it is a cotton variety why should you
have a problem? If it produces more cotton then why we should discard it? They will say
it is good, if the insects die, if the pest dies then why should you have a problem?
“I mean, first of all people need some kind of agitation around this particular
aspect, then we can go into the issues. Basically people are not aware what effects GMOs
can have. Greenpeace came much later. Vandana Shiva - I don’t think we ever heard of
her in this particular issue. They make statements from Delhi. There is no NGO
movement locally on this front. That much I am sure. They might have issued statements
time and again but that’s it. I mean how do you keep an issue alive? If something is
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happening, then you write about it. You know kind of follow-ups, kind of something. But
when there is absolutely nothing, everything is quiet, I can’t go to the field”.
“Even doctors don’t know. The other day I was talking to the doctor. I asked two
or three questions. I asked them what could be the effects of this product, they were not at
all aware. They didn’t expect much of it. O.k. aata hai jaata hai, aise to bahut crops hote
hain. In nature also there are all kinds of exchanges taking place and why bother about it.
You ask questions and then they will come up with “may be, possible yeses, and no’s”.
Minus internet it would have been very difficult for me also to have basic exposure to it”.
III
Ahmedabad evoked no sense of scandal. While national newspapers were
glowing Greenpeace, there was a sense of normalcy around Gujarat. As Times of India of
Monday October 29, 2001 reported “Greenpeace International has expressed serious
concern about hundreds of acres of illegally planted Bt Cotton in Gujarat”. TOI quoted
Greenpeace as claiming that the “entire episode was ludicrous revealing the inability of
the Indian regulatory system to control the release of genetically modified organisms into
the environment”. Greenpeace campaigner Michelle Chawla feared that “no proper
environmental assessment of the situation was being undertaken...It claimed that no
assessment, or even investigation of environmental damage was made by the team that
the Genetic Engineering Approval Committee (GEAC) had sent”.
The authorities in Gujarat including the then agricultural minister Purushottam
Rupala operated within a different framework of responses. Rupala told us “ Look, this
Bt cotton issue is not a state issue. Because the state government has neither the authority
to give them permission nor do they have any other mechanism to identify whether we
have to do anything in this….It is a question of enquiry. The matter has come forward
due to someone’s complaint”.
6
Rupala continued, “The complaint was made by MAHYCO, so a central team
came and checked out. They found it was a genetically engineered seed that had been
sold by the company commercially… However at the state level, there in no act that
permits us to take action against those growing Bt cotton. In fact we said so to the Centre.
The committee in the Centre, which gives the approval and directions for this, wrote to us
to burn whatever Bt crop that has been sown by the farmers. But this is not possible
because that is thousands of acres of land. We cannot destroy so much of crop. The
farmers have sowed the cotton that has been sown here. The crop has been cultivated in
thousand of hectares, so what is the use of destroying so much crop?”
“My stand as an agriculture minister is that: till date no authority has said that Bt
is injurious to health, or bad for the soil or that it is destroying the environment. After that
we found out that the developed countries of the world are using it openly. The cotton
farmers of US – more than fifty percent of them are using Bt cotton. They talk of
globalization on one hand and on the other hand they don’t want our farmers to use the ‘
good quality seeds’. What happened by mistake is not the fault of the farmer but of the
company. Legal action should be taken against the company not the farmer. We should
not do anything against the farmers. This is my opinion and that of other leaders. We will
not allow anything to happen against the interest of the farmers. That is my decision”.
We asked him what would happen if the seeds reached the market and what if the
Centre told them to stop. He replied, “Centre has already told us that. How do we stop the
issue that has gone in front of the farmers? Who will pay the compensation for the losses
that will be incurred if we burn their crop? Let us consider this, this issue has come to
light but supposing tomorrow some other company does the same thing and brings
another kind of seed into the market what will we do then? For this we will go to the
farmers. Why can’t we make provisions against the companies?”
For Rupala, regulation had to fit within the reality principle of democracy. He was
matter of fact about the MAHYCO complaint. “MAHYCO complained because
MAHYCO had applied for permission. Their experiment was going on for the last three
years. It was about to be completed, but before that someone went to the market and that
must have resulted in losses to them”.
7
“The Ministry of environment has banned Bt cotton for the next one year. We will
also say this is banned. We will not allow anyone to sell it. We will not give anyone
permission. My stand is just that about what has happened we will not do anything about
that”.
“These seeds are not easy to destroy because it has already reached the market.
The marketing had already been done when we came to know about it. Now we can’t go
to each house and search if this is Bt or not. If we go to search, then people will ask give
us something else in place of Bt. This is not practical. We don’t want to fight with the
Centre, but it is impossible to implement it in the field and even otherwise the farmers
should have the freedom to choose between what they want to sow in their fields. We
should give them the right guidance but we cannot force them into anything”.
He asked us, “You have done research, so you tell us what is the harm in this?”
(isme nuksan kya hai?). “The precise issue is has anyone shown the harmful/ negative
impact of the Bt cotton?” Rupala insisted that, the evidence should be brought before the
government. ‘...Till now there is no evidence of the side effects’…. If the Centre sends us
the evidence we will see. I am also against playing with the health of the general public.
But it will not be right to do all that (burn cotton crop) before that has been established.
And what damage will have been done? Tell me this”. Rupala’s is not an isolated
response.
Bhupendra Chudasma, Chairman of the Narmada Sardar Sarovar (currently
agricultural minister) explained his vision of Gujarat and biotechnology’s place in it
(19/12/01) Chudasma said, “Gujarat has more potential in agriculture than any other state
of country. But because of less water, because of irregular rain, the farmer of the state is
not happy. In the last 50 years we have drawn water from the earth… without recharging
it. In Mehsana, in North Gujarat and Saurashtra, the level of the water has gone down. So
the farmers are in trouble because he is unable to use the new technology and facilities….
The farmer wants to use new technologies”.
“The solution with me now is Narmada. 18 lakh hectare of land are so is going to
be irrigated by the Narmada water….people will have sufficient water after this…. With
this water their will be multiple success of the of the state as for example after the Bhakra
Nangal, Punjab and Haryana were capable of providing 70 per cent of the food
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production of India. Like this Gujarat will also be able to provide for the whole country.
Because of government help, our farmers are ready to adopt all new technical aids as well
as biotechnology and other systems too. Horticulture is the future of Gujarat. Big areas
of cotton here in Gujarat and day by day new research is also being adopted by our
progressive farmers. In country I think we are second largest cotton producing state
growing cotton like Sankar and Kalyan”.
“The problem of Bt cotton is not with the farmer. It is with the companies, with
those who have produced this research. The problem is they have not adopted rules and
regulations or taken the permission from the Government. Whether it is beneficial or
harmful is still open today to my mind. As per my knowledge, no expert opinion has been
taken so far. So, I can say on behalf of Gujarat farmer don’t take the decision to destroy
the cotton as grown by the state and in future any policy you apply take the opinion of the
state agriculture department. More I will suggest take the opinion from the countries and
also other states like Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka... Somewhere I read in newspapers
that Centre is in the mood to destroy in the production but it is not correct, or advisable
because the farmer has spent money to grow this cotton. And how can you identify this
cotton in the market. So if this is a fault, this is not a fault of the farmers”.
Chudasma explained, “You see, environment is also necessary in our life. We
cannot ignore the environment as well as biotechnology but the hurry of the farmers is
also to be considered. To my mind Centre should form an expert committee in which
experts from environment department and biotechnology department and representative
of farmer’s organizations for example Bhartiya Kisan Sangh and others organized by
Sharad Joshi. One thing is sure that no system is 100 per cent proof. If biotechnology is
80 per cent in the interest of the farmers, then we have to suffer and let go 20 per cent of
the environment. If it destroys the environment 80 percent then we have to let go and do
something, some compr omise should be there. If we expect 100 percent proof system is
not possible”.
“There is this talk about burning it but it is not the work of department of farming
to burn. Our task is to grow. So our government has taken a decision we will not destroy
it … or minister of agriculture is himself a farmer. I am also a farmer…”. He noted
pragmatically, “Once the cotton is in the market, you cannot identify it. In the market
9
there are 30 trucks coming in every morning. How can you identify that these 5 trucks are
Bt cotton and these 25 are Shankar and Kalyan. You cannot do that”.
Chudasma predicted, “I am sure that after the (Narmada) waters come in two
years, the farmers will definitely go for biotechnology. Definitely. Our farmer is very
progressive. You see the benefit the Bhakra Nangal came within 10 years. Our farmers
will take the advantage in 3-4 years because our farmer is a farmer and a businessman.
The Punjabi farmer is only a farmer not a businessman”. More expansively he added,
“You see I compare our country with China. China is constructing a big dam namely
Three Gorges. They are going to produce 18200 mega watts of electricity. You see, the
more benefits are taken by China. We can see the dumping in the markets. The
production is much cheaper. All the industrial as well as agricultural production are very
cheap because they have cheaper electricity. Our farmers want to adopt biotechnology,
because it is safe from any disease, they will have to use less pesticides, fertilizers. It is
safe technology”.
Most interesting was the case of Atma Ram Patel, former Union agriculture
minister and now leader of farmer groups in Mehsana district (primarily a cotton growing
area). He had only one thing to say-“ the interest of the farmer should be protected, so if
cotton had been grown by farmers it would be protected” For him there was no difference
between Bt cotton or Kalyan or Shankar.
GUJCOT echoed this response. One major official said, “We are for the farmers.
We are sitting here for the farmers and we cannot do anything against the farmers. But
we are not saying much because we are also a government organization”.
A easy sense of normalcy even of expectation marks the conversation of those in
authority. Chudasma went to the extent of contending Narmada + Biotechnology will
make Gujarat the first state in the country.
The business as usual model contrasts sharply within the reports emerging out of
Karnataka. It is based on a grid of assumptions. Firstly if other countries like China and
USA are doing it, why not us. There is an anxiety not about Bt cotton but about being left
out of what looks the Bt millennium. What adds to the feeling is not a fear of the
bollworm but a local fear of the Chinese. Over the last few years the Chinese have been
dumping goods in the markets of Gujarat. The shrewd Gujarati businessman has no
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answer to Chinese fans, cycles, clocks or pharmaceuticals. The Chinese have been even
able to undercut Kutch embroidery, the legendary craft of the area. There is a widely
articulated fear that the Chinese would soon dump cheap Bt cotton cloth on Gujarat. It is
not the risk science of Bt cotton that moves Gujarat, it is the threat of immediate
competition. In fact when we discussed the question of risk, two sets of answers emerge.
The first was Rupala’s answer that risk was a “security issue and therefore a
responsibility of the Centre”. The second was the standard answer that “it was as unsafe
crossing a road”. There was an implicit split between knowledge and politics. Risk as
knowledge was a problem of experts. The standard response was “let the government
establish a committee”. Risk was deep into the future but the agricultural crop involved
the politics of today.
Behind the normalcy there were undercurrents of anxiety but it was not the
anxiety of mass movements like the KRRS, it was the nibbling anxiety of competing
lobbies. It was the politics of the seed industry that came to the fore.
IV
The seed industry was the first group to mobilize in any significant way. The
language of presentation, the shift in emphasis is something one must be sensitive to. In
fact it is the seed industry that provides the first systematic “framing” stories within
Gujarat.
On 5th October 2001, 21 members of the Gujarat seed industry including Vikram
Seeds, Avani Seeds, Nav Gujarat Seeds, Ravi Seeds, Paras Agro Seeds submitted an
urgent letter to Manju Sharma of the Department of Biotechnology. This first letter is an
open ended one beginning with the standard invocation of cotton as the white gold of
India. The levels of the narrative change with every paragraph. Once the commercial
importance of cotton is noted, the problems created by the bollworm complex are
emphasized. The real war is cotton versus bollworm. But as the letter observes sadly, “no
11
major headway however is achieved in this regard”. But the companies realize politics
like economics is a composite of secondary wars triggered by science.
The second paragraph mentions that, “ new technologies have come into use.
Some multinational companies have developed some techniques of introduction of
recombinant DNA” thereby producing genetically modified transgenic products. The
letter collectively bows to the “long term collective wisdom of GOI and DBT” that “such
products are not permitted for sale in India without confirmatory tests”. It acknowledges
that Mahyco, a private seed company in India is the only company permitted to conduct
Bt cotton trials under strict supervision and screening of a chain of committees formed by
GOI and a lead of agency like DBT. The letter smacks of good behavior all around till the
bollworm appears again.
The annual cotton crop had been a good one till an epidemic of bollworm
devastated the crop throughout the state. “The pest menace was so acute that it compelled
a majority of seed producers to discontinue their hybrid cotton seed production
programmes”. In this devastated landscape “one research cotton product named Nav
Bharat –151 ‘stood’ completely free from bollworm damage”.
What the farmers celebrate, now threatens the seed industry because Nav Bharat
has sold over “8000 to 10,000 packets this season”. The letter warns that it may be a
transgenic product. That has been “sold for the last 2-3 years by the company”. The fact
came to light only because of the bollworm attack”. The happy world of regulation seems
to collapse when smuggling becomes the standard mode for transfer of technology. The
smuggled crop not only makes Bt cotton more democratically accessible, it widens the
domain of risk. The letter adds that many farmers have raised the crop using open-
pollinated (OP) seeds collected from Nav Bharat-151 grown in the previous season”.
The letter warns of an epidemic anarchy, “that OP seeds would spread at a faster
rate in a large area not only in Gujarat state but also in other cotton growing regions of
the country. You can very well understand the consequences and risk to Indian farmers
and to agriculture as a whole, which is associated with the unauthorized and illegal
spread of such seeds…”
On 12th October 2001 in a second letter to Manju Sharma, the seed association
confirms it own suspicions that Nav Bharat –151 is a transgenic item. The association
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expresses surprise that the company has escaped the attention of local authorities. Nor
can it explain their reluctance to act against the illegal sale of seeds. The association
requested the government
1. To uproot the Nav Bharat –151 crop planted by farmers in different regions.
2. Recover the cotton harvested and destroy it to stop its further use.
3. Destroy all seeds harvested so far from the programme and to destroy any
seed available with the company as inventory
After such appeals the letter makes an important point. It observes that cotton
enters the food chain much earlier in India than in ‘developed countries’. Firstly,
commercial cottonseeds are crushed to obtain edible oil, which is consumed on a large
scale. Secondly large quantities of seed are utilized as cattle feed. As food and feed,
cotton enters the food chain at an early stage.
Yet the seed industry’s concern for Bt cotton is not fully convincing. The letters
appear to be more of rhetorical strategy to face the imminent threat of Bt cotton. This
becomes much clearer in a letter the Gujarat State Seeds Producers Corporation
addressed to Prime Minister Vajpayee. It is not merely the concern for the hazards of
transgenic cotton that motivates the letter. It is fear of monopoly , the anxiety that
Monsanto-Mahyco may dominate the seed industry. It warns that:
1. In an India “where 70 per cent of small and marginal farmers are
engaged in agriculture, the monopoly of any one company may prove
dangerous to the farmers”.
2. The foreign company will sell such seeds at a high rate.
3. The cost of the seeds may be more than for the cost of the pesticides
4. Given agro climatic variation, one or two varieties from any one
company may not be suitable for cultivation in all regions.
The letter then suggests that “Bt cotton gene technology should made available to
all companies” so as to enable “the poor farmers to use such seeds”. The interests of the
local seeds companies and the poor and marginal farmers are represented as identical in
the battle against monopoly. The shift in emphasis is stunning. Page 1 battles transgenic
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seeds. Page 2 and 3 suggests a sharing of the profits. It is not damage or danger or risk
that is threatening but monopoly of seed control.
An earlier draft of the letter is clearer. It states, “The unknown health risks from
GM foods are the possibility of food allergies and increased resistance to antibiotics.
However, it seems that the GM crops are being pushed in a hurry by certain multinational
companies because of the prospect for high commercial gain, though nothing is being
done on food crops that are of relevance to the poor people….However if government of
India desires to introduce this technology, the government should purchase the
technology and make it available to all public institutions and private organizations for
seed production on commercial base. Such technology should not be restricted or
monopolized to any one foreign company so as others may not get benefits”.
One does not know whether Vajpayee replied to the letter. But as a consolation
one must note that the Bharatiya Kisan Sangh (BKS), “the powerful farmers wing of
the Sangh Parivar” warned the State government that it was in on mood to accept the
state governments argument that “genetically engineered seed is harmless or that
India’s pesticide lobby is behind the campaign against the new seed. Times of India ,
(28th October, 2001) reported that the BKS considered the seed “an attempt by foreign
multinational companies to expose on India farming techniques that would make us
subservient to the west”.
Apart from the seed industry no local group in Gujarat could sustain the debate
for long. The local media found it difficult to sustain the story and reverted to standard
environmental reports about parks, drought and diversity. Even more inexplicable was
the silence of the NGOs.
V
Kapil Shah a well-known exponent of organic agriculture explained that there
were few scientifically trained NGOs in Gujarat. The Gandhian groups did not have the
resources or personnel to fight such a battle. Shah claimed that even Greenpeace or
Vandana Shiva appeared as fleeting presences unable to carry any local weight. To
14
sustain some suggestion of dialogue Shah invited Dr. P.M. Bhargav an associate of
Francis Crick and Hussain Zaheer. Bhargav who established the Centre for Cellular and
Molecular Biology at Hyderabad is now a successful consultant visited Baroda to
lecture at the University and Ahmedabad to speak to journalists at the Gujarati
Vidyapeeth.
Bhargav is an outstanding popularizer of science. His speech, which was attended
by a dozen people at the Vidyapeeth, was published later in the Economic and Political
Weekly (Vol. XXXVII No. 15. Apr. 13-19, 2002, 1402-1406). It was a reasoned
argument, which deserved a larger audience. Bhargav’s demand was not for closure or
a ban but a proposal for an appropriate risk assessment system.
He began with a risk geography of the world showing that while in USA,
genetically engineered crops were grown in 100 million acres of farmland, in Europe
Asia, Australia and Latin America, “the acceptance of genetically engineered crops was
more circumspect”. He added that no country in the world had a satisfactory system of
risk assessment and emphasized the immediate need for one by observing that the Soya
bean flour that was given as a gift by USAID to the Orissa flood victims a few years
ago was genetically engineered. After outlining the abstract requirements of a risk
assessment system, Bhargav observed that in India the clearance of a GMO requires a
ratification from two committees the RCGM of the DBT and the GEAC of the ministry
of environment (1406). He notes, “ I believe that both these committees, with the
solitary exception of the decision taken by the GEAC under the chairmanship of the
new secretary, environment and forests, at its meeting in August 2001, at which it did
not permit Monsanto to immediately release its Bt cotton in India for
commercialization, have suffered from the following flaws:
a. They have been professionally incompetent, inexperienced and
unknowledgeable, especially about the world scenario; and
b. They have shown virtually a total lack of social environment, courage,
integrity and transparency.” (1406)
Bhargav raises an important point about risk technologies. Risk technologies
demand not only acute forms of governance but necessitate trust and transparency.
Raising once again the specter of a multinational – DBT nexus, Bhargav claims, “we
15
never looked at the poor credibility of Monsanto and its widely known and documented
habit of misleading and exploiting people or even going against the law. Our
government did not take note also of the fact the people’s pe rmanent commission on
global corporation and Public Harm, a successor to the Russel War crimes tribunal
indicted Monsanto and 3 other corporations”.
In examining Gujarat we have tried to show the shades of reaction that marks
different structures. The local government is marked by indifference or at least a
suspension of judgment, the seed industry by anxiety, the local media by tiredness of
“downloaded controversy”, and NGOs by a sense of illiteracy and passivity. One senses
that the defeat of the Narmada Campaign has immobilized them for a new war against
genetically modified crops.
VI
As we move from Gujarat to Hyderabad the texture of the debate changes.
Hyderabad has powerful NGOs with competent scientists with alternative global
scenarios. We have several meetings at the Centre for World Solidarity, the Deccan
Development Society to discuss the implications. A senior entomologist at the CWS
provides a powerful meditation on the Helicoverpa.
M.S. Chari was before retirement a senior scientist at the Gujarat Agriculture
University where the first cotton hybrids were created. For him a meditation on the pest
is a meditation on life unsentimentally done. Facts follow scientific facts in this
reflection on the Helicoverpa and in doing this entomologist changes the terms of the
discourse. The earlier discourses talked of the Helicoverpa as a pest, as a cause of
doomed harvests. Chari performs a conceptual twist. The pest is no longer cause,
leading to mechanical discourses of cause and effect. The scientific nexus, which
mechanically links pest to pesticide, is now broken by three intermediate terms –
nature, livelihood, lifestyle. The introduction of these three terms shifts the contour of
the debate. Now pesticides and regulation belong to logic of mecha nical or monologic
16
discourses. Chari begins by noting that, “50 per cent of the pesticides produced in India
are used on the cotton crop alone”. One is not clear whether one is dealing with a worm
as a social obsession or with the inventiveness of nature. Chari states:
1. The Helicoverpa has developed resistance to all the pesticides used in India.
2. The Helicoverpa has 6-8 generations in a year.
3. It can migrate up to 250 kms and has about 200 host plants.
4. In India Helicoverpa damages commercial and food crops through out the
year.
5. There is no source of resistance available in the cotton germ plasm in India.
But Chari’s analysis is not the usual before / after picture where the answer to a
pest is a pesticide. Chari notes that, “Bt cotton is susceptible to whiteflies and Pink
Bollworm and needs repeated sprayings of insecticides. Once the Bt resistance gene
gets a foothold, it cannot be held back whereas insecticidal resistance is location
specific and changes from place to place and also differs at different growth stages of
the crop”. He claims, “that the introduction of the Bt cotton is a type of biological
treadmill which is more dangerous than the commercial insecticidal treadmill. In fact
the Helicoverpa will develop 30 fold resistance after six generations and 100 fold after
23 generations”.
For Chari and CWS, NGOs must provide the local and global thinking that
bureaucratic or donor driven science may be unable to. It is they who can experiment in
non-pesticidal management, or alter strategy to grow organic cotton. Chari claims that
these are realistic strategies as the expected demand for organic products will be $ 100
billion by 2006. He is cautious to add that life style change and organic farming take
time, and therefore regulation, moratorium and strict rules will determine the short-term
regime. What the bollworm needs is a strong state or a change in life style.
The conversations of CWS like the occasional Gandhian claims about organic
agriculture create a two level discourse on Bt cotton. At one level the sequence is pest -
- pesticide - - Bt gene - - regulation. Parallely or simultaneously, the argument moves
from pest - - symptom-rereading nature - - altering culture. Terms like livelihood and
17
lifestyle alter the Bt debate. However if CWS celebrate the NGO-ization of science,
others tend to be skeptical.
One of the plant breeders at the Warangal cotton research station had a different
take on the situation. “In A.P. there are several non-governmental organizations and they
are actually making huge propaganda on the negative effects of any genetically modified
organism, not specifically Bt. I mean, what they are telling to farmers is that, generally a
kapaas has to be picked from the plant. If you enter the Bt plot, you will develop skin
allergy. There are about thousand seed packets are sold in Warangal. After hearing all
these rumors, a few farmers, say about 30 to 40 farmers have returned the seed packets
also”. The last time someone achieved this was when the sale of Panama cigarettes went
down because rumors were spread that its consumption caused impotence. The breeder
laughed. “That is the actual scene. I think. It is a cold war between the pesticide industry
and the Biotechnology industry. The pesticide industry is uptight that with the
introduction of Bt pesticide consumption may go down. Because they cannot directly
come into the picture, they may be using some NGOs”.
VII
The question about livelihood and lifestyle raised by NGOs may also be a
response to the epidemic of suicides that has haunted Andhra Pradesh. The problem of
suicides is an emotional one. One wishes there was an Indian Emile Durkheim who could
unravel the intricacy of the responses. The epidemic of suicides and the report on the
organ trade had made big news. But the bigger news for the sociologist is the way the
suicides were constructed. Secondly how do the scientist and the administrator respond to
them? Once again we want to present it as a collage on interviews, shifting angles and
perspectives.
Dr. V. Narayan Rao is editor, Annadata (giver of food) Hyderabad, a major
agriculture magazine with a circulation of 1,80,000. He recollected,
18
“In the 50’s and 60’s farmers were making their own seeds. Now that has
changed. There is scarcity of seeds. Look at groundnut. The seed development
corporation can only provide 15-20 percent of the demand. In cotton especially there are
so many spurious seeds in the market. The farmers get deceived that way.
“Several decades ago there was less use of pesticides. Now the farmers are using
them indiscriminately. They don’t even have full knowledge of the pesticide. So many
pesticide companies have mushroomed. Many of these sell spurious pesticide. Last few
years have left many farmers insolvent. There has been a decline in using manure and the
art of composting. Less and less farmers are growing green manure crops. While in fifties
and sixties the agricultural department was depending on the green manure and compost,
by the eighties that was forgotten”.
“Then there is the credit issue for the small, marginal and the landless farmers.
Most of the middle class is giving up farming. 70 percent in agriculture are small and
marginal farmers and the landless. Banks lend them very small amounts and that too on
mortgage. What will they have to mortgage? What happens if the crop fails for a couple
of years? The moneylender is the main creditor. The interest rates vary between 20-30
per cent”.
When we asked him about Bt cotton he did not have much to say. In fact he did
not seem to know what it meant except that he had heard about it in context of infertility!
Dr. M.Gopinath is a cotton breeder at the Warangal research stations said, “Once
upon a time in Warangal district the farmer used to grow jowar, only jowar crop.
Whatever he got from it, he used to consume. Today his demands have gone up. He
wants to see his son get a good education; he needs a two-wheeler, he needs an electrical
connection. In the olden days the farmers never aspired to these things”.
“But now the farmer is thinking if I invest more, I will get more. But he totally
forgets that to get a bounty crop, nature should cooperate. He totally forgets that. He is
only thinking, if I spread more, I will get more. If I dump more fertilizers, the cotton crop
will grow like a big tree, the branches will be more, the balls will be more. Over the years
he goes on suffering losses. He goes on borrowing, investing, suffering without the
strength to pay”.
19
“Moreover the land holdings are so small. About 90 per cent of the people have 2
to 3.5 acres. They have to survive on this holding. Remember there are few big farmers.
Of the 32 lakh population, 10 lakh grow cotton. There are 5 lakh cotton farmers in this
district. I don’t think they have anything but agriculture. During 1987-88, approximately
two years the cotton crop suffered from bollworm. At that time I was working in Guntur.
We used to find hundreds of larvae in each plant. They had suffered heavy losses. They
committed suicides, but there was never such a furore. The media played a horrible role.
Earlier the press had a reputation. But now a tenth-class-fail-fellow in a village claims
that he is a reporter to Varta or a reporter to Enadu. He cannot differentiate between a
pest, a useful pest and a harmful pest and he writes about everything. In Warangal the
suicide is high. But you can’t blame all suicides on the failure of the cotton crop”.
“In fact, the Director General of Police had commented that suicide rates in
Warangal district are high, because of the short temperedness of the people. For every
silly thing, people commit suicides. There are small differences between husband and
wife, the wife goes home and the fellow will commit suicide. The newspapers have been
separate pages on suicide. In Andhra, death and agriculture go together. But reason for
suicides is not always debt”.
“Actually all these suicides were attributed to cotton failure because the chief
minister had declared a one lakh compensation. One farmer committed suicide. Suddenly
our chief minister landed there, announced a one lakh compensation and went away and
the suicides started increasing. Right from that day, the suicides started increasing”.
“Some fellow dies naturally. His body is taken to the cotton field. They put some
pesticide in his mouth and claim it is cotton. Even old people who had died in their home,
they were taken to the cotton field and some pesticide put into their mouths”.
K. Prabhakar Reddy the DC of Warangal described the changes succinctly,
“Earlier in cotton you never lost the entire crop because you go through 4-6 pickings. So
some returns are assured. The entry of hybrid seeds changed the scenario. Once you go
for hybrid seeds, you have to:
1. Pay for the seeds and invariably buy it from the company itself.
2. You have to buy fertilizers because they suggest fertilizers.
20
3. The plants, which are hybrid plants, are not as sturdy as the local variety so they
are affected by various pests. So the farmer has to pay for seed, fertilizer, pesticide.
Many of them thought more and more fertilizers meant more and more returns”.
“All this made investment very high. When there is a fall in prices that is less
than1900 or 2000 a quintal, input and output stop matching”.
The DC remarked that the first thing he assured was a minimum support price. It
was his second tactic that was more intriguing. He said,
“We decided that no one will use the word suicide. I made it clear that no
politician, no press reporter, no one will use this word. You see there is this phenomenon
of mass hysteria (the DC studied it in popular psychology book). I told all the ministers
‘no use of the word suicide’. Which family does not have trouble but why should one
recourse to suicide because there is trouble? Everyone will have a problem but the
solution is not suicide. Cotton failure = suicide and this is the connection I broke. I said
“no compensation for suicide”. We will not help you if you commit suicide because the
moment I allow that I encourage you to commit suicide. And it worked”.
The local DCs administrative approach to combating suicide found independent
support from the SP of Warangal, Nalin Prabhat.
Prabhat, an IPS officer of the Andhra cadre described himself, as “an objective
outsider” and an ardent admirer of Chandra Babu Naidu. He saw the suicides as part of
the problems of the welfare state that AP is. “So while there are some cases of farmers
committing suicide due to crop failure, there are others who do it because government
gives them help”. He gave us a few angular examples. “In one of the cases in
Mehbubabad, two brothers had a fight and one brother who had been the aggressor went
outside the police station and drank pesticide maybe out of fear or to get sympathy. We
rushed him to the hospital. Once he got well, I brought him to the police station and gave
him a beating. I told him the next time he wanted to commit suicide, not to do it outside
my police station. You see that would raise questions from National Human Rights
Commission, then the blame will come on police… In many other cases I have seen that
many elderly people have been smothered to death by their own family members- the
purpose is to say they committed suicide due to debt or crop failure and then claim
compensation”.
21
The Karnataka edition of the Indian Express of 16th September 2003 (pg.8) also
pushes for a similar argument. One must cite the article to get a flavour of the attitude,
the sense of confusion and distance, which greets the sadness of cotton. Titled, “How
many votes for a suicide” It reads:
“The land of a zillion mouse clicks is focused on the morbid these
days. Suicides among the farming community are the subject of
heated debate. Since April, of the 208 farmers’ deaths that have been
reported, state government-appointed committees have so far
investigated 156 cases: 93 aren’t linked to debt, 23 have been paid
compensation of Rs 1 lakh, 20 await payment, 20 other cases are still
being looked into. As for the big picture till August 31, the state
recorded 6667 suicides, last year saw 7,098 while in 2001 it was
6,584.
Of the 208 farmers’ deaths only 63 could be attributed to crop
failure and the number of suicides so far was within the state’s yearly
average of 6,000.
Fifty-eight year old Gangappa of Gaddikaravinkop village in
Belgaum had borrowed heavily to pay off previous debts. But low
yields and subsequent crop failure due to drought stopped fresh loans.
He was driven to suicide. A genuine case of a farmers’ suicide due to
debt? Perhaps.
60 year old Mudalagiriappa of Honakere village in Tumkur
district. He has borrowed Rs. 25000 from friends a long time ago for
farming. Mid way he lost interest in agriculture, took to drink and
committed suicide. Where do we fit him in?
Case of 55 year old Hanumantharayappa of Devarayapatna
village in Tunkur district. He was found hanging with a bottle of
insecticide nearby. The family claimed he had borrowed R. 1.5 lakh.
Investigations revealed he had taken a loan of Rs 7,500 in 1991 and
was issued a recovery notice in 1996. Postmortem saw no traces of
22
insecticide and ruled death due to hanging. Obviously, the lure of
compensation forced the family to exaggerate the circumstances of
his death”.
The setting of suicides emphasizes the crisis of agriculture with its pesticide
overuse. Such a frame of reporting tacitly sets the behavioral stage for Bt cotton.
Agriculture is now a style of consumption not just a mode of production. The presence of
pesticides salesman moving from village to village and advertisements encouraging
pesticide use inadvertently emphasize this. Cotton now is a celebration of a cash
economy emphasizing consumption and desire. As one of the scientists said, “farmers
always ask us, give us a crop with returns like cotton”.
Mr. Mohan Rao, Joint Director, agriculture admitted that the cultivation of Bt
cotton had been introduced in 2002. He observed that it was a limited introduction of
1550 packets and 1500 acres only.
“Monsanto is not giving it to all, only to limited number of people. They have
selected beneficiaries. The people have been selected on their previous record. It is a new
product and they want to give it to some good people only, good cultivators, who will
take a lot of care of the crop”.
We walk around Hyderabad talked to seed sellers. Devinder Reddy of Shree Ram
Agro observed, “The farmer is now slowly moving away from loose seeds to brand names.
Mahyco is selling 450 gms for Rs 1650 i.e. 400 gms of Bt and 50 gm of non Bt. They are taking
undertaking letters from the farmers that incase of any environmental damage they cannot be held
responsible. Monsanto has appointed field officers to monitor their fields. For every 50 acres
there is one field officer”.
Mrs. Vani of Padma Seeds notes, “Seeds and cultivation costs have become very
expensive. One bag of Urea can cost anything between 400-500+ and hybrid seeds (Korean)
would be about 30,000 Rs per kilogram. Syngenta seeds are 60,000 per kg, you need 60 gm per
acre”.
“Actually you know these hybrids are not good for germination. They are very delicate.
The local varieties are rough and tough. But hybrids are good for profits. Fertilizers, seed and
pesticide = (is equal to) Motorcycle or car. But apart from cotton there are no good commercial
crops. 50 percent of the people who come here want to buy cotton seeds. Districts of Guntur,
23
Warrangal, Adilabad, Nizamabad are all for cotton. It is the middle class people who commit
suicide more if the crops fail”.
“Do you want to know about Bt cotton? Panchaparn (bollworm) come less on it and it
will yield 30 percent more cotton. This is the first year of marketing, we are only giving it to
some farmers. Those who we think will follow the instructions. We have given seeds to 500
farmers about 10 packets per village in 3 districts of Hyderabad, Ranga Reddy and Medak. The
demand was very high but we did not give it to everyone. Observations have to be carried out.
N.G. Ranga Reddy University is not responsible for the experiments or observation. They will be
carried out by the company people. Do you want to listen to the Bt cotton song? We have it in six
languages”.
VIII
The celebratory mode of Bt cotton or the rituals of anxiety centring around regulation
hide a third level of debate which is emerging in fragments in our paper. This is the crisis of
Indian agriculture itself and the question of whether transgenic crops are the panacea. Strangely it
was one particular set of scientists who provided the cautionary tales. We interviewed them at the
Gujarat Agricultural University (Extn.) at the Punjab Agricultural University (Ludhiana) at the
agricultural station at Warangal and at the Cotton Research Institute at Nagpur. Sociologically all
of them were from a generation, which teethed on the green revolution of the sixties. Now
seasoned veterans it is they who provided the cautionary fables in an everyday sense. Mr. Mohan
Rao, director of agriculture at Warangal provided the case of spurious seeds.
He observed, “During Kharif 2000, cotton crop is cultivated an area of 1,22,808 hectares in
the district. Most of the cotton cultivated is under Hybrid varieties like Brahma, Bunny, RCH-2,
Mourya, Bhishma and XL-35 etc. The sowings of the cotton crop is completed by end June 2000.
During Kharif season, 17,135 packets of XL 35 hybrid variety were distributed covering an area
of 17,135 acres in Warangal district. During the last week of August 2000 certain complaints
were received from the farmers of Hanamkonda, Geesugonda, Sangem, Pavatagiri, Narsampet,
Duggondi and other mandals about the poor performance of XL 35 variety. The XL 35 crop is
not exhibiting uniform plant characters. Further, boll setting is very poor, compared to other
varieties. To ascertain genetic purity the DAATTC coordinator has been requested during
September to inspect XL 35 fields. The DAATTC Coordinator, Warangal has replied that they
are not competent to give opinion on seed quality regarding germination, physical purity, genetic
24
purity both at source and field conditions. On the request of this office, the Director of Research,
ANGRAU has directed cotton breeder to visit the fields and submit the reports. He has inspected
two fields. His observations are that XL 35 is a non-notified variety of a private company and the
characteristics of the parents are not known. On the directions of the District Collector, the
mandal level committees have been constituted to enumerate the extent of off-types and yields
expected in XL 35 fields. The team will submit its report on first November 2000. Since the new
areas are also reported about the admixtures of XL 35, the mandal level survey will be completed
after a week. After completion of the survey, the magnitude of the crop damage on account of
off-types will be known. According to the provisions of the Seed Act 1966 and the Seed Rules
1968, action has been initiated against the retail dealers who distributed XL 35 cotton variety in
Warangal district”.
Rao provided us with detailed documentation to make one key point. There is a certain
anomie in commercial agriculture. It is not only the illiteracy of the farmer repeatedly applying
unnecessary or adulterated dozes of fertilizer, but the rampant spread of adulterated seeds. For
him this everyday level of regulation appeared as crucial as the anticipated control of transgenic
varieties.
The scientists of Ludhiana University used a wider canvas while talking about Punjab. What
used to be celebration of statistics appeared like a litany of numbers. The Vice Chancellor said,
“During the green revolution, we achieved the achievable. Intensive agriculture is creating new
problems. We have 9 lakh tubewells in Punjab. We burn 10 million tonnes of crop residue. In
October you can’t breathe. The cloudy weather is suffocating in night as in day time. The
problem is, it is very difficult to sustain economically and environmentally what we have
achieved”. The professor suggested that Punjab’s use of pesticide was an invitation to agricultural
psychiatry. “It is not a question of side effects. Even tea has side effects. The problem is of
unrecommended pesticides. Recommended pesticides degrade in a specified period. Punjab is the
second biggest consumer of pesticides. The residual affects of pesticides may be more harmful
than Bt cotton”. The Vice Chancellor continued that the ironies of the green revolution could
drive it to Bt crops. “The farmer of the state have risen from rags to riches. This land was not
fertile. Ludhiana was sand dunes. We were growing ground nut here. No body remembers that
now. Asides apart, we can’t maintain the green revolution standard of living. Our farmers will
accept anything that increases productivity. Our farmers will introduce Bt themselves here. They
will not wait for permission, another scientist added, “People in Punjab have grown Bt last year at
Muktsar, Faridkot. One farmer gave us 2 packets. He has grown it”. The cotton farmers are the
25
biggest suffered and consumers of pesticide. We spend 300 crores annually on pesticides,
primarily on cotton. No one can stop this technology, particularly if it starts within cotton”.
The Vice Chancellor was not worried about poverty and suicides. He admitted there were
some suicides on Punjab. “If poverty were the only criteria of suicide, 33 per cent of India should
be committing suicide. Half of Africa also. Life is too precious for that”. For him the problem
was wealth. He put in succinctly, “Sardar ban gaya gentleman and a poor economist. We have 4
lakh tractors in Punjab that is 26 per cent of all the tractors. We need only 1.5 lakh tractors. It is a
colossal over investment. Our farmers overdo everything – tractors, pesticides”.
One of his colleagues began with a more historical complaint. Ram Gopal Saini said,
“Genetics started in this agricultural university. This is the oldest department of genetics in the
country. Yet modern genetics has moved out of the agricultural university”. The heroes of the
green revolution, the agricultural universities have been the victims of the next, abandoned or
designated to a second class status next to laboratories in Bangalore etc. The biggest tragedy is
that the agricultural university has not made the transition from green revolution I to II. “In fact
the biotech groups have a club culture. They are not tied up to the people who test evaluate and
transfer knowledge to the farms”.
What was emerging was a fragmented disquiet about agriculture itself. Bt cotton rather than
being text often appeared a pretext for a wider meditation.
Dr Mayee, Director of the Cotton Research Institute at Nagpur reflected, the green revolution era
was the “input revolution era- more water, more pesticide, fertilizers, seeds, nutrients etc. Our
priority was to increase productivity. The slogan those days were increase yield, so we were blind
to any other issue like environment. We did miracles in sordum , bajra, wheat, rice but in oilseeds
and pulses we did not do much. What inhibited us was that 65 percent of our area is under
dryland. After 1985 when we introduced watershed development and regional agricultural
research programme and agro- climatic zones were created”.
“But then a new range of problems came up. With globalization the quality of issues
changed. There was a conceptual change. There came issues of accessibility , pollution free
environment, recycling of organic waste. In many ways traditional breeding came to an end. We
moved from cellular to molecular. The controversies became personalit y and stakeholder
oriented. There were the issues of pesticide and seed”.
“When we evaluate technology like Bt we must be aware it wont be a panacea to
everything. It won’t solve all your problems. You will still need sucking pest pesticides. We have
submitted one report to the relevant regulatory body on the Bt field trial to that effect.”.
26
There two major changes that took place in cotton cultivation in the 1970’s
1) We brought American cotton into India and created a local tradition of growing hybrids
commercially
2) Pesticide consumption and pests came together”
“There is a pressure of ever increasing demand for cotton . India produces 17.5 million
bales the requirement is 25 million bales by 2025. There was a time when we told farmers to put
fertilizers and pesticides but now we tell them not to do it. Situation has changed so much”.
“Today the issue is marketing. Farmers want an assured return cash of at least Rs. 2000
per quintal. But even then the benefits would be restricted to 10 percent of the farmers. Changes
in our agricultural policy with liberalization have not helped. M.S. Swaminathan had said that
agriculture must be job growth sector. Inputs for agricultural sector are must. If we can spend
30,000 crores for a highway why can’t we invest also in Ganga- Kaveri link or Brahmaputra link
or monsoon management. We should be able to think of the nation as a sub-continent think both
at micro and macro level. We should be able to look at India as Europe with many nations in it.
Agriculture is a state subject. Also so there are a lot of paradoxes. There are three ministries
dealing with cotton – Textile, commerce and agriculture but the figures of all three do not match.
We have delivered in the last 25-30 years as a system. But after 1995-96 with WTO coming in
the questions have changed. It is more about marketing and quality. But we cannot be dogmatic.
We must do what the farmers need”.
Dr. Hemchandra Gubhiye a sociologist at CICR talked of the 29 cotton suicides in
Yavatmal district of Maharastra. “CICR always treated this as a technical problem never a social
one.. Moreover there is a crisis for cotton scientist in the country. All the major chunk of money
is going to biotechnology. Etymologist group is against biotechnology because funds to them
have proportionally come down. You see in 1992 there was a policy switch to biotechnology and
CICR had only two trained biotechnologists. Conventional breeding programmes got affected.
80-90 percent scientists going abroad today are biotechnologists while they constitute only 2 per
cent of the scientific community”.
IX
It is difficult to consolidate the above fragments into a systematic conclusion. But a few
things are clear: (i) a meditation on Bt cotton is a meditation of middle class needs and desires.
27
Agricultural in India becomes a double reflection both on middle class desires and marginal
needs. We need an integration on both if agriculture is to be sustainable. The politics of India is
the politics of the middle class and as yet there are few reflections within about the implications
of transgenics for agriculture. The poor are more a derivative or residual category or a rhetorical
device than a real social group. Within this narrower perspective one can still obtain a few
insights. (ii) Regulation in a meritorian sense is a middle range concept for understanding
agriculture. It has to be either immersed in a wider debate on democracy, diversity and
sustainability or understood within a political economy of marginality. Viewed monadically
discourses on regulation can be self perpetuating providing us little understanding of the role of
desire, over consumption, or the ironies of a green revolution that does not transform itself into a
sustainable agriculture. Regulation viewed in isolation would become a tragicomic battle against
smuggling, illegal spurious seeds dumping, border crossing or even the sheer irreversibility of
transgenics. (iii) More crucially the debate in Bt cotton points out to a dualism in agriculture and
science. Bt technology seems more dynamic in private corporations than in public sector
scientific institutions. Earlier, the requirements of the green revolution brought about a dynamic
farmer sensitive structure. Today the new needs of innovation are splintering agricultural science
into private and public, with the agricultural universities playing the charwoman to a bio-
engineering aristocracy. One senses that this will raise problems not merely for science but for
Indian democracy. (iv) The nature of the debate reveals oceans of indifference along with islands
of concern. It suggests that middle level concepts cannot sustain the institutionalization that
agriculture needs. Do we need concepts like regulation, expert committee audits or do we open
the debate to a civic consciousness, locally and internationally? What kind of concepts does one
need to understand the fertilizer addiction, conspicuous consumption in agriculture. What notions
of civilization and civic time can grasp the current challenge of risk? The precautionary principles
by itself would only add to the litigious nature of our society. (v) Finally it is clear that the
agricultural scientist has also to be a political scientist. He has to create new social concepts that
will allow him to ensure that innovations in agriculture become institutions for democracy.
Otherwise marginality is one form of life that technology may have no response to except as
erasure. We must remember that predetermined or overdetermined narratives can lead to pre-
emptive futures.