Annual Conference of African Linguistics 46 March 26-28, 2015

University of Oregon

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Kabras Verb Tone and the Limitative Stem in Bantu

Kristopher J. Ebarb University of Missouri

1 Introduction (1) Talk outline: a. Overview of Kabras [lkb] tonology b. Describe High Tone Anticipation in Kabras c. Introduce and motivate the limitative stem (2) Bantu Verb Structure1

(Downing 1999a/b, 2001; Hyman 2007; Hyman & Mtenje 1999; Marlo 2014; Myers 1987)

(3) The constituents of (2) commonly define phonological domains (4) Verbal tone patterns provide considerable support for two constituents in particular:

(Kisseberth & Odden 2003, Marlo 2013, Odden & Bickmore 2014) a. inflected stem (henceforth, simply ‘stem’): root + deriv. suffixes + inflect. suffixes b. macrostem: stem + object prefixes (5) I propose that a constituent larger than the macrostem defines a phonological domain in

two J zone Bantu languages: Kabras and Kinande

1 Boundaries of the stem, the macrostem, and the limitative stem are indicated with square brackets ([, ]), curly brackets ({, }) and angular brackets (<, >), respectively. Boundaries for the macrostem and limitative stem are only shown if different from the stem. Square brackets are also used to demarcate the boundaries of nouns and nominal modifiers. Hyman et al (2008) analyze reduplicants as sisters to the derivational stem rather than the inflected stem.

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(6) The limitative stem is the macrostem + Meeussen’s (1967) limitative prefixes *ka- *ka- *ki-

motional, ‘go to do…’ inceptive, ‘already; not yet’ persistive, ‘still; no more’

(7) Adopting the structure in (2) helps make sense of the fact that these prefixes behave

phonologically as a unit with the macrostem in Kabras and Kinande

2 Overview of Kabras Tonology (8) Kabras (Kabaras, Kabarasi, Olukabarasi) is conservative variety of Luhya (Luyia). With

regard to tone, it is most like Tachoni (Odden 2009) (9) Kabras has many tonal properties that are typical of Bantu languages

(Kisseberth & Odden 2003, Downing 2011) a. verbs roots are /H/ or /Ø/ b. privative tonal contrast c. contour tones are generally avoided d. phrase-final Hs are shifted to the penult e. Hs are deleted immediately following another H (10) In the Near Future: /H/ verbs have level H on σ1; /Ø/ verbs are L throughout (11) /H/ vs. /Ø/ verbs in the Near Future ‘s/he will…’ a-la[sokoɲola] ‘squat’ a-la[kaluʃila] ‘repeat’ a-la[xuumbeela] ‘envelop’ a-la[tʃiiŋɡuula] ‘lift’ a-la[saanditsa] ‘thank’ a-la[seeβula] ‘say bye’ a-la[karaaŋɡa] ‘fry’ a-la[lexuula] ‘release’ a-la[βukula] ‘take’ a-la[kulixa] ‘name’ a-la[reera] ‘bring’ a-la[loonda] ‘follow’ a-la[xaaβa] ‘seek’ a-la[reeβa] ‘ask’ a-la[βeka] ‘shave’ a-la[loβa] ‘refuse’ a-la[luma] ‘bite’ a-la[lexa] ‘leave (s.t.)’ a-la[xwa] ‘pay dowry’ a-la[kwa] ‘fall’ a-la[ra] ‘bury, place’ a-la[sja] ‘grind’

(12) Verbs below the line do not have a level H just on the initial syllable (13) Phrase-medially, they do

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(14) Short /H/ verbs, Near Future ‘s/he will…someone’ o-muu[ndu] ‘someone’ a-la[reero] muu[ndu] ‘bring’ a-la[βeko] muu[ndu] ‘shave’ a-la[ro] muu[ndu] ‘bury’

(15) The final vowel /-a/ deletes before the noun’s augment /o-/ (16) Phrase-final /H/ [CVCV] verbs motivate Penult Doubling The root H spreads from penult to the FV (17) Penult Doubling Derivation: a-la[βeka] ‘s/he will shave’

H

μ μ phrase]

H

a – la – βeka Penult Doubling

(18) Phrase-final /H/ [CV] verbs motivate Throwback The root H shifts to the penult, then spreads back onto the FV (19) Throwback Derivation: a-la[ra] ‘s/he will bury’

H

μ μ phrase]

H a – la – ra

H a – la – ra

Throwback Penult Doubling

(20) Phrase-final /H/ [CVVCV] verbs motivate Penult Fall The level H on the initial syllable becomes a fall in phrase-penultimate position (21) Penult Fall Derivation: a-la[reera] ‘s/he will bring’

H μ μ μ phrase] σ σ

H a – la – re era

Penult Fall

(22) Though falling tones are created in the phrasal penult, contours are avoided elsewhere (23) Vowel-initial /H/ verbs, Near Future ‘s/he will…’ a. a-la[akaanila] ‘meet’ a-la[asamula] ‘sneeze’ b. a-le[era] ‘kill’

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(24) Long vowel-initial /H/ verbs motivate Rise Decontouring The root H spreads onto the tense prefix (25) Rise Decontouring Derivation: a-la[asamula] ‘s/he will sneeze’

H

μ μ

σ

H a – la – asamula Rise Decontouring

(26) Rise Decontouring feeds Penult Fall (27) Derivation: a-le[era] ‘s/he will kill’

H a – le – era Rise Decontouring

H a – le – era Penult Fall

(28) I analyze the level Hs in long /H/ verbs with a long initial syllable—a-la[saanditsa]

‘s/he will thank’—as underlyingly falling; we’ll return to contour simplification later (29) In verb forms that include an object prefix, the lexical contrast is neutralized (30) /H/ vs. /Ø/ verbs in the Near Future + OP ‘s/he will…him/her’ a-la{mu[βukula]} ‘take’ a-la{mu[kulixa]} ‘repeat’ a-la{mu[reera]} ‘bring’ a-la{mu[reeβa]} ‘lift’ a-la{mu[βeka]} ‘shave’ a-la{mu[loβa]} ‘say bye’ a-la{mu[ra]} ‘bury’ a-la{mu[sja]} ‘release’

(31) /H/ verbs with an object prefix motivate Meeussen’s Rule The root H deletes following the object prefix H. (32) Meeussen’s Rule Derivation: a-la{mu[βeka] ‘s/he will shave him/her’

H H Ø μ μ

H H Ø

a – la – mu – βeka Meeussen’s Rule

(33) Monosyllabic stems are H along with the object prefix, regardless of verb tone class The object prefix H spreads onto the FV via Penult Doubling.

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(34) Returning to Fall Decontouring: the Hodiernal Perfective is inflected with a melodic H (HM) that generally surfaces on at least the 2nd stem mora in /Ø/ verbs

(35) /Ø/ verbs, Hodiernal Perfective ‘s/he…’ a. a[tʃiiŋɡuulile] ‘lifted’ a[seeβuule] ‘said bye’ a[reeβile] ‘asked’ b. a[lexuulile] ‘released’ a[kaluuʃi] ‘returned’ c. a[loβile] ‘refused’ d. a[kwiire] ‘fell’

(36) Verbs with long initial syllables have level H because of Rise Decontouring The HM is assigned to the second stem mora then spreads to the initial (37) HM Assignment Derivation: a[reeβile] ‘s/he asked’

HM [stem μ’ μ

HM a – reeβile HM Assignment

HM a – reeβile

Rise Decontouring (38) Verbs with long second syllables have level H because of Fall Decontouring The HM is assigned to the second stem mora, then spreads to the third (39) Fall Decontouring Derivation: a[lexuulile] ‘s/he released’

H

μ μ

σ

HM a – lexuulile HM Assignment

HM a – lexuulile

Fall Decontouring

(40) In a[loβile] ‘s/he refused’ (35c), the HM spreads to the FV via Penult Doubling (41) In [CVVCV] stems, the HM is assigned to the second stem mora, spreads left onto the

first via Rise Decontouring, then delinks from the second via Penult Fall. (42) Derivation: a[kwiire] ‘s/he fell’

HM a – kwi – ire HM Assignment

HM a – kwi – ire Rise Decontouring

HM a – kwi – ire

Penult Fall

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(43) /Ø/ verbs have a H on the second stem mora in the Hodiernal Perfect, but /H/ verbs

surface all L (44) /H/ verbs, Hodiernal Perfective ‘s/he…’ a[tsuunzuunile] ‘sucked’ a[karaaɲdʒile] ‘fried’ a[saandiitse] ‘thanked’ a[xaaβile] ‘sought’ a[xalaatʃe] ‘cut’ a[lumile] ‘bit’ a[xweere] ‘paid dowry’

(45) The HM does not surface in /H/ verbs because the lexical H blocks HM Assignment from

applying. (46) The root H fails to surface due to Initial Lowering The root H is lowered in macrostem-initial position. (47) Initial Lowering Derivation: a{[lumile]} ‘s/he bit’

H L

{macro μ

H L

a – lum – ile Initial Lowering

(48) Initial Lowering, as formulated in (47), targets macrostem-initial Hs. This detail is

informed by Hodiernal Perfective verb forms with an object prefix (49) /H/ vs. /Ø/ verbs in the Hodiernal Perfective + OP ‘s/he…him/her’ a{mu[lumile]} ‘bit’ a{mu[loβile]} ‘refused’ a{mu[xaaβile]} ‘sought’ a{mu[reeβile]} ‘asked’ a{mu[xalaatʃe]} ‘cut’ a{mu[kuliiʃe]} ‘named’ a{mu[βojoŋaane]} ‘went around’ a{mu[lexuulile]} ‘released’

(50) In /Ø/ verbs, the object prefix H is lowered by Initial Lowering, and the HM surfaces on

the second stem mora (51) In /H/ verbs, the object prefix H is again lowered. The root H is not targeted by Initial

Lowering because it is not initial within the macrostem. (52) The Hodiernal Perfective data above represents just one facet of a rich system of

inflectional tone in Kabras in which morpho-syntactic features—tense, aspect, mood, inter alia—are expressed in part by the choice of regular tonal pattern, or ‘tonal melody’

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(53) In addition to the Near Future and Hodiernal Perfective pattern, Kabras has at least the following tonal melodies

(54) Overview of tonal melodies in Kabras

Near Fut. a-la[sokoɲola] ‘s/he will squat’ /H/: H on μ1

/Ø/: all L a-la[saanditsa] ‘s/he will thank’ a-la[kaluʃila] ‘s/he will repeat’

a-la[seeβula] ‘s/he will say bye’ Hod. Perf. a[sokoɲoole] ‘s/he squatted’

/H/: all L /Ø/: H on μ2

a[saandiitse] ‘s/he thanked’ a[lexuulile] ‘s/he released’

a[seeβuule] ‘s/he said bye’ Subjunctive a[sokoɲole] ‘let him/her squat’

/H/: H on σ2 /Ø/: H on σ2

a[xaaβaxaaβe] ‘let him/her really seek’ a[kaluʃile] ‘let him/her repeat’

a[tʃiiŋɡuulile] ‘let him/her lift for’ Rem. Past y-a[sokoɲola] ‘s/he squatted’

/H/: H on {σ1 /Ø/: H on {σ1

y-a[xaaβaxaaβa] ‘s/he really sought’ y-a[kaluʃila] ‘s/he repeated’

y-a[tʃiiŋɡuulila] ‘s/he lifted for’ Dist. Fut. a-li[sokoɲola] ‘s/he squatted’ /H/: H on final /Ø/: H on σ2-F

a-li[xaaβaxaaβila] ‘s/he really sought for’ a-li[kaluʃila] ‘s/he repeated’

a-li[tʃiiŋɡuulila] ‘s/he lifted for’ Pres. Hab. a[sokoɲolaaŋɡa] ‘s/he squats’ /H/: H on σ3-F /Ø/: H on σ2-F

a[xaaβaxaaβaaŋɡa] ‘s/he really seeks’ a[kaluʃilaaŋɡa] ‘s/he repeats’

a[tʃiiŋɡuulilaaŋɡa] ‘s/he lifts for’

3 Constraining High Tone Anticipation in Kabras (55) High Tone Anticipation (HTA) is a process of unbounded leftward spreading a. Constrained by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP); no HH sequences b. Generally does not spread across prefixes unless spreading between words (The exceptions motivate the limitative stem) c. Spreading is blocked in constructions inflected with a HM (56) H-toned object o-mu[saatsa] introduces a long sequence of H-toned syllables (‘H

spans’) in /Ø/ Near Future verbs]

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(57) /Ø/ verbs Phrase-Medial, Near Future ‘s/he will…’ a. a-la[sjo] muu[ndu] ‘grind s.o.’ a-la[lexo] muu[ndu] ‘leave s.o.’ a-la[reeβo] muu[ndu] ‘ask s.o.’ a-la[seeβulo] muu[ndu] ‘say bye to s.o.’ b. a-la[sjo] mu[saatsa] ‘grind the man’ a-la[lexo] mu[saatsa] ‘leave the man’ a-la[reeβo] mu[saatsa] ‘ask the man’ a-la[seeβulo] mu[saatsa] ‘say bye to the man’

(58) H-toned object omusaatsa also introduces a H span in /H/ verbs (σ3—F) (59) /H/ verbs Phrase-Medial, Near Future ‘s/he will…’ a. a-la[ro] muu[ndu] ‘bury s.o.’ a-la[reero] muu[ndu] ‘bring s.o.’ a-la[saanditso] muu[ndu] ‘thank s.o.’ a-la[βojoŋano] muu[ndu] ‘go around s.o.’ b. a-la[ro] mu[saatsa] ‘bury the man’ a-la[reero] mu[saatsa] ‘bring the man’ c. a-la[saanditso] mu[saatsa] ‘thank the man’ a-la[βojoŋano] mu[saatsa] ‘go around the man’

(60) The tonal trough on σ2 of longer /H/ verbs (59c) indicates sensitivity to the OCP Spreading applies iteratively leftward, but stops short of creating HH sequences (61) The object’s noun class prefix is L when the stem is too short to accommodate

spreading into the verb stem without violating the OCP (59b) (62) The object H could spread onto the noun class prefix in a-la[reero] mu[saatsa], but

does not: the object H does not spread unless such spreading crosses into the verb (63) The fact that spreading occurs with trisyllabic verb stems—a-la[saanditso] mu[saatsa]

indicates that the augment /o-/ is treated by the tonology as part of the verb stem (64) HTA’s OCP restriction has an opaque interaction with Meeussen’s Rule (65) Just as in phrase-final forms, the lexical contrast is neutralized in Near Future verbs

followed by a toneless object

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(66) Near Future + OP + o-muu[ndu] ‘s/he will…someone for him/her’ a. a-la{mu[sjeelo]} muu[ndu] ‘grind’ a-la{mu[reeβelo]} muu[ndu] ‘ask’ a-la{mu[seeβulilo]} muu[ndu] ‘say bye to’ a-la{mu[kaluʃililo]} muu[ndu] ‘defend’ /Ø/: all L b. a-la{mu[reero]} muu[ndu] ‘bury’ /H/: all L a-la{mu[reerero]} muu[ndu] ‘bring’ a-la{mu[saanditsilo]} muu[ndu] ‘thank’ a-la{mu[βojoŋanilo]} muu[ndu] ‘go around’

(67) The lexical contrast re-emerges when the same verbs precede a H-toned object (68) Near Future + OP + o-mu[saatsa] ‘s/he will…the man for him/her’ a. a-la{mu[sjeelo]} mu[saatsa] ‘grind’ a-la{mu[reeβelo]} mu[saatsa] ‘ask’ a-la{mu[seeβulilo]} mu[saatsa] ‘say bye to’ a-la{mu[kaluʃililo]} mu[saatsa] ‘defend’ /Ø/: σ2—F b. a-la{mu[reero]} mu[saatsa] ‘bury’ /H/: σ3—F a-la{mu[reerero]} mu[saatsa] ‘bring’ a-la{mu[saanditsilo]} mu[saatsa] ‘thank’ a-la{mu[βojoŋanilo]} mu[saatsa] ‘go around’

(69) Root H limits leftward extent of HTA, despite not surfacing (70) HTA is also blocked from spreading into verbs inflected with a tonal melody (71) Hodiernal Perfective, Phrase-Medial /Ø/ ‘s/he…’ a. a[reeβareeβilo] muu[ndu] ‘repeatedly asked s.o.’ a[tʃiiŋɡuuliilo] muu[ndu] ‘lifted for s.o.’ b. a[reeβareeβilo] mu[saatsa] ‘repeatedly asked the man’ a[tʃiiŋɡuuliilo] mu[saatsa] ‘lifted for the man’

(72) Hodiernal Perfective, Phrase-Medial /H/ ‘s/he…’ a. a[βojoŋaano] muu[ndu] ‘went around s.o.’ a[xaaβaxaaβilo] muu[ndu] ‘repeatedly sought s.o.’ b. a[βojoŋaano] mu[saatsa] ‘went around the man’ a[xaaβaxaaβilo] mu[saatsa] ‘repeatedly sought the man’

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(73) HTA in noun phrases: H of phrase-final negative enclitic ta spreads into underlyingly toneless nouns and (some) nominal modifiers.

(74) Distant Future Negative, spreading from ta ‘s/he will not…’ a. ʃʲ-a-li[ra] ta ‘bury’ b. ʃʲ-a-li[ro] muu[ndu] ta ‘bury s.o.’ c. ʃʲ-a-li[ro] mu[saatso] mu[lala] ta ‘bury one man’ d. ʃʲ-a-li[ro] muu[ndu] mu[lala] ta ‘bury one person’

4 The Limitative Stem in Kabras (75) Most, but not all, inflectional prefixes resist HTA (76) The Near Future is one of several contexts not inflected with a tonal melody (77) No spreading into inflectional prefixes, /Ø/ verbs ‘s/he…’

a. uu[tʃiiŋɡuuliilo] muu[ndu] ‘lifted for s.o.’ (Perfect) uu[tʃiiŋɡuuliilo] mu[saatsa] ‘lifted for the man’ b. a-la[kulixaaŋɡo] muu[ndu] ‘is naming s.o.’ (Present Cont.) a-la[kulixaaŋɡo] mu[saatsa] ‘is naming the man’

(78) Inceptive axa- and persistive ʃi- do not resist HTA (79) Spreading into limitative prefixes, /Ø/ verbs ‘s/he…’

a. w<axa[kulixo]> muu[ndu] ‘just named s.o.’ (Imm. Pst.) w<axa[kulixo]> mu[saatsa] ‘just named the man’ b. j<axa[kuliʃo]> muu[ndu] ‘will name s.o.’ (Rem. Fut.) j<axa[kuliʃo]> mu[saatsa] ‘will name the man’ c. a<ʃi[tʃiiŋɡuulilaaŋɡo]> muu[ndu] ‘is still lifting for s.o.’ (Persist.) a<ʃi[tʃiiŋɡuulilaaŋɡo]> mu[saatsa] ‘is still lifting for the man’

(80) Root Hs and object prefix Hs also spread into these prefixes (81) Lexical Hs Spreading into limitative prefixes ‘s/he…’

a. w<axa[kulixa]> ‘just named’ (Imm. Pst.) w<axa[xalaka]> ‘just cut’ w<axa{mu[kulixa]}> ‘just named him/her’ b. j<axa[kuliʃe]> ‘will name’ (Rem. Fut.) j<axa[xalatʃe]> ‘will cut’ j<axa{mu[kuliʃe]}> ‘will name him/her’

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c. a<ʃi[kulixaaŋɡa]> ‘is still naming’ (Persist.) a<ʃi[xalakaaŋɡa]> ‘is still cutting’ a<ʃi{mu[kulixaaŋɡa]}> ‘is still naming him/her’

(82) The two prefixes also belong to Meeussen’s (1967) set of limitative prefixes

*ka- *ka- *ki-

motional, ‘go to do…’2 inceptive, ‘already; not yet’ persistive, ‘still; no more’

(83) Adopting the limitative stem affords a simple account of the difference between

limitative and other inflectional prefixes (84) HTA spreads through the left edge of the limitative stem, not the (inflected) stem

5 The Limitative Stem in Kinande (85) Is there evidence of the limitative stem elsewhere in Bantu? (86) Yes: Kinande, another J zone Bantu language spoken in eastern DRC (87) Applying the notion of the limitative stem demystifies the superficially exceptional

tonal behavior of the na- ‘just, did, indeed’ prefix in two verbal tone patterns (88) Kinande infinitives a. realize a boundary tone (◌ː ) on the phrasal penult (both tone classes) b. realize a H on the infinitival marker in /H/ verbs (89) Infinitives, two tonal classes of verbs in Kinande ‘to…’ (Mutaka 1995: 101) a. e-ri[huːma] ‘hit’ e-ri[laŋɡiri ː ra] ‘really see’ b. e-ri[tuːma] ‘send’ e-ri[suŋɡiraː na] ‘find for e.o.’

(90) The root H shifts to infinitival marker via Lexical Shift (91) Lexical Shift Derivation: e-ri[tuːma] ‘to send’

H

μ μ

H HP e – ri – tuma

H HP e – ri – tuma

Lexical Shift Phrasal H

2 The motional prefix does not occur in J zone languages (Botne 1999), including Kabras.

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(92) We will compare the tonal behavior of two /Ø/ prefixes in different contexts (93) Two /Ø/ prefixes on a /Ø/ verb ‘to…’ (Mutaka 1994: 36) a. e-ri<{mu[huːma]}> ‘hit him/her’ b. e-ri<na[huːma]> ‘just hit’ c. e-ri<na{mu[huːma]}> ‘just hit him/her’

5.1 The Remote Past (94) Tonally marked in two ways: a. inflectional L (◌) on the FV—blocks phrasal H b. a rule that sometimes deletes the root H

(95) /Ø/ verbs in the Remote Past are all L, with or without an object prefix (96) Remote Past /Ø/ verb ‘we…’ (Mutaka 1995: 103) a. tw-a[huma] ‘hit’ b. tw-a<{mu[humira]}> ‘hit for him/her’

(97) /H/ verbs are H on the tense prefix, but only without an object prefix (98) Remote Past /H/ verbs ‘we…’ (Mutaka 1995: 103) a. tw-a[tuma] ‘sent’ tw-a[birikira] ‘called’ b. tw-a<{mu[tuma]}> ‘sent him/her’ tw-a<{mu[birikira]}> ‘called him/her’

(99) /H/ verbs without an object prefix are consistent with Lexical Shift (100) /H/ verbs with an object prefix motivate Macrostem H Deletion The root H shifts to object prefix, which deletes Hs within the macrostem (101) Derivation: tw-a<{mu[tuma]}> ‘we sent him/her’

H tw – a – mu – tuma

H Ø tw – a – mu – tuma

Lexical Shift M-Stem H Del

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(102) Data with na- are problematic for Mutaka’s account (103) Remote Past /H/ verbs + na- ‘we just…’ (Mutaka 1995: 105) a. tw-a<na{[tuma]}> ‘sent for’ b. tw-a<na{mu[tumira]}> ‘sent for him/her’

(104) Mutaka invokes ‘morphemic circumscription’ whereby na- is analyzed as part of the macrostem for the purposes of Macrostem H Deletion

(105) The Remote Past without ‘morphemic circumscription’: Macrostem H Deletion Limitative Stem H Deletion 5.2 The Recent Past (106) Tonally marked in two ways: a. inflectional L (◌) on the FV—blocks phrasal H b. an inflectional H /Ø/: σ1 + preceding /H/: penultimate + antepenultimate moras (107) Recent Past /Ø/ verbs ‘we hit…’ (Mutaka 1995: 101) a. tw-a[humiraa] ‘for e.o.’ b. tw-a<{mu[humiraa]}> ‘for him/her’

(108) The root H surfaces with an object prefix, but not without (109) Recent Past /H/ verbs ‘we sent…’ (Mutaka 1995: 101) a. tw-a[tumiraa] ‘for e.o.’ b. tw-a<{mu[tumiraa]}> ‘for him/her’

(110) Mutaka proposed the following three ordered rules a. Lexical Shift: Binary leftward shift of lexical Hs b. Pre-Macrostem H Deletion (Pre-Mac H Del): delete H left of the macrostem c. Macrostem H Tone Spread (MHTS): binary leftward spread of Hs w/in macrostem

(111) /H/ verbs w/o an object prefix shift the root H to the tense prefix, where it is deleted (112) Derivation: tw-a[tumiraa] ‘we sent for e.o.’

H tw – a – tum – ir – aa

H Ø tw – a – tum – ir – aa

HH tw – a – tum – ir – aa

Lexical Shift Pre-Mac H Del MHTS (+ MHA)

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(113) The shifted root H is not subject to Pre-Mac H Del on the object prefix (114) Derivation: tw-a<{mu[tumiraa] ‘we sent for him/her’

H tw–a–mu–tum–ir–aa

Does Not Apply

H HH tw–a–mu–tum–ir–aa

Lexical Shift Pre-Mac H Del MHTS (+ MHA)

(115) /Ø/ verbs with na- are unsurprising (116) Recent Past /Ø/ verbs + na- ‘we hit…’ (Mutaka 1995: 101) a. tw-a<na[humiraa] ‘for e.o.’ b. tw-a<na{mu[humiraa]}> ‘for him/her’

(117) /H/ verbs with na- are unexpected: (118) Recent Past /H/ verbs + na- ‘we sent…’ (Mutaka 1995: 101) a. tw-a<na[tumiraa] ‘for e.o.’ b. tw-a<na{mu[tumiraa]}> ‘for him/her’

(119) If na- behaved tonally like an object prefix, (118a) should have H on the tense prefix Compare: tw-a<{mu[tumiraa]}> ‘we sent for him/her’

(120) Mutaka’s (1995) account: a. na- counted as part of the macrostem for Pre-Mac H Del b. na- counted as outside of the macrostem for later applying Macro H Tone Spread (121) Derivation: tw-a<na{[tumiraa] ‘we sent for e.o.’

H tw–a–na–tum–ir–aa

Does Not Apply

H HM

tw–a–na–tum–ir–aa Lexical Shift Pre-Mac H Del MHTS (+ MHA)

(122) Derivation: tw-a<na{mu[tumiraa] ‘we sent for e.o.’

H tw–a–na–mu–tum–ir–aa

Does Not Apply

H HM tw–a–na–mu–tum–ir–aa

Lexical Shift Pre-Mac H Del MHTS (+ MHA)

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(123) The Recent Past without sporadic ‘morphemic circumscription’: Pre-Macrostem H Deletion Pre-Limitative Stem H Deletion

(124) The shifted lexical H in tw-a<na[tum-ir-aa]> does not delete within the L-Stem It does not spread onto the tense prefix because it is not within the macrostem

6 Conclusions (125) Overview of Kabras tonology a. Kabras exhibits several common tonal alternations Contour simplification: contour tones are avoided Throwback: phrase-final Hs are shifted onto the penult Meeussen’s Rule: Hs delete after H b. Tonal Melodies in Kabras (6 and counting!) (126) High Tone Anticipation a. Constrained by the OCP (even Hs deleted by Meeussen’s Rule exert an influence) b. There are complex interactions involving inflectional prefixes Some prefixes always permit spreading from HTA Other only permit spreading when that spreading crosses a word boundary (127) The Limitative Stem in Bantu a. Constrains the leftward extent of spreading by HTA in Kabras HTA spreads through axa- and ʃi-, but not other inflectional prefixes b. Defines the domain within which two tonal rules apply in Kinande Limitative Stem H Deletion: deletes Hs within the limitative stem Pre-Limitative Stem H Deletion: deletes Hs outside of the limitative stem Acknowledgements I am grateful to Michael Marlo for feedback on an early draft of this paper. This material is based on work supported by the Fulbright Foundation (U.S. Student Full Research Grant, Kenya) and the National Science Foundation (BCS-1227164; BCS-1355750). Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding agencies. References Botne, Robert. 1999. Future and distal -ka-’s: Proto-Bantu or Nascent Form(s)? In Jean-Marie

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