•Hayrünisa Alp, Primary School in the Process of Transition from Empire to Nation State with...

International Journal of Turcologia

VOLUME V - N. 10 - AUTOMNE/AUTUMN 2010

International Journal of Turcologia Aims and Scope: The International Journal of Turcologia is a refreed journal. The journal

aims at meeting the need for a major international publication devoted to all aspects of

Turcology. The IJT is a journal that examines social, political, cultural, historical, linguistical

and literature issues in Turcology, especially 19th and 20th centuries.

Editorial Information

Academic Editors:

İlhan Alemdar, Historien d’art, Paris

Bahriye Çeri, Yıldız Technical University, İstanbul

Kayoko Hayeshi, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

Timour Muhidine, INALCO, Paris

Cüneyd Okay, İstanbul Technical University

Editorial Board

Gabor Agoston, Georgetown University

Yorgo Dedes, University of London

Benjamin Fortna, University of London

Priska Furrer, University of Bern

Gottfried Hagen, University of Michigan

Tooru Hayashi, University of Tokyo

Frédéric Hitzel, CNRS, Paris

Slobodan Ilic, Eastern Mediterranean University

Matthias Kappler, University of Cyprus

Tijana Krstic, Pennsylvania State University

Gabriel Piterberg, University of California, Los Angeles

Börte Sagester, University of Giessen

Grazyna Zajac, Jagiellonian University in Krakow

Layout Editor

Cemil Ozan Ceyhan, İstanbul Technical University

Indexing & Abstracting: ◊ Academic Search Complete ◊ Humanities International Complete

◊ Woldwide Political Science Abstracts ◊ Humanities International Index

◊ British Humanities Index ◊ Index Islamicus

◊ Current Abstracts ◊ Linguistics and Language Behavior Abstracts

◊ Current Contents of Periodicals ◊ MLA International Bibliography

on the Middle East ◊ TOC Premier

ISSN 1956-2543

IMPRESSION: SCRIPT LASER – 3, rue du Grenier Saint Lazare 75003 PARIS /FRANCE

The International Journal of Turcologia is published by Stephanie Malek

International Journal of Turcologia

Table of Contents

Yeliz Okay……………………………………………………………...……………………...5

The Comparison of Folktale and Legend in the sense of Definition, Structure, Function

and Performance

Hayrünisa Alp...………………………………………………………………………………15

Primary School in the Process of Transition from Empire to Nation State with Numeric

Data

Mehmet Ali Doğan……..……………………………………………………………………..21

The Missionary Activities of Elias Riggs in İzmir

Zeynep İskefiyeli – Fikrettin Yavuz……...…………………………………………………..45

The Symbols for Obtaining the Loyalty of Armenians to the Ottomans: Decorations and

Medals

Cemil Ozan Ceyhan…………………………………………………………………………..61

Instructions of the National Girls School in Nişantaşı

The Comparison of Folktale and Legend

In the Sense of Definition, Structure,

Function and Performance

Yeliz Okay

Abstract

It is possible to mention similarities and differences between

genres about the approaches of folklorists towards the subject. In these

approaches concepts such as narration, usage, form, content, context,

performance, function, structure, and method of citation are focused on.

There are many similarities as much as differences between legend and

folktale. It has been put forward by many studies carried out up to now

that both genres have an important place in Turkish folklore. Data

especially obtained as the result of empirical studies have arisen as print

production under the light of local and regional data.

FOLKTALE

Definition of Folktale

There are different definitions of folktale in the dictionaries. Some of them are “an

imaginary tale that comes to current time by verbal narration and storied with extraordinary

adventures and heroic deeds”1, “attractive tales told to children and storied with extraordinary

event”2, “an exemplary tale, an imaginary parable especially told to children; including

uncommon adventures and heroic deeds, narrated verbally”3, “a folktale which are narrated

verbally, whose subject is imaginary and generally including extraordinary heroic deeds and

adventures”4, “tale of extraordinary events”

5, “interesting narrations which are made up with

the aim of planting specific customs and traditions and general ethics to children, to instruct

and entertain them and which are hardly possible to occur in the reality of world”6, “a tale

whose time and event are obscure and which does not specific characters such as fairy, genie,

giant, dragon, witch, Arabian padishah”7 or “tales which include imaginary events, do-it-all

heroes, narrate mountains, rocks, flowers which are in unspecific palaces, mansions,

6 International Journal of Turcologia / Vol: V - N: 10

mountains, seven times beneath the earth, twelve times above the firmament, whose animals

talk like people”8, “a tale which is generally created by public, arrives to current time by

verbal narration from generation to generation, in which real and fantastic stories interwoven

with totally imaginary events about people, extraordinary creatures or gods are told”9, “a tale

whose characters and events have superhuman and supernatural features and characteristics,

which has overwhelming imagination and starts with a tongue twister”10

, “the most beautiful

genre of man-made literature; a tale of heroes which live in a supernatural world by the

imagination of human who are not content with the restricted reality of daily life”11

, “a type of

narration which is not related with reality, which is totally a figment of imagination and does

not have the aim of making someone believe to what are told”12

.

While making the definition of folktale; Pars Tuğlacı states it as “a short story which is

attractive by way of personifying the material with representatives, give utterance to animals”

which in this sense means “Fable” in English and French13

. According to Tuğlacı folktale in

the literary sense is “a genre which narrates the tradition, way of thinking, taste of public

verbally from generation to generation”14

. (English: Popular tales – French: Contes

Populaires). In this sense, there are folktales whose writer is known; written by a stated person

or by stated people (such as folktales by Andersen or Grimm Brothers). According to Umay

Günay folktale is defined as “the most attractive type of verbal narration which narrates

accumulated knowledge and specific life style in a specific atmosphere and mode mixing what

we have to live and what we want to live altogether with traditional motifs within its own

chain of logic”15

. Apart from these; folktales “cannot be regarded as doctrine or history, they

might have happened or might have not and they might not be taken seriously”16

. As can be

understood from all these different definitions; for a literary genre to be regarded as folktale; it

must include extraordinary event, transferred from generation to generation.

The Emergence and Evolution of Folktale

There are different views on the emergence of the genre of folktale. Detecting

historical evolution of this genre is much more difficult than other genres. In his book called

Le Folklore, published in 1924, Arnold Van Gennep states17

about the origin of folktales that

there are people who regard it as the partial remnants of mythology (researchers such as Max

Müller and G. V. Vox)18

apart from those who regard it as traces of old Hindu culture19

(folklorists such as Theodor Benfey and Emanuel Cosquin)20

or final traces of rituals which

are quitted today (anthropology oriented folklorists such as Edward Taylor and Andrew

The Comparison of Folktale and Legend 7

Lang)21

. There are also views that the genre of folktale which emerged in India was spread in

Europe through Turks22

. Apart from Von de Leyen and Ludwig Laistner23

who relate the

origin of folktales to dreams, we can mention Freud and his followers24

who regard folktales

as the emergence of suppressed desires under the name of dreams. Carl Jung states that

folktales emerge from collective archetypes which are available in the spirit of humans25

.

Similar issues emerge as similar folktales in different nations and their difference is

the color of nation which they are painted with26

. Since they are verbally narrated and

relatively shorter than other genres, they have transformed less than other literary genres.

Although it can rarely be seen in verse27

, folktale is a kind of literary genre which generally in

prose28

.

First Folktales and Types of Folktales / Classification of Folktales

It is generally accepted that the first folktale is originated in India and they are

Panchatantra (five books: Kelile and Dimne in Turkish) and Sukasaptati. Among the Arabian

folktales translated into Turkish in ancient ages there is Elf Leyle ve’l Leyle and it is known as

1001 Arabian Nights. Aesop is regarded as the first and most important representative of this

genre in West; in Ancient Greece.

As the first samples of Latin folktales, Horatius gave place to folktales in his Satyrae

(satire and verse letters). Buddhist influences can be traced in Turkish folktales which date

back to 8th

century29

. However; although most of the folktales have common origins, they vary

profoundly as they convey into different countries, cultures and languages. The name of

folktales, characters, types and motifs, names of places and food change during each

narration30

. Examples given by Propp by comparing different folktales are attractive in this

subject31

.

Classification of Folktales

According to Antti Aarne and Smith Thompson; folktales can be observed under five

main genres: Animal Tales, Realistic Tales, Formula Tales, Entertaining Tales and tales which

are not included in any category32

.

Similarly, Pertev Naili Bortav has made such a classification for Turkish folktales.

Animal Tales, Extraordinary Tales, Realistic Tales, Entertaining Tales and Formula Tales33

.

Apart from these, there are sub-titles that include colors, place, time, heroes and other

elements34

.


Turkish Folktales

Turkish folktales which have been verbally conveyed from generation to generation

have started to be recorded from 19th

century. Turcologists such as Radloff, Kunos, Menzel

gave place to Turkish folktales in their works35

. In 1953 Wolfram Eberhand – Pertev Naili

Boratav detected 378 types of Turkish folktale under the name of “Typen Türksher

Volksmarchen / Type Catalogue of Turkish Folktale”. Today it is thought that this number

surpasses the previous one being over 40036

.

Turkish Folktales in the sense of Form:

Turkish folktales are divided into three in the sense of form. First of them is the

section of “tongue twisters” which has important place while narrating the tale. A tongue

twister is totally formed of word-game, words which do nor have relation with each other but

gathered together just in order to draw the attention of audience. “Once upon a time in the old

old days when the camel was only a spy, when toads rose in the air on wings, and I myself

rode in the air while I walked on the ground, and went up hill and down dale at the same

time”. This tongue twister has no relation with the tale. The second section is composed of the

“main text” in which the events are narrated. The final section is the tongue twister section of

the end of tale. These tongue twisters are generally as such; “three apples fell from the sky;

one for the teller of this story, one for the hearer of this story and the third for the child who

might some day read it in a book…” or “and they attained their desires, and may ye, 0 my

readers, attain your desires likewise” It is possible to regard this tongue twister as the section

of “wish” or “hope”37

.

The Personae38

of Turkish Folktales

Folktales are brought up with the characters of society in which they are born and

developed. There are personae in Turkish folktales such as keloğlan, Padishah, sultan, prince,

vizier, timberman, dervish, and fisherman. Moreover there are genies and fairies as

extraordinary creatures. In this frame; giants, witches, black Arabians can be mentioned as the

characters frequently seen in Turkish folktales39

. Women are in the more dominant than men

in Turkish folktales. The reason of this is their being narrated by women more40

. In parallel to

this, “Beardless” has emerged as the false male character41

. Apart from these, different

characters are also narrated in other folktales42

.


LEGEND

Definition of Legend

„Legend‟ has been defined in different ways in dictionaries and encyclopedias. These

definitions can be gathered as “an extraordinary tale which emerged from the imagination of

public and told from people to people”43

, “a tale which emerges from the imagination of

public and gains extraordinary characteristics by changing its form while being narrated with

this imagination”44

, “a tale which narrates the adventures of people who have supernatural

features, which is full of extraordinary events that are formed in the imagination of people and

spread through”45

, “a tale narrated with extraordinary style by changing the form in the eye of

public or imagination of narrator”46

, “a wonderful tale which at first tells about the life of

saints who have supernatural powers then historical events which changed their form with the

imagination of public and creation of poets”47

, “a kind of folktale whose literary value is not

so much and which tells about events that do not occur in real life but are assumed to do so by

people; a verbal and written work which narrates the occurrence of a natural event, a creation

of an entity”48

, “a tale which mentions extraordinary events which have been told since the

ancient times”49

, “modernized and romantic form of stories and myths that have been brought

from ancient times”50

.

There are definitions which say that legend is synonymous with „folktale‟51

or

confused with myth52

. One of the principal characteristics of legend is its being an issue of

belief53

. The issues narrated in the legends are generally accepted to be true and legend differs

from folktale with this characteristics. Legend is a kind of narration which does not have a

unique style, stereotype form54

and is narrated with simple colloquial language and “belongs

to a historical personae, place or event”55

. Apart from this, another important characteristic

which differ legend from folktale and other genres is its being “negotiable”56

. “Legends push

the limits, try to discuss a concrete event and exemplify, depict important points of an idea

and leave it to the interpretation of audience”57

. According to the common view of folklorists,

“legend is a traditional story or narration formulated artistically, told to third person and set in

the past or in historical past; it is not real in fact but it is believed to be so by the narrator and

audience”58

. Legend is “a kind of narration which has a characteristic form, consciously

asserted to be telling real events by the narrator and makes audience think whether it is real or

not and if real how, conveyed verbally from generation to generation”59

.


Classification of Legends

Legends were classified as such by Research Institute of International Folk Narration

gathered in Antwerp in 196260

: Legends about the Creation and End of the World and

Legends about History of Civilization, Legends about Extraordinary Creatures and Events and

Religious Legends. According to another comment legends are classified as “historical,

mythical and etiological”61

.

Places and Subjects in Legends

Legends may occur according to specific places and events. They may occur around

famous people, historical events and local values or around extraordinary beliefs and events as

well. We can mention legends which occur in houses, fountains, graveyards, Turkish baths,

and barns62

. Since many legends take their subject from a tree, a lake, fish in the sea, rocks or

a mountain in the local area, it is more verisimilar compared to folktales63

. It is possible to

gather the general characteristics of legends which include one or more than one motifs64

:

a) They are told about people, place or events b) They have the characteristic of plausibility c)

characters and events are generally supernatural d) Its narration is short and colloquial.

Comparison of Legends and Folktales

Similarities and differences between legend and folktale are mentioned in different

section of this study. Characteristics which have not been mentioned above will be dealt under

this title. Before the structure of legends and folktales65

, nominal distribution of these genres

should be given in the first hand. While only few myths can be observed in a culture, it is

possible to see hundreds of folktales and legends66

. Apart from this, “folktales lack local

habits which strengthen legends and make them local. As long as folktale is related with

legend, so will the legends with history and history will always be related with real life”67

.

One thing that differ folktales from legends is “its preference to extraordinary and

unbelievable”68

. Legend is a type of narration which depends on ethic, objective, time and

place. While folktales have poetical narration, legends have historical and didactic narration69

.

There are also approaches which regard folktales “completely fantastic” and legends “semi-

fantastic (unreal)”70

.

Structure, Function and Performance in Folktales and Legends

While folktales are performed in special days or times (such as harvest season or

specific days or months) legends are stated to have magical effects and told privately since


they do not have a special possession71

. Function of folktales can sometimes be listed as social

control, removing social incompatibility or social pressure72

. Legends functionally occur in –

minor or major- ritualistic actions and behaviors73

.

They are based on narration. Reality of legends is accepted by the narrator and

audience; however, they were formed in times in which life is no different from today; unlike

myths. Its earthly and main character is human being. They talk about migrations, war and

victory, deeds of old heroes and emperors. It is correspondence of written history in verbal

tradition. Yet they include local narrations in which saints, fairies, ghost and treasures

mentioned. They have the aim of making believe, having the feature of prose and verse.

They give solution to most unanswerable question for being negotiable. According to

the place in which they are performed, the structure of legend can be prose, verse or both

prose and verse. The function of didactic legend is the result of supernatural violation of

prohibitions. The function of entertaining legends is the attempt to get rid of prohibitions,

violation of rules and faults. The function of local legends is an unforgettable place and a

comment on it. Legends of belief are important in the sense of rearrangement of the adaptation

of hero or the ritual performance of alterations.

They are not possessed privately; they are narrated specifically and have great effects.

They occur in – minor or major – ritualistic actions.

It is a prose narration that is accepted to be fiction. Folktales can be classified and

studies carried out on morphology focus on extraordinary folktales among the folktales.

Examination of derived forms in extraordinary folktales depends on reality. Many

transformations are explained through reality being included in the folktale. This concept

makes us develop methods which enable the examination the relations between folktale and

daily life. Extraordinary folktale – unlike jokes, fables and tales – are quite devoid of reality.

The role of reality in the creation of folktale is generally the element of hyperbole.

International forms have emerged before national forms in folktales. For example; if

we come across to a dragon in folktales around the world but that it was transformed with bear

in northern folktales and lion in southern folktales; then the basic form is dragon and derived

forms are bear and lion. There are common and rare types of folktales. When it is considered

circular; there are derivations of international folktales which have spread regional and local

forms. Genres which we name as common and rare can be classified as old forms and new

forms too. While the characteristics of folktales are observed in Probb; it was mentioned to

make a synchronic description before doing a historical and formational examination. While


preparing the basic elements of such descriptions; he thought how to put forward stable

elements, in other words elements which always exist. The thing which formed the main

structure of folktale is these stable elements and their connection in the folktale as found by

Probb. Plot or motifs can be divided.

While all these point out that the structure of folktale has folkloric elements; it is also

the indication there are other genres such as tongue twisters within the folktale.

It is seen that the function of folktale vary according to the type. For example; ethic

folktale have ethical functions. When the function of folktale is observed, social pressure and

control supply can be observed as well (the influence of folktale may last although the

audience is adult). Moreover removing social incompatibility is another important function. It

is possible to state that the function of characters is the stable and recurrent elements of the

folktale. There are thirty-one functions of characters in total: Alienation, prohibition, violating

the prohibition, interrogation, gathering information, deception, abet, malignancy,

intervention, start of counter action, departure, the first function of forgiver, reaction of the

hero, seizing the magical object, voyage between two kingdoms, battle, special sign, victory,

removing the deficiency, return of the hero, monitor and help, arriving incognito, unfounded

humor, works and deeds, conducting deeds, occurrence of recognition and deception,

transformation, punishment, marriage. All of them may not be included in folktales but their

number is limited and their occurrence in the course of action never changes. Roles charged to

concrete people in folktales are always the same with their special characteristics.

Some of the folktales are told dramatically and possessed privately. Some kind of them

is narrated in specific times. We observe the creativity of narrator parallel to the artistic reality

in the way of his performance. While listening to the performer, audience‟s making

comparison between the internal reality of folktale and objective reality of real life bring

delusions. The main aim in the quality of performance is not believing and making believe.

Depending on the regional substitution of the folktale; the way of performance varies as well.

The alteration in the morphology and content of the folktale is enabled with these techniques

of narrator according to Probb: reduction, extension, deformation, inversion, intensification

moderation, internal simulation, simulation on superstition, simulation on religious belief. The

method changes according to the creativity, place and aim of performer and the expectation of

audience.

Evaluation carried out in the sense of structure, function, performance was carried out

depending on the Study of Vladimir Propp called Morphology of Folktale. However, since the


features that are in the scope of structure, function, and performance are still being debated by

both Ethnology and Folk-Literature caused us to meet with disadvantages in the sense of our

approach to the issue.

Conclusion

There are many similarities as well as differences between legend and folktale. These

differences and similarities are about the approaches but forward by different folklorists. In

these approaches concepts such as narration, usage, form, content, context, performance,

function, structure, and method of citation are focused on. It has been put forward by many

studies carried out up to now that both genres have an important place in Turkish folklore.

Data especially obtained as the result of empirical studies have arisen as print production

under the light of local and regional data.

1 İlhan Ayverdi, Misalli Büyük Türkçe Sözlük Cilt:2 p:1945

2 Pars Tuğlacı, Cilt:4 İstanbul: Pars Yayınları 1972 p:1860

3 Mehmet Doğan, Büyük Türkçe Sözlük, Ankara Birlik Yayınları 1986 p:745

4 Meydan Larousse Cilt: 8 p:425

5 Mustafa Nihat Özön , Türk Dili Sözlüğü İstanbul: Arkın Kitabevi 1971 p:424

6 Turan Karataş, Ansiklopedik Edebiyat Terimleri Sözlüğü. İstanbul :Perşembe Kitapları 2001 p:276

7 Türk Ansiklopedisi Cilt:23 Ankara: Milli Eğitim Basımevi 1976 p:317

8 ibid.

9 Nurettin Albayrak, Halk Edebiyatı Terimleri Sözlüğü İstanbul L&M Yayınları 2004 p:363

10 Faruk Timurtaş, Tarih İçinde Türk Edebiyatı İstanbul: Vilayet Yayınalrı 1981 p:26

11 Ahmet Kabaklı, Türk Edebiyatı Cilt:1 İstanbul: Türk Edebiyatı Vakfı Yayınları 2001 p:111

12 Ali Fuat Bilkan, Masal Estetiği. İstanbul: Timaş Yayınları 2001 p:13

13 Tuğlacı Okyanus p:1860

14 ibid

15 Umay Günay “Masal” Türk Dünyası El Kitabı Cilt:3 Ankara Türk Kültürünü Araştırma Enstitüsü 1992

p:321 16

William Bascom, “Folklorun Biçimleri: Nesir Anlatılar” (çev: Nur Aktaş ve diğerleri) Halk Biliminde

Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar Cilt :1 Ankara: Geleneksel Yayınları 2006 p: 171 17

“Masal” Türk Ansiklopedisi Cilt:23 Ankara: Milli Eğitim Basımevi 1976 p:317 18

“Masal” Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Ansiklopedisi Cilt 6 İstanbul Dergah Yayınları 1986 p:150 19

Türk Ansiklopedisi Cilt:23 Ankara: Milli Eğitim Basımevi 1976 p:317 20


ibid 22

Kabaklı Türk Edebiyatı. p:111 23


ibid. 25

İbid. 26

Ulrike Ewig “Masal Araştırması ve Masal Derlemesi Üzerine” Halk Biliminde Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar

Cilt :2 Ankara: Geleneksel Yayınları 2006 p: 377 27




Meydan Larousse p:426 30

Bilkan, Masal p:15


31

V. Propp, Masalların Yapısı ve İncelenmesi(çeviren Hüseyin Gümüş) Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı

Yayınları p:35 32

http://scandinavian.wisc.edu/mellor/taleballad/pdf_files/motif_types.pdf 33

Pertev Naili Boratav, 100 Soruda Türk Halk Edebiyatı İstanbul 1982 p:16 34

Bilkan.Masal. sp:61-92 35


Günay, “Masal” p:322 37

Kabaklı Türk Edebiyatı p:116 38

Lord Raglan “Geleneksel Kahraman” (çev: Metin Ekici) Halkbiliminde Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar Cilt 1

sp:112-116 39

Türk Ansiklopedisi p:318 40

Albayrak. Halk Edebiyatı p:364 41

ibid 42

For detailed informtaion see Günay,”masal” p:326-328 43

Pars Tuğlacı. Okyanus. Cilt 2 p:675 44

Ayverdi. Misalli.. Cilt:1 p:808 45

Doğan. Türkçe. p:301 46

Meydan Larousse Cilt:4 p:88 47

Türk Ansiklopedisi Cilt. 14 p:394 48

Karataş, Ansiklopedik p:127 49

Albayrak Halk Edebiyatı. p: 152 50

Ruhi Kara, Erzincan Efsanleri Üzerine Bir Araştırma, Ankara: Erzincan Sosyal Yardımlaşma ve Dayanışma

Vakfı Yayınları 1993 p:V 51

Özön. Türk Dili p:196 52

Bascom. “efsane” p:181 53

Kara. Erzincan p:V 54

İbid. 55

ibid p:V 56

Bascom Folklorun p: 197 57

Linda Leigh “Günümüz Bağlamında Efsane Üzerine Teorik Bir Düşünme ve Efsanenin Tanımı” (çev Selcan

Gürçayır” Halkbiliminde Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar Cilt:2 p: 342 58

Leigh. “Günümüz Bağlamında”. p:343 59

Max Luthi, “Masalın Efsane Menkabe Mit Fabl ve Fıkra Gibi Türlreden Farkı” (çev: Sevengül Sönmez)

Halkbiliminde Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar Cilt:1 p:349 60

Bilge Seyidoğlu, “Efsane” Türk Dünyası El Kitabı sp:315-316 61

Linda Leigh, “Günümüz Bağlamında” p:343 62

ibid. p:319 63

Albayrak Halk Edebiyatı p:152 64

Kara Erzincan p: VI-VII 65



ibid. pp:171-172 67

ibid.p: 198 68

ibid p:350 69

İbid. 70

Wilfried Buch “Masal ve Efsane Üzerine”(çev: Ali Osman Öztürk) Halkbiliminde Kuramlar ve

Yaklaşımlar Cilt 1 p:355 71

William Bascom “Folklorun Dört İşlevi” (çev. Ferya Çalış) Halk Biliminde Kuramlar ve Yaklaşımlar Cilt:2

Ankara: Geleneksel Yayınları 2006 p:125 72

Bascom. “Folklorun”: 142-144 73

Linda Leihg. “Günümüz Bağlamında” p:349

Primary School in the Process of Transition from

Empire to Nation State with Numeric Data

(1923-1928)

Hayrünisa Alp *

Abstract

The Ministry of Education (Maarif Vekaleti) sent circulars to

public administrations until and after the period of adoption of Education

Law Association (Tevhid-i Tedrisat Kanunu) and asked for the statistical

information of the education and primary school existing in every

province, conty and villages in order to be able to understand the

heritage of primary school from the Ottoman period to the Republican

period. Statistical data was gathered across the country for detection of

all schools, teachers and students within the boundaries of the National

Pact. The data was published in the Statistics Magazine (İhsaiyat

Mecmuası) for the years 1923-1924 and in the State Journal (Devlet

Salnameleri) for the years 1925-1926 and the infrastructure needs of the

targeted education were determined. The purpose of the essay is to set a

light to the numeric change of primary school, primary school students

and primary school teachers between the years 1923-1928 through first-

hand sources. The numerical data obtained from the first years of the

Republic made an important contribution to the determination of number

of school and teachers needed for elementary school and to the

identification of educational infrastructure through these data.

Primary education had a special significance in the education system of Republican era.

It was reshaped and given priority to for the protection of new political system and education

* İstanbul University

16 International Journal of Turcologia / Vol. V - N: 10

of the Turkish people to be loyal to national values. Immediately after the declaration of the

Republic, besides state organization, studies on education and primary education were

attached importance to. Raising generations to protect the principles of the new established

state were determined to be as important as other errands, and activities regarding students,

teachers, schools and their executive bodies were made in every opportunity.

Especially right after the fact that the Education Association Law (Tevhid-i Tedrisat

Kanunu) gathered all education establishments under the umbrella of the Ministry of

Education, the Journal of the Ministry of Education (Maarif Vekaleti Mecmuası) after the year

1924, Journal of Announcements of the Ministry of Education (Maarif Vekaleti Tebliğler

Mecmuası)1 after the year 1926 had an intermediary role between the education executives

and teachers and the Ministry of Education (Maarif Vekaleti). In addition, correspondence

kept with the Ministry of Education related to some specific issues. Journal of the Ministry of

Education (Maarif Vekaleti Tebliğler Mecmuası) were published almost every month, sent to

every encyclical administration regulating legislation relating education, students with

circulars, instructions and decisions.

It was Mr Rıza Nur, the deputy Minister of Education, to identify the legacy of education

inherited from the Ottoman Empire and then to examine the development of it in the

Republican period using numeric datum. The Statistical Office (İhsaiyat Department) gathered

information on education and primary education obtained by the relating ministry and

published them in Statistical Journal (İhsaiyat Mecmuası) and the State Statistical Journal of

the Republic of Turkey of the years 1925-1926, 1926-1927, 1927-1928.

Table 2 illustrates the dispersion of elementary schools according to number of classes

and existing levels of them in each city stated in the Statistical Journal of the years 1923-1924,

the number of Primary schools in the years 1923-1924 (the number of Public Elementary

Schools in the year 339-340)2. The same illustration shows the number of closed schools as

well. According to the table, there were 869 male primary schools with one classroom, 47

female schools with one classroom, 993 male schools with two classrooms, 79 female schools

with two classrooms, 943 male schools with three classrooms, 107 female schools with three

classrooms, 538 male schools with four classrooms, 86 female schools with four classrooms,

302 male schools with five classrooms, 58 female schools with five classrooms, 536 male

schools with six classrooms, 212 female schools with six classrooms total in every city. It is

understood the there were 4181male and 589 female schools in total3.

Primary School in the Process (1923 – 1928) 17

In dispersion of schools according to class levels, there were 3024 male and 162 female

primary schools with one class, 493 male and 136 female primary schools with two classes,

213 male and 90 female primary schools with three classes, 139 male and 66 female primary

schools with four classes, 61 male and 17 female primary schools with five classes, 173 male

and 95 female primary schools with six classes. In the very same table, it is stated that there

were 78 male and 23 female sample schools, which makes the total of male primary schools

4181 and the total of female primary schools 5894.

In the same table, closed primary schools are divided in two groups; the ones closed due

to lack of teachers and the ones closed due to lack of school building. The number of primary

schools closed due to lack of teachers is 473 and the number of schools closed due to lack of

school buildings is 44, which makes a total of 5175.

In the Statistics Journal, there is a colored map displaying primary schools, secondary

schools, orphan schools, education offices and administrations existing in the Turkey

mentioned, which gives an idea about the organizational structure of education of the era6.

The map illustrates female and male primary schools as well as dispersion of administrations

of education. We observe that education authorities were mostly in Western; whereas, there

were less in Central and Eastern Anatolia. Statistical information obtained from educational

administrations led them to reach numeric data in almost every area related to education;

hence, the ministry was able to detect the current state and identify the errands relating

shortcomings.

State journals contain a lot of statistical information on education as well as many

detailed information on primary schools. In the journal of the years 1925-1926, according to

the table given the name “Current Primary School Students” (Türkiye Dahilinde Mevcut İlk

Tahsil Talebesi), there were 370597 primary school students in total in Turkey so far as

statistics of the year 1923-1924 states7. The table was put forth with a record of number of

male - female students and schools under the titles of Public and Official General Primary

Schools (Umumi ve Resmi İlk Mektepler), Primary Schools connected to Secondary Schools

(Orta Tahsil Mekteplerine Mülhak Kısm-ı İbtidailer), Private Primary Schools under Foreign

and Community administrations (Ecnebi ve Cemaat İdarelerindeki Hususi İlk Mektepler),

Boarding Schools and Orphan Schools (Leyli Mekteplerle Darüleytamlar). Primary Schools

connected to Secondary Schools were illustrated in three parts as follows: Primary Schools of

Secondary Schools (Orta Mektep Kısm-ı ibtidaileri), Primary Schools of Highschools

(Liselerin Kısm-ı İbtidailerinde), Male and Female Teacher Schools (Erkek ve Kız Muallim


Mektepleri Tatbikatı). As stated in the table, due to the fact that levels of foreign schools were

not certain, number of their students was shown under primary schools. It was also stated in

the table that the information relating official and public schools belong to the year of 1923-

1924 and that the rest belongs to the year of 1924-1925.

According to the table, there were 4770 public and official primary schools in total, 589

of which were female and 418 of which were male primary schools. Total number of the

students was 313171, 253430 of which were male and 59741 of which were female students.

In Primary school parts of the secondary schools (Orta Mektep Kısm-ı

ibtidailerinde)there were 65 schools in total, 8 of which were female and 57 of which were

male primary schools. Total number of students in these schools was 9320, 8398 of which

were male students and 922 of which were female students. Primary schools of the

highschools (Liselerin Kısm-ı İbtidaileri) had 22 schools, 4 of which were female primary

schools and 18 of which were male primary schools. Total number of students in these

schools was 4491, 4111 of which were male students and 380 of which were female students.

Total number of Male and Female Teacher Schools Application (Erkek ve Kız Muallim

Mektepleri Tatbikatı) was 22, the number of female primary schools was 8 and the number of

male primary schools was 14. Total number of these schools was 2201. 1324 of these were

male and 877 of these were female students.

The difference between male and female students in Turkish primary schools is

strikingly bigger than the difference between male and female students in foreign schools.

Boarding schools and orphan schools had 6878 students in total, 5844 of which were

female students and 1034 of which were male students. In this section of the table, number of

boarding and orphan schools is not given. It is remarkable that the number of female students

is much bigger than male students8.

The table called “Primary School Teachers in Turkey” (Türkiye Dahilinde İlk Mektep

Muallimleri) from the journal of 1925-1926 gave statistical information relating primary

school teachers9. The table gives the numbers of male and female teachers in public and

official schools, in the Primary Schools of Secondary Schools (Orta Mektep Kısm-ı

ibtidaileri), in the Primary Schools of High Schools (Liselerin Kısm-ı İbtidailerinde), in male

and female teachers’ schools applications, in foreign and community schools and in boarding

primary schools, orphan schools by province.

Total of teachers in Turkey was 12151’dir. The number of teachers in total in Official

and public schools was 9065, number of female teachers in total was 903 and number of male


teachers in total was 8162. The total of teachers in Primary Schools sections of Secondary

Schools (Orta Mektep Kısm-ı ibtidailerinde) was 387; there were 60 male teachers in total and

327 female teachers in common. In Primary School sections of Highschools (Liselerin Kısm-ı

İbtidaileri) there were 205 teachers in total, 29 female teachers in total, and 176 male teachers

in total. In male and female teachers’ school applications, total number of teachers was 114,

total number of female teachers was 75 and total number of male teachers was 39. There were

2049 teachers in total in foreign and community schools, 943 of which were female teachers

and 1106 of which was male teachers. In boarding schools and orphan schools the total

number of teachers was 331, total number of female teachers was 50 and total number of male

teachers was 28110

.

According to the findings, the numbers of primary schools, primary teachers and primary

school students in existing official primary schools, Turkish private primary schools, Turkish

private minority and foreign primary schools and public primary schools between 1924-1928

were as follows:

In official primary schools, in the 1923-1924 academic year, there were 4.894 primary

schools in total however it increased to 6362 in the 1928-1929 academic year. Total number

of primary school teachers in the 1923-1924 academic year was 10.238, however it increased

to 13.103 in the 1928-1929 academic year. In 1923-1924 academic year the number of

primary school students was 341.941 which increased to 445.055 in the academic year of

1928-1929.

There was an addition of 1497 more official primary schools in five-year-period of

academic years between 1923-24 and

1928-29, primary school teachers increased to 2.865, the number of primary school

students increased to 103.114, which made a %30 of an increase in total.

The total number of Turkish private primary schools in 1924-25 was 51 whereas it

decreased to 39 in 1928-29. During the same years the number of teachers, on the other hand,

increased from 354 to 389 and the number of students decreased from 4.945 to 3.684.

In Turkish Private minority primary schools (Türk hususi ekalliyat ve ecnebi ilk

mektepleri), the number of primary schools in the1924-25 academic year was 138 which

however decreased to 117 in the academic year of 1928. During the same years, the number of

primary school teachers was 1118, which increased to 1.182 in the academic year of 1928-

29. The number of students decreased from 21.004 to 18.098. The number in foreign

primary schools was 87 in 1924-1925, however decreased to 81 in 1928-29 academic year, the


number of teachers on the other hand was 324, which increased to 1.044. Primary school

students increased from 7.297 to 10.732. The total of primary schools in Turkish private

minority schools (Türk hususi ekalliyat ve ecnebi ilk mektepleri) was 276 in 1924-1925

academic year, and decreased to 236, the number of teachers increased from 2.296 to 2.615,

and the number of students increased from 33.246 to 32.514.

Public primary schools increased from 4.894 in the academic years of 1923-1924 to

6.599 in 1928-29 academic year, the number of teachers increased from 10.238 to 15.718, the

number of students increased from 341.941 to 477.56911

.

Executives of the period realized that it was necessary to analyze well new steps to be

taken, especially the primary school heritage from the Ottoman Empire for the reforms to be

made in primary schools in Republican period, and they attempted primarily to assess what

they had in hand.

The numeric data in hand in the field of primary school helped to create the legal

infrastructure of creating a community of people who accepted the democratic, secular

sciences and reason to be their guides as the New Republic expected them to.

1 To ensure the protection of declarations sent to educational institutions the by the ministry, it was announced

that on the fifteenth of every month “Ministry of Education Journal Papers” would be published, all the central

administrations were to send the duplicates of each circular letter they had sent in a month’s time, register and

civil administrator is required to send a list of the dismissals, designations and rewards to the Office of Statistics

(İhsaiyat Müdürlüğü) and that the regulations regarding education and the decisions made by the commission of

administrators would be publsihed. Maarif Vekaleti Tebliğler Mecmuası. N:1 15 Şubat 1926 p:9. In addition, it

was announced in Ministry of Education Journal that the journal whose publication started in 1926 January

would be published every month periodically and that it was necessary that it be sent to the authorities of the

Ministry of Education. “Tebliğler Mecmuasından Gönderildiğine Dair”, 23 Kanun-ı sani 1926, Maarif Vekaleti

Tebliğler Mecmuası. N:2 15 Şubat 1926 p:20. 2 Table:“339-340 Senesi Zarfında Umumi İlk Mektepleri Adedi”, T.C.Maarif Vekaleti 1339-1340 Ders Senesi

İhsaiyat Mecmuası. İstanbul: Matbaa-i Amire, 1341 pp:50-53. Attention to the full transcription of the section

relating to the numbers of official primary schools, private schools under control of foreign and community

administrations and that of students. Betül Batır. Geleneksel Eğitimden Çağdaş Eğitime Türkiye’de

İlköğretim. İstanbul: Elif Kitabevi. İstanbul 2010, pp:254-255. 3 Table:“339-340 Senesi Zarfında Umumi İlk Mektepleri Adedi”, pp:50-53/52.

4 Table:“339-340 Senesi Zarfında Umumi İlk Mektepleri Adedi”, pp:50-53/51.

5 Table:“339-340 Senesi Zarfında Umumi İlk Mektepleri Adedi”, pp:50-53/53.

6 Harita için bkz. T.C.Maarif Vekaleti 1339-1340 Ders Senesi İhsaiyat Mecmuası. İstanbul: Matbaa-i Amire,

1341. pp:48-50. 7 Table:Türkiye Dahilinde Mevcut İlk Tahsil Talebesi, Resmi ve Genel Okullar 1923-1924 diğerleri 1924-1925

senesinindir. 1925–1926 T.C. Devlet Salnamesi, İstanbul: Matbaa-i Amire, 1926. Tablonun transkripsiyonu için

bkz. Hayrünisa Alp. Tevhid-i Tedrisat’tan Harf İnkılabına İlköğretim (1924-1928) İstanbul: İstanbul

Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü (Unpublished Doctoral Thesis), 2009. 8 Table:Türkiye Dahilinde Mevcut İlk Tahsil Talebesi, Resmi ve Genel Okullar 1923-1924 diğerleri 1924-1925

senesinindir. 1925–1926 T.C. Devlet Salnamesi, İstanbul:Matbaa-i Amire, 1926. 9 Table:“Türkiye Dahilinde İlk Mektep Mualimleri”, 1925-1926 T.C. Devlet Salnamesi, İstanbul: Matbaa-i

Amire, 1926. Tablonun transkripsiyonu için bkz. Hayrünisa Alp. Tevhid-i Tedrisat’tan Harf İnkılabına

İlköğretim(1924-1928) İstanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü, (Unpublished

Doctoral Thesis), 2009.


10

Table: “Türkiye Dahilinde İlk Mektep Mualimleri”, 1925–1926 T.C. Devlet Salnamesi, İstanbul: Matbaa-i

Amire, 1926. 11

Maarif 1923-32 İstatistikleri, İstanbul, Devlet Matbaası, 1933.

The Missionary Activities of Elias Riggs in Izmir

Mehmet Ali Doğan*

Abstract

This article examines the missionary activities of Elias Riggs

among the Greeks and Armenians in Izmir. The American Board of

Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) sent Elias Riggs to the

Ottoman Empire in 1832 and he became one of the most influential

missionaries in the region throughout the nineteenth century. Although

the Armenian, Greek and Catholic community leaders opposed

American Protestant missionary activities since they feared losing their

own followers, the operations of the ABCFM gradually developed in

Izmir. Like the other ABCFM missionaries in the mission station of

Izmir, Elias Riggs was chiefly occupied with the press and its editorial

labors, that is translating, preparing and publishing Bibles, tracts,

religious books and school books in vernacular languages. They made

missionary tours to the interior of the region in order to see the

conditions, to seek the opportunities, and to distribute and sell the

books and tracts printed by the mission press. In Izmir, Riggs worked

among the Greeks for six years (1838-1844) and then among the

Armenians for eight years (1844-1952) after the ABCFM changed its

strategy. In 1852, the ABCFM headquarters decided to send Elias Riggs

from Izmir to Istanbul with the mission press.

“[L]et us hasten on in our work while the day lasts,” wrote the missionaries of the

American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) at work in Izmir in 1839,

“Mr Riggs is now here, and has very much strengthened our hands in the book-making

department of our mission.”1 The ABCFM, which was the first foreign mission board founded

* İstanbul Technical University


in the USA in 1810, sent Elias Riggs to the Ottoman Empire in 1832 and he became one of

the most influential missionaries in the region throughout the nineteenth century. Riggs first

worked at the two mission stations of the ABCFM in Greece, Athens and Argos. In 1838, he

was transferred to Izmir in order to work among the Greek population and manage the Greek

department of the printing establishment of the ABCFM in the city. This article examines the

missionary activities of Elias Riggs among the Greeks and Armenians in Izmir.

The American Missionary Activities in Izmir before Elias Riggs: Obstacles and

Responses

The American missionary pioneers, Pliny Fisk and Levi Parsons, arrived at Izmir in

1820.2 Izmir mission station was established in 1826 by the ABCFM but the first attempt was

not very successful. By transferring the mission press from Malta to Beirut and Izmir as two

separate presses in 1833, the ABCFM headquarters rejuvenated the mission station in Izmir.

Indeed, the ABCFM wanted to bring the mission press nearer to the missionary stations and

operations in Anatolia. Although the opposition to the missionaries and mission press in

Izmir, which they had expected, started soon after their arrival,3 the operations of the ABCFM

gradually developed. The main opposition came from the Roman Catholics, as William

Strong argued, while the Muslims were fairly tolerant of the press and the American

missionaries because they were confident about Islam and their knowledge of the USA was

limited.4

When the American missionaries opened schools for Greek children in Izmir, they

faced the opposition of the Greek ecclesiastical leaders in the city who warned the parents not

to send the Greek children to these schools and claimed the design of the missionaries was “to

corrupt and draw them from the faith of their forefathers.”5 In 1836, the Greek Ecclesiastical

Committee in Izmir wanted from missionaries to introduce a Greek Orthodox teacher to one

of the missionary schools in the city. The English and American missionaries refused the

request and published a booklet in order to answer to the charges of the Greek Ecclesiastical

Committee which claimed that everybody was anxious to know what end the missionaries had

in mind.6 According to the Committee, the missionaries were always talking about the word

of God without informing the Greek people what this was. Since the missionaries saw the

Eastern Churches as corrupt churches and regarded their followers as “nominal Christians”,

the Committee asked the missionaries: “Are we enemies of God? Have we ever attempted to

shake your belief! Has any one of our countrymen ever said to you, this your sentiment is a

The Missionary Activities of Elias Riggs in İzmir 25

prejudice, that a superstition, this is not apostolical, or that is not good?” The Committee

rejected the missionary “accusations” that Greek nation was ignorant and the Greek clergy

was unacquainted with the Scriptures, and insinuated that the missionaries were “endeavoring

privately and intrusively to make proselytes.” The answer of the missionaries was that they

speak their sentiments freely in public and in private, and it was no part of their system “to

make proselytes”.

The Committee also compared the Protestant missionary activities to the activities of

the Catholics two centuries ago:

“But we are not surprised at your actions. During the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries also, there appeared schools and institutions of learning for the poor

Greeks in Candia and Cyprus, and wherever else Popish despotism prevailed,

and books were published to seduce the Greek children to the Popish Church;

and Gregory himself acted on this plan, and the word philanthropy was

constantly in his mouth.”

The missionaries‟ answer was that the Catholic missionaries never introduced the Scriptures

into their schools or taught children in the vernacular. The Greek Ecclesiastical Committee

also warned the British and American missionaries and wanted them to consider the results of

their activities among the Greeks:

“Our religion, Gentlemen, while it is of divine origin, serves also to keep us

united, and confers upon us numerous other benefits; it distinguishes a whole

nation. Consider, then, the consequences of inculcating religious sentiments

opposed to those of our Church. Should such sentiments be imbibed by our

youth, what sort of a nation shall we form and what benefits shall we derive

from our religion? Could you bear to see old contentions and religious

divisions, spring up among us? If the American Gentlemen have no other

object that to enlighten our nation, we wish they might hear advice, posterity

will doubtless call them disturbers of the nation.”

The missionaries said that their schools were open to inspection by the Committee and

responded to the questions of the Committee with questions of their own:


“The Committee insinuate that we cause disturbances, confusion, and

sc[h]isms among the Greeks, stirring up hatred among them one against

another. But when and where have we done this, and in what way? ... What

have we done to create disturbance, or to excite hatred among the Greeks

against each other? All our measures, all our movements have been of a

character entirely pacific. We are lovers of peace and concord. … If the people

are generally dissatisfied with our teachers and our schools, why then have they

placed so many of their children under the care of such teachers and in such

schools?”

The Protestant missionaries in Izmir argued that their intentions were simply to make

the Greek children in the schools operated by the missionaries as familiar as they could with

the Old and New Testaments, “in a language which they understand, and to aid them in the

acquisition of various other kinds of useful knowledge.” With regard to their principles, the

missionaries responded that their principles were the principles of the Gospel: “We

acknowledge no other rule but the Gospel; we know no other master but Christ.” The

missionaries concluded that they did not want to revive ancient controversies and their aim

was to see all the people “in possession of the Holy Scriptures in their own spoken tongue,

and they may all be able to read them as the only Revelations from God to man, the only rule

of faith and practice, and the only infallible guide to eternal life.” Daniel Temple reported to

headquarters in Boston and mentioned the booklet before its publication: “It does not attack

their tenets or rites, for the time for us to do this, I think, is not yet come,”7 which was exactly

what the Prudential Committee of the ABCFM in Boston wanted.

After this dispute, the eight schools, which had almost 800 students and were under

the direction of the ABCFM, the Church Missionary Society, and New Haven Ladies‟ Greek

Association,8 were closed in 1836. Only one missionary school for boys remained among the

Greeks. Another ABCFM school for Armenian girls opened by John B. Adger was continued

by the Armenians themselves.9

The Protestant missionaries also tried to minimize the efforts of the Catholics to win

over the Eastern Christians. Heleen Murre-van den Berg‟s article, entitled “„Simply by giving

to them maccaroni…‟ Anti-Roman Catholic Polemics in Early Protestant Missions in the

Middle East, 1820-1860,” describes the methods of the Protestant missionaries: “firstly by


putting in as much Protestant effort as possible, and secondly by convincing the Eastern

Christians that Catholicism constituted a serious deformation of the Christian message.”10

The American Missionaries and the Tanzimat Era

The Riggs family arrived at Izmir in November 1838 and Elias Riggs immediately

began to preach in Greek in the Dutch consulate‟s chapel to a small audience.11

Riggs was

associated with Daniel Temple and helped him in the management of the mission press in

Greek.12

Before Izmir he had worked among Greeks in Greece and in his new position in

Izmir he would naturally live in a multifaceted social and political environment in the

Ottoman Empire.

While the ABCFM was transferring Elias Riggs from the Greek mission to Izmir, the

Ottoman Empire was about to enter a reform era known as the Tanzimat (reorganization)

period (1839-1876). Beginning with Gülhane Hatt-ı Hümayunu (the Imperial Rescript of

Gülhane) issued by Sultan Abdülmecid, the Tanzimat reforms attempted mainly to modernize

the Empire and ranged from reorganizing the educational system to regulating inter-communal

relations at all levels of the social and political structure.13

Carter Findley summarizes what happened during the Tanzimat era:

“Ottoman policies during that period responded to emerging global modernity

in both its Janus-like faces, the threatening aspect (separatist nationalism in the

Balkans, imperialism in Asia and Africa) and the attractive aspect (the hope of

overcoming Ottoman backwardness by emulating European progress). The

Tanzimat was both a time of crisis, which implied impending collapse, and of

accelerating reforms, which signified renewal.”14

The Gülhane decree extended guarantees for life, honor, and property of all imperial

subjects, both Muslims and non-Muslims, and hinted at religious equality. It was “a

significant first step toward the transformation of hitherto Muslim, Christian, and Jewish

subjects into Ottomans.”15

The other important legal act of the era was Islahat (reform) decree

of 1856, which asserted religious equality before the law to all subjects of the sultanate16

: “As

all forms of religion are and shall be freely professed in my dominions, no subject of my

empire shall be hindered in the exercise of the religion that he professes, nor shall he be in any

way annoyed on this account. No one shall be compelled to change their religion.”17


These series of reforms undertaken in the Ottoman Empire launched a process of

social, cultural, and political change and naturally affected all kind of activities of the Western

missionaries. The legal status of the missionaries in the Empire was changed by the reforms

which “introduced a new category of ecnebî (foreigner), which referred to all foreign nationals

regardless of religious affiliation (although the phrase occasionally referred more specifically

to non-Muslim foreigners).”18

The Western missionaries in the Ottoman Empire thought that

the Tanzimat era signified that the pendulum had started to swing in the other direction and

the atmosphere was favorable for seeking converts extensively. After the Gülhane decree was

issued, Daniel Temple, Riggs‟ associate in Izmir, wrote to his mother:

“The sultan has just issued a proclamation placing all the subjects of his empire

on an equality. The Christian and the Jew are now to enjoy the same privileges

as the Turk. This is one of the most important steps that has ever been taken by

this government. It is paving the way for the entire subversion of the

Mahometan religion. It is one of the most striking features in the signs of these

extraordinary times. It is, as we all trust and confidently believe, preparing the

way of the Lord in this country. The hand of the Lord is stretched out, and who

can turn it back?”19

However, the picture Temple drew was not accurate. As Jeremy Salt so succinctly put

it, the Protestant missionaries, the Ottoman state, the Eastern churches, and European

governments were all in dispute over exactly what the two reform edicts had exactly granted

in terms of religious freedom.20

Armenian, Greek and Catholic community leaders of course

opposed American Protestant missionary activities since they feared losing their own

followers. For the ABCFM, the “nominal” Christians in the region were not a good example

of Christianity and were an obstacle to their being able to make advances among the Muslims.

The following instructions of the Prudential Committee of the ABCFM to Cyrus Hamlin

before his departure to Istanbul described the mentalities and methods of the missionaries on

their activities among the Eastern Christians and Muslims:

“The object of our missions to the oriental churches, is, first, to revive the

knowledge and spirit of the gospel among them; and secondly, by this means to

operate upon the Mohammedans. At the same time this does not preclude the


idea of direct missions to the Mohammedans themselves, which we also have;-

one missionary to them being resident in Constantinople, and another in Persia.

But to think of exerting much influence upon the Mohammedan mind, while

the native christians churches remain as they are, is out of the question, without

such a divine interposition as we are not authorized to expect. The

Mohammedans look upon the native Christians as living exemplifications of

what Christianity is. They see that these Christians are no better of themselves;

they think them to be even worse; and this opinion is said to be correct by the

Europeans generally who have resided in Turkey. The consequence is

inevitable and unquestionable; the Mohammedan confidently asserts the Koran

to be more excellent than in the Bible, and his own religion than the Bible, and

his own religion than the gospel. In vain do we reply, that the native Christians

have lost the knowledge and spirit of the gospel, and their immoral lives are

therefore is no sense the effects of the gospel. The Mohammedans has never

seen any other effect, and he will not read the Bible to correct the evidences of

his senses and perhaps too of his painful experience. He treats that holy book

with the contempt he feels for its professed followers. Hence a comprehensive

and wise system of efforts for the conversion of the Mohammedans of Western

Asia, will embrace a system of efforts for the spiritual renovation of the

oriental churches. These churches must be reformed.”21

The Prudential Committee of the ABCFM in Boston argued that the “Oriental

Churches” needed assistance from abroad for their spiritual renewal. The Committee clearly

defined the objectives of the ABCFM among the Eastern Christians while sending Cyrus

Hamlin to the Ottoman Empire in 1839: “Our object is not to subvert them; not to pull down,

and build up anew. It is to reform them; to revive among them … the knowledge and spirit of

the gospel.” The Committee explained to the missionaries that introducing Congregationalism

or Presbyterianism among the Eastern Christians was not their objective. “You are not sent

among those churches to proselyte,” the headquarters pointed out, “[L]et the Armenian remain

an Armenian, if he will; and the Greek a Greek, and the Nestorian a Nestorian, and the

oriental an oriental. Modes of government, both civil and ecclesiastical, are doubtless

important, but they are not the great thing. We cannot afford to expand much of our time,

strength, and money upon them, while so great a work lies before us as the conversion of the


world.” The ABCFM was aware of the fact that attacking the rites, ceremonies,

“superstitions” and “corrupted institutions” of the Christian sects in the region would bring

more hostility to the American missionaries since they were foreigners. Instead, “the first

impulse” must come from the foreign missionaries and “the work of the reform among these

churches will doubtless be accomplished chiefly by means of the [evangelical] native

Christians themselves.” The Committee considered that it was not a good idea to increase the

number of missionaries in the field at this point. The example given by the Committee while

explaining the objects of the mission among the Eastern Churches was attention-grabbing: “It

was not thus England conquered India; the great body in her conquering armies were natives

of the country.”22

For reforming “a degenerate Christian church”, the ABCFM advised Cyrus Hamlin to

search for talented young men and clergy from among the Eastern Churches, particularly the

Armenians in order to have possible native helpers; to improve the schools established by the

natives rather than establishing new ones; to introduce the study of the Bible as taught in the

theological seminaries in the USA into the Eastern Churches through a seminary under the

control of the ABCFM; to introduce the printing presses into these churches and to preach the

gospel among them. In view of the fact that Cyrus Hamlin‟s operations would be in Istanbul,

the ABCFM was very careful in its instructions not to arouse the hostility of both the clergy of

the Eastern Churches and the Ottoman authorities to their missionaries in the capital city of

the Ottoman Empire:

“If you have schools, and a tumult is raised against them, do not resist. If the

heated blasts of controversy assail you, do not reply controversially, and be

slow to reply at all. If the civil arm is employed to obstruct your labors, yield,

as far as may be with a good conscience, to the laws and the powers that be. If,

to crush your schools or prevent the use of your school books, the priesthood

establish schools and issue books of their own resembling yours; whatever you

may think of the sprit or the motive, you should by all means give them free

course in this thing.”23

All missionaries of the ABCFM leaving the USA for the Ottoman Empire received these

kinds of instructions during the 1830s and 1840s. It was exactly what the missionaries of the


ABCFM did, not only in Istanbul but also in Izmir and the other cities of the region, in order

to advance their activities.

Elias Riggs and the Mission Press in Izmir

Izmir was one of the major economic centers in the Ottoman Empire with easy access

to Europe. In addition to being a multi-ethnic trading center visited by European and

American traders and skippers, the city hosted consulates from 17 countries by the mid-19th

century. The first US consul in Izmir was appointed in 1802, the first consular post in the

Middle East. There was a small American merchant community in the city as a result of the

commercial activities between Boston and Izmir.24

The city was also an arrival point at the

Ottoman Empire for the American missionaries coming from the USA. They first arrived at

Izmir and then proceeded to the mission stations in the Empire. For example, George W. Coan

and his wife Sarah Coan, and Edward Breath and his wife Sarah Ann Breath, arrived at Izmir

in 1849 and stayed with the Riggs and Benjamin families before continuing their journey to

the mission in Urumia.25

By the time the Riggs family removed to Izmir, the ABCFM had four mission stations,

and including Riggs family, 12 missionaries, 1 printer, 12 female assistant missionaries, and 9

native helpers working among the Armenians and Greeks in Anatolia.26

According to the

ABCFM, although there were oppositions and obstacles in the mission fields, the Ottoman

Empire was “opening to the truth”. In 1840, the number of missionaries connected to the

ABCFM throughout the world was 365.27

By 1840, the ABCFM “occupied” Izmir, Bursa,

Istanbul, Trabzon, Erzurum, Cyprus, Beirut, Jerusalem, Aleppo and Dayr al Qamar (in

Lebanon, working among the Druzes) in the Ottoman Empire. They worked mainly among the

Eastern Christians.

The Riggs family arrived at Izmir in November 1838. Next year, Elias Riggs had a

malarial fever and his illness forced him to go to a more suitable place for his health

temporarily. His doctor suggested he should go to Syria, and in October he left Izmir for

Beirut on an Austrian steamer, Seri Pervas, accompanied by Elias R. Beadle and his wife,

incoming missionaries for Syria. They arrived at Beirut via Rhodes and Cyprus, and Riggs

continued to Jerusalem with Charles S. Sherman and his wife who were the ABCFM

missionaries on their way to the mission station there. Riggs‟ health trip was short and within

a month he visited Jaffa, Bethany, Jericho, Bethlehem, Rama, the Jordan and the Dead Sea.

Riggs published his travel account in the Missionary Herald after his first visit to the Holy


Land and stated that during the tour he had “many opportunities for religious conversation

with people of various nations.”28

Riggs was in Izmir when the ceremony of the reading of the

Gülhane decree took place in the city in December 1839.29

Riggs‟ achievements in the Izmir station were very important in terms of the American

missionary activities in the region. Beirut and Izmir were the two presses connected to the

ABCFM and one of the main objectives of the mission stations in these two cities was the

preparation of books and tracts. Therefore, Elias Riggs, with his linguistic ability and

intellectual qualifications, was precisely the person whom the ABCFM needed in the mission

station of Izmir and the headquarters in Boston appointed the right person for the mission.

Like the other ABCFM missionaries in the mission station of Izmir, Elias Riggs was chiefly

occupied with the press and its editorial labors, that is translating, preparing and publishing

Bibles, tracts, religious books and school books in vernacular languages.

In 1838, the American missionaries in the city had two presses in use with Greek,

Armenian, Hebrew, and English fonts.30

Daniel Temple was the superintendent and Homan

Hallock was the missionary printer in the printing mission of the ABCFM in Izmir. Riggs and

the ABCFM missionaries at work in Izmir wrote of their aims to improve and extend the

activities of the mission press for the future activities of the mission in 1839:

“Beyond all doubt the sale and the use of our publications would be increased

by increasing their variety and their attractiveness. We must not expect the

taste of all to be suited by one particular work. We must prepare a variety of

books and tracts; some for schools, and others on the history of the church;

some on the state of the heathen world, others on the evidences of Christianity;

some commentaries on the scriptures, and many explanations of Christian

doctrine, and solemn appeals to the consciences of men.”31

Indeed, they managed to extend their sales and distribution network, and the books and tracts

published by the mission press in Izmir went to several places, including Istanbul, Edirne,

Yassy, Bucharest, Galatz, Varna, Russia, Izmit, Adapazari, Bursa, Trabzon, Erzurum, Tokat,

Zile, Erzincan, Yozgat, Amasya, Merzifon, Athens, Syra, Corfu, Patras, Crete, Cyprus, Beirut,

Diyarbakir, Konya, Adana, Kayseri and Jerusalem. Eight or ten booksellers in Istanbul were

selling the materials issued by the mission in 1842.32

The funding for the press operations of

the ABCFM mission in the city was from the books sold (mostly school books) locally and


from funds raised in the USA. Moreover, the ABCFM received funding from the American

Bible Society, the British and Foreign Bible Society, and the American Tract Society for its

printing activities in Izmir.33

The demand for the books and tracts published by the mission press in Izmir gradually

increased as the ABCFM began to establish more mission stations in Anatolia. In order to

reach the people of the region, as expected, the books were published in the vernacular

languages: Armenian, Armeno-Turkish (Turkish in Armenian letters), Greek, Greco-Turkish

(Turkish in Greek letters), and Bulgarian. These were some of the books, tracts, school books,

and the Bibles in vernacular published by the mission press in Izmir: Mother’s Manual

(prepared by Martha Riggs, Elias Riggs‟ wife, about the care and physical intellectual moral

and religious education of children), Astronomy (3,000 copies printed in 1841 in Modern

Armenian), Infant School Manual (120 pages, in Greek, compiled by Elias Riggs and intended

only for primary school teachers), Bible (in Armeno-Turkish, translated from Hebrew and

Greek by Panayotis, under William Goodell‟s revision), False Claims of the Pope (in Modern

Armenian, 77 pages, 1,000 copies printed in 1840), The Two Lambs (in Greek, 48 pages,

translated by Elias Riggs while in Greece and first printed in Athens), Guide to Repentance (in

Modern Armenian, translated in Izmir under Adger‟s revision), Absurdities of Deism (in

Greek, compiled by Elias Riggs), New Testament (Ancient Armenian, printed in 1839 at the

expense of the American Bible Society), New Testament (Modern Armenian, 5,000 copies

printed in 1842-1843), Hymns (in Greek, composed by Elias Riggs and used in public worship

and missionary schools), Pilgrim’s Progress (in Modern Armenian in 1843 and later in all the

main languages in which the press published in Istanbul), Answer to the Smyrna Greek

Committee (in Greek), Bible Questions (in Greek prepared by Elias Riggs, partly in Greece

and partly in Izmir), Sabbath (Armeno-Turkish, written by Schneider in Bursa and translated

under his revision), Young Christian (Armeno-Turkish, 2,000 copies printed in 1844), Child’s

Book on the Soul, Part I (in Bulgarian, translated in Odessa and revised by Elias Riggs in

Istanbul, printed at the expense of the American Tract Society, 2000 copies).34

It is obvious from the list that in addition to the original productions, Elias Riggs and

the other American missionaries in the region translated or helped to translate many religious

publications from England and the USA for the establishment and development of evangelical

work in various parts of the Ottoman Empire. For example, Leigh Richmond‟s Dairyman’s

Daughter was the most famous moralistic tale printed by the American missionaries in Izmir.

Another observation is that there were a fair number of secular publications, mostly school


books and grammar books. In addition to the books and tracts, the mission press also

produced periodicals. A Magazine of Useful Knowledge, a monthly periodical in Greek, was

published by the mission press under Daniel Temple‟s superintendence. It was the pioneer of

such missionary literature in the region and had 1200 subscribers in 1839.35

Another magazine

in Armenian edited by John B. Adger followed.36

The Evangelical Preacher was another

monthly publication of the mission press in Izmir which contained “sermons on doctrinal or

practical subjects”. Samuel A. Rhea, an ABCFM missionary on his way to the Nestorian field,

after seeing several books published by the mission press of the ABCFM along his way, wrote

from Erzurum that “the light is spreading far and wide” through the mission press in Izmir.37

As a matter of fact, the mission press had special type fonts for printing schoolbooks

which included algebra, geometry, and trigonometry texts.38

The American missionaries in

Izmir also imported books and tracts from abroad to sell and distribute in the Empire. The

Prudential Committee instructed the missionaries in the region that there should be no “odious

imprint” upon their books: “They will be Christian books, with the native language, dress, and

manners.”39

The ABCFM projected that when the American missionaries in the region could

dispense with their own mission presses, they could employ the local presses for their

printing; however, they managed it only in Greece.40

Since the American missionaries put special emphasis on using the Bible in

vernacular, it was necessary for them to provide the Bible in the vernacular among the people

they worked in the multilingual Ottoman Empire. Therefore, a major objective of the

missionaries in the region was to translate the Bible into the vernacular, although they also

needed to provide schools to teach people how to read the Bible. The missionaries in Izmir

observed that most of the Greeks in the vicinity spoke Turkish instead of their own language.

In order to reach them, the missionaries published the religious materials in Greco-Turkish

which was Turkish language in Greek letters. It was the same when the missionaries

concentrated their efforts on the Armenian population and the missionaries published in

Armeno-Turkish, which was Turkish in Armenian script. For example, between 1840 and

1853, 55,000 copies of the scriptures in Greco-Turkish were printed by the ABCFM

missionaries. The following items were some of the examples of Armeno-Turkish

publications of the American missionaries in Izmir: A second edition (first edition in Malta)

of the New Testament (4,000 copies) in 1843, the Old Testament (3,000 copies) in 1841, the

Pentateuch (2,000 copies), the Book of Psalms (2,000 copies) in 1844.41


Missionary Tours in the Region

The ABCFM reinforced the mission station in Izmir42

by sending Henry J. Van

Lennep (1840-1844), Simeon Howard Calhoun (1843-1844), Joel Summer Everett (1845-

1846), Nathan Benjamin (1846-1852), Thomas P. Johnston (1834), and John B. Adger43

(1834-1846). The members of the mission in Izmir made separate missionary tours to the

interior of the region in order to see the conditions, to seek the opportunities, to distribute and

sell the books, tracts, and in their own words “to sow some of the good seed by the way

side.”44

They tried to write everything they saw and reported back to headquarters.45

John B.

Adger made such a tour in company with Simeon H. Calhoun, an agent of the American Bible

society, and suggested that they should prepare more books, open more schools, and send

more missionaries to the interior.46

Elias Riggs, with Adger and two Armenians, made a tour to the interior, including

Aydin, Nazilli, Karacasu, Denizli, and the ruins in the vicinity in 1842 for the purpose of

“ascertaining by actual observation, how the Scriptures and other religious books and tracts

would be received by the by the people of the interior of Asia Minor, and how, generally, a

salutary religious influence might be exerted upon them.”47

Riggs gave an interesting sketch

of their tour in a letter to Boston, which was published in the Missionary Herald, the monthly

paper of the ABCFM. He observed that the Greeks‟ Lancasterian school in Nazilli was using

the series of cards issued in the mission press in Izmir, as in Aydin. In Denizli, Riggs wrote:

“We were pleased to observe here, as generally in the interior, the absence of

that hostility to our books which has been excited, to so great a degree, in

places which have been occupied as missionary stations. We gave away no

books here gratuitously, nor indeed generally in the interior. We felt that our

motives for doing so could not probably be appreciated, and that suspicions

might thus be excited where none existed before.”48

Riggs suggested to ABCFM headquarters that on future tours the missionaries should take

fewer books with them and the book distribution should be left to a local agent. He obviously

did not want to intimidate the people in the cities where the ABCFM could open mission

stations. Indeed, some of the priests and the people of the Eastern Churches feared the

displeasure of their ecclesiastical superiors and would not buy or accept books and tracts


published by the mission press when the American missionaries tried to distribute and sell

them.

The American missionaries in the region always looked for suitable ethnic and

religious communities to whom they might extend their missionary enterprise. In addition to

preparing and printing books and tracts, Elias Riggs was also active in direct personal work

among the ethnic communities in Izmir, and claimed that a considerable number of Jews in

the city “privately professed their belief that Jesus is the Christ, the hope of Israel and

salvation of the world.”49

Riggs visited a tekke, dervish lodge, on the last Friday of Ramadan

in 1840 in Izmir and witnessed religious services conducted by Turkish dervishes which he

wrote an account in the Missionary Herald.50

Henry J. Van Lennep, for instance, believed that missionary activities would be fruitful

among the Bulgarians in Edirne and other places in the region, where the ABCFM described

there were “people professing the religion of the Greek Church.”51

In 1840, Elias Riggs

reported that B. Barker, an agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society, made a tour to

Bulgaria and the surrounding area, and “both from personal observations and from

correspondence, has long been convinced that it is a very interesting field for missionary

effort.”52

The Annual report of the ABCFM stated that about 2,000 copies of the Bulgarian

New Testament were sold at a fair in the vicinity of Edirne.53

Edward M. Dodd, an ABCFM

missionary in Thessaloniki, described the Bulgarians as “the Armenians of European

Turkey.”54

When Elias Riggs went to Istanbul for the annual meeting of the mission in the

summer of 1843, he also visited Varna, a Bulgarian town on the Black Sea coast on the

suggestion of his missionary friends in Istanbul. He spent only a week there because he could

not find many people who spoke Bulgarian, only a few peasants from the neighboring

villages, and he observed that Turkish is the language of conversation. Moreover, the place

was not healthy and his health was not good enough to go to the interior cities and villages.

Therefore, he returned to Istanbul and continued to revise some tracts in Bulgarian for the

mission press.55

Elias Riggs‟ interest in Bulgarian and working among the Bulgarian people of

the Ottoman Empire began in Izmir and his activities among them would be part of the

spectrum of his activities during his Istanbul years.


Shifting from Greeks to Armenians

Elias Riggs and the other missionaries of the ABCFM in Izmir were mostly working

among the Greek population. In addition to preparing a manual for primary schools in modern

Greek in his first year in Izmir, Riggs also prepared some hymns in Greek which were sung in

the chapel of the Dutch consulate.56

Over the next few years Riggs prepared and published

several books and tracts in modern Greek, including a treatise on the difficulties of infidelity

and a volume on sacred geography and antiquities. In 1841, Riggs was preaching in Greek at

his own house and had a Bible class consisting of six or seven men. Although Riggs started

the class at their request, he confessed that “no one of them evinces any serious concern for

the salvation of his soul.”57

“Of all the branches of the oriental church,” the ABCFM indicated

“the Greek seems to be the most difficult to engraft with an evangelical faith and influence.”58

The Greek clergy persistently opposed the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular

language. Riggs stressed that among the Greeks “the publications most extensively circulated

and most purchased are the school books.”59

The years of 1843 and 1844 were an important turning point for the ABCFM mission

in the Ottoman Empire in general and Izmir mission in particular. Rufus Anderson, the

secretary of the ABCFM, visited Athens, Izmir, Bursa, Istanbul, Trabzon, Beirut, and

Jerusalem. He had meetings with the American missionaries and discussed the future of the

missionary enterprise in the region. In his report to the Prudential Committee, Rufus Anderson

examined the American missionary activities among the Greeks in the region: “To me the

condition of the Greek mind, in relation to evangelical efforts for the benefit of the Greek

people, appears altogether extraordinary. We are not mistaken in the material facts in the case.

The Greeks have retired from us. To a most affecting extent they have become inaccessible to

our preaching, our books, and our influence.”60

In the light of Anderson‟s observations on the

field, the ABCFM decided to discontinue its Greek department in the Ottoman Empire and

focus on the Armenian population. The mission, which was called “Mission to the

Armenians,” had five stations in 1843: Istanbul, Izmir, Bursa, Trabzon, and Erzurum.61

For

Rufus Anderson, Izmir was the most suitable place for the mission press because “the Frank

influence is great enough to secure its toleration.”62

As a result of the shift, the positions also

changed in the Izmir mission station. Daniel Temple returned to the USA63

and Elias Riggs

also turned to the Armenians. The new situation brought new requirements for the ABCFM

because the mission stations needed more missionaries who knew Armenian and Turkish in

order to reach potential converts. As a result of the continuous tours to the interior cities of


Anatolia, the American missionaries realized that most Armenians spoke Turkish instead of

their own language. The situation was the same even in Izmir. In 1851, for example, Thomas

P. Johnston preached in Turkish on Sundays because many Armenians in the congregation

understood only Turkish and after him Elias Riggs preached in Armenian at a different hour in

Izmir.64

It is possible to see the progress of the American missionaries among the Armenian

population of the Ottoman Empire through their reports in the Missionary Herald and the

annual reports of the ABCFM. The ABCFM formulated the activities among the Armenians

as “preaching (embracing the various forms of oral instruction), education, translations, the

distribution of books, and a native agency.”65

For example, by 1843, Dwight was preaching in

Armenian and Goodell in Turkish in Pera, Istanbul; in Trabzon and Bursa there were regular

preaching to the Armenians in Turkish; Cyrus Hamlin was instructing at his seminary at

Bebek, Istanbul; Elias Riggs and John B. Adger were superintendents of a translation of the

Old Testament into modern Armenian in progress by native scholars in Izmir. The

missionaries in Izmir continued their tours in the vicinity looking for possible mission stations

among the Armenians. Nathan Benjamin, for instance, was disappointed after his tour that he

found less Armenians than he expected along the road.66

The American missionaries made

inquiries and wanted to set up stations at some places near Izmir, including Manisa, Akhisar,

Kirkagac, Aydin, and Nazilli.67

Intensifying the efforts of the ABCFM on the Armenians in the region naturally

complicated the situation between the American missionaries, possible converts, and the

Armenian Orthodox Church. The ABCFM reported that “[T]he evangelical Armenians,

persisting in refusing to countenance by word or deed the superstitions of their national

church, have been excommunicated, and subjected to grievous trials.”68

Therefore, the

ABCFM planned to establish a church for the evangelical Armenians at the annual meeting of

the Armenian mission in June 1846.69

The Church was inaugurated on July 1, 1846 as the first

evangelical church in Anatolia, and other churches at Izmit, Adapazari and Trabzon followed.

In 1847, a decree was issued by the grand vizier and Protestants were recognized as a separate

religious community at the ministerial level in the Ottoman Empire. Subsequently Protestant

millet was recognized by an imperial edict issued by Sultan Abdülmecid in 1850.

By 1851 there were about twenty individuals “enrolled themselves as Protestants”

although there was no Protestant church in Izmir.70

The church was organized in the city in

1852, later than the other mission stations because the American missionaries in Izmir mainly


focused on translating and printing and the ABCFM did not want to intimidate anyone in the

city in order to preserve the unhindered functioning of the mission press. Tekirdag, for

instance, was a city west of Istanbul where missionaries visited two or three times and a

Protestant church was organized in the same year (1852) mainly with the efforts of a native

agency.

Conclusion

In Izmir, Riggs worked among the Greeks for six years (1838-1844) and then among

the Armenians for eight years (1844-1952) after the ABCFM changed its strategy. During his

time in the Izmir mission station, Riggs worked as preacher, editor, translator, book

distributor, and treasurer (a few years).71

Elias Riggs‟ years in Izmir were “a period of

experiment and of laying foundations” for ABCFM in the Ottoman Empire and “the lines of

opposition have been sharply drawn.”72

However, the advance of the ABCFM was obvious

and many cities in Anatolia from Istanbul to the Euphrates were becoming ABCFM mission

stations.

In Greece, in addition to the opposition of the Greek population of Greece, Riggs and

other Western missionaries faced the restrictions put up by the Greek authorities, the Church

of Greece, and the Patriarchate in Istanbul. During Riggs‟ years among the Greeks in Izmir,

the equation was roughly the same. When the American missionaries focused on the

Armenians the opposition came from the Armenian Church that naturally did not want to lose

its followers to Western missionaries.

Another significant feature of these years was that Elias Riggs was no longer an

inexperienced missionary. Although he had been sent by the ABCFM to the mission field in

Greece because he had the necessary skills and abilities to carry out the missionary activities

there, it was his first mission and he had no previous experience. In Izmir, however, he

brought his previous experience from Greece (Athens and Argos) to the field, and

strengthened his linguistic potential and developed his editorial abilities while working for the

mission press. His tours in the region gave him greater familiarity with the various religious

and ethnic communities of the Ottoman Empire. Year by year he became a major figure in the

ABCFM, organizing all kinds of missionary activities in the region throughout the second half

of the nineteenth century.

According to William G. Schauffler, the mission press was “the one battery which the

enemy could never silence. Its guns were never spiked, its position never carried”73

In 1852,


the ABCFM headquarters decided that the time came to remove this “battery” from Izmir to

Istanbul in order to work more efficiently. For the Riggs family, it meant to move once again

to Istanbul with the mission press.

1 Daniel Temple, Elias Riggs, John B. Adger, and Homan Hallock “Appeal for the Press in Asia Minor,” New

York Evangelist 10:43 (October 26, 1839), 1. 2 See Mehmet Ali Doğan, “From New England into New Lands: The Beginning of a Long Story,” in American

Missionaries and the Midde East: Foundational Encounters, ed. Mehmet Ali Doğan and Heather J. Sharkey

(Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2011), 3-32. 3 The Missionary Herald 30:5 (May 1834): 191.

4 William E Strong, The Story of the American Board: An Account of the First Hundred Years of the

American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1910), 87. 5 “Smyrna: Extracts from a Letter of Mr. Temple, Dated September 5, 1836,” The Missionary Herald 33:4

(April 1837): 150. 6 An Answer to the Charges of the Greek Ecclesiastical Committee at Smyrna, against the English and

American Missionaries (Smyrna: Harlow American Press, 1836). The quotations in the following two pages are

from this booklet. 7 “Smyrna: Letters from Messrs. Temple and Adger, Dated June, 1836,” The Missionary Herald 32:21

(December 1836): 468. 8 It was an association formed to establish and support female schools among the Greeks. For more information,

see Josiah Brewer, First Four Years of the American Independence Smyrna Mission: Under the Patronage

of the New Haven Ladies’ Greek Association (Smyrna: Harlow Press, 1834). 9 Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

Crocker & Brewster, 1837), 57-58. On the missionary schools more broadly, see Mehmet Ali Doğan,

“Missionary Schools,” in Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Gábor Ágoston and Bruce Masters (New

York: Facts on File, 2009), 385-388. 10

Heleen Murre-van den Berg, “„Simply by giving to them maccaroni…‟ Anti-Roman Catholic Polemics in Early

Protestant Missions in the Middle East, 1820-1860,” in Christian Witness Between Continuity and New

Beginnings: Modern Historical Missions in the Middle East, ed. Martin Tamcke and Michael Marten

(Münster: LIT, 2006), 80. 11

Thirtieth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

Crocker & Brewster, 1839), 61. 12

“Mission in Turkey,” The Missionary Herald 36:1 (January 1840): 5. 13

For an English translation of the Gülhane decree, see J.C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle

East. A Documentary Record: 1535-1914 (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1956), 149-153. 14

Carter Vaughn Findley, “The Tanzimat,” in Turkey in the Modern World, ed. Reşat Kasaba (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2008), 14. 15

M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

2008), 74. 16

See Roderic H. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire 1856-1876 (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1963). 17

Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East, 151. 18

Hanioğlu, A Brief History of the Late Ottoman Empire, 74. Recent Ottoman historiography evaluated the

implications of the Tanzimat reforms. For example, see Carter Vaughn Findley, “The Tanzimat,” in Turkey in

the Modern World, ed. Reşat Kasaba (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 11-37; and Donald

Quataert, “The Age of Reforms, 1812-1914,” in An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire,

Vol.2, ed. Halil İnalcık and Donald Quataert (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 759-944. For a

complete literature of the Tanzimat reforms, see Coşkun Çakır, “Türk Aydınının Tanzimat‟la İmtihanı: Tanzimat

ve Tanzimat Dönemi Siyasi Tarihi Üzerine Yapılan Çalışmalar,” Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi 3

(Bahar 2004), 9-69. 19

Daniel H. Temple, Life and Letters of Rev. Daniel Temple, for Twenty Years a Missionary of the

A.B.C.F.M. in Western Asia (Boston: Congregational Board of Publication, 1855), 246-247. 20

Jeremy Salt, “Trouble Wherever They Went: American Missionaries in Anatolia and Ottoman Syria in the

Nineteenth Century,” The Muslim World 92:3-4 (Fall 2002): 287. 21

“Objects of the Missions to the Oriental Churches, and the Means of Prosecuting them,” The Missionary

Herald 35:1 (January 1839): 40.


22

Ibid., 41. 23

Ibid., 42. 24

See Elena Frangakis-Syrett, “The Economic Activities of the Greek Community of İzmir in the Second Half of

the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,” in Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism: Politics,

Economy, and Society in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi (Princeton: The

Darwin Press, 1999), 17-44; A. Mesud Küçükkalay, Osmanlı İthalatı: İzmir Gümrüğü 1818-1839 (İstanbul:

Kitap Yayınevi, 2006); Cânâ Bilsel, “The Ottoman Port City of Izmir in the 19th

Century: Cultures, Modes of

Space Production and the Transformation of Urban Space,” in 7 Centuries of Ottoman Architecture: “A

Supra-National Heritage”, eds. Nur Akın, Afife Batur and Selçuk Batur (İstanbul: Yem Yayın, 2001), 225-233;

Bruce Stanley, “Izmir,” in Cities of the Middle East and North Africa: A Historical Encyclopedia, ed.

Michael R. T. Dumper and Bruce E. Stanley (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2007), 187-194; and Joseph L. Grabill,

Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East: Missionary Influence on American Policy, 1810-1927

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971). 25

E. Allen Richardson (ed.), Letters from a Distant Shore: The Journal of Sarah Ann Breath (Piscataway:

Gorgias Press, 2008), 51. Other examples: Cyrus Hamlin and his wife went from Boston to Smyrna in 45 days

and then proceeded to Istanbul on an English steamer. See The Missionary Herald 35:7 (July 1839): 269. Elias

R. Beadle and his wife left the USA on June 14, 1839, arrived at Beirut in October, and were accompanied from

Izmir by Elias Riggs. See “Journal of Mr. Riggs on a Tour in Syria,” The Missionary Herald 36:9 (September

1840), 337-345. 26

See Marcellus Bowen, Historical Sketch of Mission Work in the Smyrna Field, 1820-1884 (unpublished

manuscript); and Thirtieth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions

(Boston: Crocker & Brewster, 1839), 61. 27

“Growth and Need of the Foreign Work,” The Missionary Herald 78:11 (November 1882): 438. 28

Visit to Palestine. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.6. item 136 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520);

and “Journal of Mr. Riggs on a Tour in Syria,” The Missionary Herald 36:9 (September 1840), 337-345. 29

“The Hatti Scheriff,” The Catholic Telegraph 9:11(March 14, 1840): 83. 30

Twenty-ninth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

Crocker & Brewster, 1838), 64; and The Missionary Herald 35:1 (January 1839): 5. 31

“Appeal for the Press in Asia Minor,” New York Evangelist 10:43 (October 26, 1839), 1. 32

Thirty-fourth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

Crocker & Brewster, 1843), 91. For example, the Lancasterian school in Limassol, Cyprus, received a set of the

Reading Lessons printed at the mission press in Izmir in 1840. See “Cyprus: Semi-Annual Report of the Mission,

Dated Jan. 1st, 1840,” The Missionary Herald 36:6 (June 1840): 217. 33

See, for example, “The Foreign Christian Press,” Christian Observer (January 23, 1840): 14; Twenty-sixth

Annual Report of the American Tract Society (Boston: Perkins and Marvin, 1840), 73; Twenty-seventh

Annual Report of the American Tract Society (Boston: T.R.Marvin, 1841), 44; “A Plea for the Press,”

Episcopal Recorder 17:34 (November 16, 1839): 135; Thirty-fourth Annual Report of the American Board

of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston: Crocker & Brewster, 1843), 91; Thirty-Fifth Annual

Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston: T.R.Marvin, 1844), 110;

and H.G.O. Dwight, Christianity in Turkey: A Narrative of the Protestant Reformation in the Armenian

Church (London: James Nisbet and Co., 1854), 145. 34

Report for printing in 1844, see letter from Elias Riggs to Rufus Anderson, February 18, 1845. ABC 16.7.1:

Mission to the Armenians, Vol.2. item 123. (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 516); for 1845, see Letter from Elias

Riggs to Rufus Anderson, March 4, 1846. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.2. item 130. (Papers of

the ABCFM, Reel 516). For the list of materials published in Izmir, see Historical and Descriptive Catalogue of

Greek, Greco-Turkish and Bulgarian books and tracts, Issued from the Printing establishment of the A.B.C.F.M.

in Smyrna. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.2. item 71 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 516); “Historical

and Descriptive Catalogue of Armenian and Armeno-Turkish Publications of the Smyrna Press,” in Thirty-

Seventh Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1846), 249-254; and Historical and Descriptive Catalogue of Armenian and Armeno-Turkish

Publications of the Smyrna Press (Prepared by Rev. John B. Adger, July, 1846). ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the

Armenians, Vol.2. item 81and 82 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 516). Although it is an incomplete list, see also

John A. Vinton “Catalogue of Publications Issued from the Mission Presses Connected with the Missions of the

Board to the Several Oriental Churches,” in Rufus Anderson, History of the Missions of the American Board

of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to the Oriental Churches (Boston: Congregational Publishing

Society, 1872), Vol. 2, 503-518. 35

Thomas Laurie, The Ely Volume; or, the Contributions of Our Foreign Missions to Science and Human

Well-being (Boston: American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 1881), 216; and Historical and


Descriptive Catalogue of Greek, Greco-Turkish and Bulgarian books and tracts, Issued from the Printing

establishment of the A.B.C.F.M. in Smyrna. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.2. item 71 (Papers of

the ABCFM, Reel 516). It was published in the mission press until 1843 and then transferred to Nocholas

Petrokokino. 36

Letter from Elias Riggs to Rufus Anderson, February 23, 1842. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.6.

item 117 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520). 37

Samuel A. Rhea, “Appeal from Turkey,” Christian Observer (August 16, 1851): 229. 38

Changing Fonts: The Evolution of a Press (İstanbul: SEV-YAY, 2002). 39

“Objects of the Missions to the Oriental Churches, and the Means of Prosecuting them,” The Missionary

Herald 35:1 (January 1839): 43. 40

Ibid., 43. 41

John A. Vinton “Catalogue of Publications Issued from the Mission Presses Connected with the Missions of

the Board to the Several Oriental Churches,” in Rufus Anderson, History of the Missions of the American

Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions to the Oriental Churches (Boston: Congregational Publishing

Society, 1872), Vol. 2, 503-518. 42

For a short account of the mission station in Izmir, see Marcellus Bowen, Historical Sketch of Mission Work

in the Smyrna Field, 1820-1884 (unpublished manuscript); and Lyman Bartlett, “Historical Sketch of the

Smyrna Field,” The Missionary Herald 91:3 (March 1895): 93-97. 43

See John B. Adger, My Life and Times, 1810-1899 (Richmond: The Presbyterian Committee of Publication,

1899). 44

“Journal of Mr. Adger, on a Tour in Asia Minor,” The Missionary Herald 35:6 (June 1839): 204. 45

See, for example, “Journal of Mr. Adger, on a Tour in Asia Minor,” The Missionary Herald 35:6 (June

1839): 204-212, and 35:7 (July 1839): 225-238; 46

“Journal of Mr. Adger, on a Tour in Asia Minor,” The Missionary Herald 35:7 (July 1839): 236-238. 47

“Smyrna: Letter from Mr. Riggs, Dated Sept. 20th, 1842,” The Missionary Herald 39:3 (March 1843): 97-

100. 48

Ibid., 99. 49

Thirty-Second Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:


“Smyrna: Extract from a Letter of Mr. Riggs, 9th Dec. 1840,” The Missionary Herald 37:6 (June 1841):242-

243. For the original, see Letter from Elias Riggs to Rufus Anderson, December 9, 1840. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to

the Armenians, Vol.6. item 110 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520). 51

“Smyrna: Letter from Mr. Van Lennep, Sept. 1st, 1842,” The Missionary Herald 39:2 (February 1843): 76,

Thirty-Third Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:


The Missionary Herald 37:7 (July 1841): 287. 53

Thirty-Third Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:


Forty-third Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1852), 59. 55

Letter from Riggs to Rufus Anderson, November 16, 1843. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.6,

item 128 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520). 56

Thirty-First Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:


“Smyrna: Report of the Station for 1841,” The Missionary Herald 38:7 (July 1842): 274. Also see Letter

from Elias Riggs to Rufus Anderson, February 23, 1842. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.6. item 117

(Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520). 58

Thirty-Second Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:


Letter from Elias Riggs to Rufus Anderson, December 16, 1843. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians,

Vol.6. item 129 (Papers of the ABCFM, Reel 520). 60

Rufus Anderson, Report to the Prudential Committee of a Visit to the Missions in the Levant; also a

letter to the Committee from the Rev. Dr. Hawes (Boston: T.R. Marvin, 1844), 6. 61

Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1844), 98. 62

Rufus Anderson, Report to the Prudential Committee of a Visit to the Missions in the Levant, 13. 63

Daniel H. Temple, Life and Letters of Rev. Daniel Temple, for Twenty Years a Missionary of the

A.B.C.F.M. in Western Asia (Boston: Congregational Board of Publication, 1855), 357.


64

Forty-third Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1852), 63. 65

Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1844), 101. 66

“Mr. Benjamin‟s Tour in Asia Minor,” The Missionary Herald 44:9 (September 1848), 309-314. 67

“Letter from Mr. Benjamin, March 6, 1852,” The Missionary Herald 48:6 (June 1852): 177; and “Smyrna,”

The Missionary Herald 48:7 (July 1852): 195. 68

Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1846), 95. 69

The ABCFM missionaries prepared the plan with Allan and Königh, two missionaries of the Free Church of

Scotland and Swan L. Pomroy from Maine. According to the annual report of 1846, the plan was done “in

compliance with the request of the native brethren.” For the plan, see “Plan of Church Organization for the

Evangelical Armenians,” in Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for

Foreign Missions (Boston: T.R.Marvin, 1846), 238-248. 70

Forty-second Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

T.R.Marvin, 1851), 70. 71

For example, according to Elias Riggs‟ letter, the total expenditure of the Smyrna station in the year 1843 was

$12,324. See Report of the Smyrna Treasurer. ABC 16.7.1: Mission to the Armenians, Vol.2. item 75 (Papers of

the ABCFM, Reel 516). 72

Sixty-eighth Annual Report of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (Boston:

Riverside Press, 1878), xxi. 73

E. E. Bliss, “The Publication Department of the Missionary Work in Northern Turkey,” The Missionary

Herald 68:12 (December 1872): 380.

The Symbols for Obtaining the Loyalty of

Armenians to the Ottomans:

Decorations and Medals

Zeynep İskefiyeli*

Fikrettin Yavuz**

Abstract

Decorations and medals are symbols given to those who become

successful by showing distinguished good service for the existence,

unity and integrity of a state and those who make a great impact on

society with their success. The aim of giving this symbol is to both

reward and honour the successful person and encourage the other

citizens of the society towards the same achievement. In this context,

bestowing decorations and medals in the Ottoman Empire began to take

place in the last quarter of the 18th century. As symbols showing

loyalty, decorations and medals were conferred on many Armenians

including clergymen such as Armenian catholicos and patriarchs, state

officials, plenipotentiaries and those who put forth effort, and showed

zealous endeavour and service. In this article, giving various examples

of decorations and medals bestowed upon Armenians by certain

reasons, it is focused on their impacts on the Turco-Armenian relations.

The Ottoman Empire whose territory spread over three continents was one of the

most successful, most powerful and long-lived empires in history. The most important feature

of the Ottomans was the State philosophy, based on justice and merit with a tolerance that

enabled them to create an atmosphere in which every ethnic group lived in peace and harmony

under the rule of the same sovereign. The personal rights of the non-Muslims and those who

* Sakarya University

** Sakarya University


had different faiths and cultures were maintained by the laws of the Empire. In fact, none of

the groups were given special privileges or penalized before the courts. It is an undeniable

historical fact that the Ottomans, allowing each ethnic community to establish an order in line

with their own traditions and culture and to organize every religious and internal matter,

became successful at the art of living together.

Among Armenians, a well-known proverb of long standing says that “It is sufficient

to obtain only once the reliance and kindness of a Turk. He devotes himself to you as he has

the might of predestination”1. In fact, the Ottoman State, without any religious and national

discrimination, never held back from appreciating those who became successful through

striving to work hard and who impacted society with this success. The Ottomans granted

certain rewards and gifts to those who showed good service, devotion and self-sacrifice in

order to ensure their continued deference to the State. Furthermore, decorations and medals

were produced and bestowed upon them with funds from the Royal Treasury.

A decoration, which means a sign or mark of distinction and privilege, is a symbol

given to those who become successful by showing distinguished good service for the

existence, unity and integrity of the State and those who make a great impact on society with

their success. The aim of giving this symbol is to both reward and honour the successful

person and encourage the other citizens of the society towards the same achievement2. A

medal, on the other hand, is the name given to a decoration which is prepared in

commemoration of a battle, or an important event3. The first decoration in the Ottoman State

was bestowed in the reign of Selim III. This wreath, ornamented with precious stones is

accepted as being the first decoration, which was sent by the Sultan and granted to Admiral

Nelson who destroyed the French Navy in the summer of 17984. It was followed by the Hilal

Decoration in 1801. (The Imperial Order of the Crescent).At the same time the well-known

“Vaka-i Mısriyye Medal”5 was minted.

During the reign of Mahmut II (1808-1839) decorations were given official status.

From the time of Abdülmecit in 1839, decorations started to be given by brevet according to

the regulations. The Decoration of Glory, Decoration of Distinction and particularly the Order

of Mejid, which bears the name of the Sultan, were the principal decorations of that period.

But the most important of them in the reign of Abdülaziz was the Decoration of the Ottoman

Empire. In addition to these, three decorations appeared in the time of Abdülhamid II. The

The Symbols For Obtaining the Loyalty 47

first one minted in 1876 was the Decoration of Appreciation. It was particularly important for

the reason that it was bestowed upon women who had worked tirelessly with self-sacrifice and

had proved industriousness and success during times of natural disasters, in both war and

peace. This was followed by the High Decoration of Distinction in 1879 granted to those who

had proved superior service in scientific, military and administrative areas. After that the last

principal decoration was the Order of the Illustrious Ottoman Dynasty, first granted in 1895.

Having been granted to the Ottoman lineage, this order was also bestowed on the foreign

dynasties and officials whose spiritual and material sympathies had been witnessed6.

During the reign of Mehmed Resad V, new decorations were also minted. In 1912

there appeared the “Order of Education”7, the “Order of Excellence”, the “Order of

Agricultural Merit” and “Order of the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies” to be granted to

teachers, scholars and artisans (craftsman). As mentioned before, the form of minting of the

decoration, when it is worn and in what criteria that they are bestowed, were according to the

nizamname (regulations). At first it was announced as a decree then the regulation was

implemented and the decorations could be bestowed8.

In this context, the Ottomans bestowed decorations and medals upon the Armenian

citizens. In fact, having gained the trust and confidence of the Ottomans, the Armenians were

appointed to higher ranks in the administration. It has been said that this was when they lived

the most settled and peaceful years of their lives9. As the Armenians intermingled with the

Turks much more than the others10

, they were called the “Millet-i Sadıka” (Obedient Nation).

It is said that ranks and rights given them in social, political and economical life were never

conferred on either the Armenians outside of the Ottoman borders, or the other communities.

It is possible to find many Turkish, Armenian and foreign documents recording this

circumstance. Even Armenian historians accept this as reality11

.

The Ottoman State, at various times, bestowed decorations and medals upon the

Armenians on account of their good service. As symbols showing loyalty, decorations and

medals were conferred on many Armenians including clergymen such as Armenian catholicos

and patriarchs, state officials, plenipotentiaries and those who put forth effort, and showed

zealous endeavour and service. For example, a decoration was bestowed upon an Armenian

patriarch on account of the defence of his community’s rights. Similarly Sanayi Medals and

Clemency decorations were bestowed upon Armenian ladies who knitted the Sultan’s purse


which was presented to the Sultan on the occasion of his birthday. Furthermore, decorations

were granted to the Mufti of Van together with the Armenian plenipotentiary owing to their

efforts in the repair of the fortress of Van. It is possible to find such examples in the

documents of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive. One can argue that this is a conspicuous

peculiarity of Turco-Armenian togetherness having lived for a long period with each other in

peace and harmony, justice and safety throughout the Ottoman lands.

Decorations and Medals Bestowed Upon Armenian Patriarchs

It can be said that among the Armenians, religion and nationality, church and

identity were bound up together as one and the same12

. The Armenian Church, with its

religious duties and responsibilities, considered itself as a national and political authority for

the Armenians. Indeed, the Armenian Church and clergymen became the strongest powers

forming and directing Armenian life13

. After its establishment in 1461 by Mehmed II the

Conqueror, the influence of Armenian clergymen and patriarchs increased14

. Most people

agree that the establishment of a Christian patriarchate by a Muslim ruler was a unique event

that had never been seen before.

The Ottoman State bestowed certain decorations upon the Armenian patriarchs and

clergyman so as to gain their following and loyalty. When an imperial decoration was

bestowed upon Archbishop Hagop15

appointed as the Armenian Patriarch due to the

resignation of Matteos Chudjian in 1848, a first class decoration of Mejid was also granted

upon Matteos as he was appointed to the Etchmiadzin Catholicate in 185816

. Decorations of

Mejid from various classes were also bestowed upon Makar, the Catholicos attorney, his

secretary Calos, stamper Andrias and treasury officer Mkirtich17

. Ex-Armenian patriarch

Kevork was awarded the second class Decoration of Mejid on account of his good service and

loyalty which he proved during his office18

. Bestowing such decorations, especially during

and at the end of a patriarch’s appointment, it can be supposed was an attempt to keep the

Armenian leaders’ and community’s obedience and loyalty to the State. In this context,

important and influential patriarchs were given various decorations.

Mkrtich Khrimian19

, elected the Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul in 1869, devoted his

life to the development of nationalism among the Armenians and finally for the formation of

an independent Armenian State. Despite his negative attitudes towards the Ottoman State, he


was granted a first class Decoration of Mejid in 1873 as regularly given20

. This decoration can

be seen in various photos of him.

Archbishop Nerses Varjabedian rose to the position of Patriarchate in 1874 and

followed a moderate policy towards the Ottoman government during the years of his

patriarchate. He thought that if he proved his full allegiance to the government, it would be

helpful for him21

. Notwithstanding this, he, when the Russians occupied the Ottoman lands in

1877-78, several times stressed his devotion to the Sultan and his Ottoman patriotism22

. For

this reason, a first class Ottoman decoration was bestowed upon Nerses when he was granted

an audience on 22 August 187723

. During the audience, the Sultan stated that he was pleased

with the Armenians as they had not abandoned their allegiance to the State24

.

When Nerses Varjabedian died in 1884, Erzurum ex-plenipotentiary Harutiun

Vahabedian was elected as the Patriarch in 1885. Since he believed that it was not useful to

expect aid and assistance from Europe for the betterment of the condition of the Ottoman

Armenians, he decided to follow a conservative policy25

. In 1885, he was bestowed with a

decoration on account of his allegiance26

. As he was appointed to the Patriarchate of

Jerusalem in 1888, Horen Ashikian (1888-1894), bishop of İzmit Monastery, was elected the

Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul27

. It is claimed that he was wise and acted cautiously as he

understood that the way of rebellion denoted by the Armenian religious leaders was not

prudent28

. Furthermore according to a secret document of 9 February 1889 written by the

Foreign Minister Said Pasha for Rustem Pasha, the Ottoman Ambassador in London, the

Patriarch decided to send the priest Torian to combat the Armenian instigations29

. It was

particularly vital to achieve the allegiance and loyalty of the Armenian community especially

during such hard times that the Ottoman State had experienced due to the Armenian events in

Anatolia30

. For this reason gold and silver distinction medals were bestowed upon Patriarch

Horen31

, thus attempting to procure the submission of the Armenian community to the State.

After the election of 1894, Matteos İzmirlian ascended to the position of the

Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul32

. When İzmirlian was granted an audience by the Sultan,

he expressed impolite statements instead of the traditional courtesies. According to the news

report of “Gazette General De Munich”, upon Matteos’s statements in which he expressed

that he would serve the church and his people instead of voicing his gratitude to the Sultan on

account of his patriarchate approval, the Sultan angrily interrupted and warned him that he


should try to be a faithful servant and admonish his people to be obedient33

. The Sultan

responded to his transgressed statements with a telling expression; “I have approved your

appointment as a result of your welcome news, positive gestures and your capabilities for the

patriarchate’s responsibilities. When I observe your submission and solidity of your

information on your manners, I shall then confer great favours on you”. After this,

Abdülhamid II sent him away with his attendants and did not grant the customary Decoration

of Mejid given in the first audiences34

. The British ambassador, Sir Curie wrote the following

about the audience on 18 January; “When the patriarch talked about the sufferings of the

Armenians, the Sultan stated that it was the responsibility of the patriarch to discipline his

troublemaker people and the official audience took just two minutes. After that, the patriarch

was not offered coffee as had been a regular custom before. Munir Pasha conveyed the

Sultan’s order that the Patriarch did not need to wait there anymore. During the admission,

he was given the cold shoulder and not bestowed with the customary decoration”35

.

After his resignation from the Patriarchate, the Sublime Porte charged a temporary

miscellaneous council comprising religious and eight secular men in lieu of civil and religious

councils existing in the time of his patriarchate. This council was held at the Kumkapı

Patriarchate and Barthelemos was appointed as Patriarchate Attorney until the new patriarch’s

election. Following the election of the new patriarch, there appeared the question of

modification and amendment of the Patriarchate internal regulations36

. The Friday after the

appointment, Barthelomos went to Yıldız Palace with the newly elected members of the

council. He was granted an audience during the Cuma Selamlığı (the Friday parade). After a

brief protocol speech, Abdülhamid II bestowed a grand Decoration of Mejid upon him and

various decorations upon his attendants and notables. It was a great honour for him to be

granted an audience as it was not the usual custom. This had a positive effect on both Turks

and Armenians37

.

This council elected Magakia Ormanian as Patriarch (1896-1908) after İzmirlian. He

followed the policy on the Ottoman side. Seeing that advantage could only be possible by

Turkish rule, Ormanian swore his allegiance to the Sultan and State once he was elected. He

then tried to gain the lost confidence of the Armenians and the church in the Ottoman State.

He made a “gratitude ceremony” on account of the twenty-fifth accession anniversary of

Abdulhamid II, and then prayed for the health of the Sultan after his speech outlining the

submission of the Armenians to the Ottoman State38

. He was granted a first class Decoration


of Mejid39

and a first class Ottoman decoration 40

in consequence of the defence of his

community’s rights in 1897. Kapıkethüda (Chamberlain) Abraham was also granted a second

class Ottoman decoration. Patriarch Ormanian received a gold distinction medal41

and

Murassa42

Ottoman Decoration43

. In addition, he was given a first class Sir-i Hursid

Decoration by the Iranian government44

. After his withdrawal from the Patriarchate, ex-

Patriarch Matteos İzmirlian was re-elected as Patriarch on 4 November 1908. While the

Decoration of Mejid had not been granted to him before because of his improper manner, now

it was bestowed on him upon his re-election45

. Afterwards, the custom of granting decorations

to the elected patriarchs was recontinued46

. Furthermore, various decorations were granted

upon both the Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul and clergymen and the Armenian Patriarch of

Jerusalem47

and Cilicia (Sis)48

together with the Catholicos of Uc Kilise (Ethcmiadzin) and

Akhtamar49

.

Decorations Bestowed Upon Notable Armenians

There were many aristocratic families among the Armenians who experienced their

golden years under Ottoman rule. The most prominent of them were the Duzian family

(jewellers), the Balian family (architects)50

, the Bezdjian family (textile makers), the Manas

family (painters) and the Dadian family which had famous engineers and diplomats. Being

distinguished from the others especially in trade and jewellery, the Armenians caught the

attention of the Palace and after a while many Armenians were given charge in the Royal Mint

management. The Duzian family was at the forefront among the Armenians charged with the

management of money changing and the Royal Mint. Bogos Duzian carried the responsibility

of head jeweller of the Royal Mint from 1839 to 1853. There was a decoration album prepared

by Duzoglu Bogos and presented to the Palace in 1840. The album described 401 objects

according to the people to whom they belonged, their standing and post. It also pointed out the

changing of the Ottoman symbols and the use of three different substances for production

between the 1820s and the end of the1840s51

. Garabed Duz from this family was bestowed

with a Decoration of Glory in the 1850s and gained the right to the military salute through his

superiority of office. This was a privilege which had never been granted to any non-Muslims.

He had as many as thirteen decorations, some of which had been granted by foreigners52

. In

addition, a high decoration of an imperial portrait53

was bestowed upon Bezciyan Artin who

was the Royal Mint Trustee and personal jeweller of Mahmud II54

. In addition, Kevork


Yeramian, one of the Palace jewellers, was given the Decoration of Glory by the Sultan in

184655

.

Furthermore, Armenians held important ranks in areas of public administration like

trade. Especially after the Greek separation, Armenians were appointed to governorship,

inspectorships, ambassadorship and even ministership in the Ottoman State when the duties

which had previously been carried out by the Greeks were given to the Armenians56

. One of

the fields in which the Armenians, too, pushed themselves forward was undoubtedly the

foreign offices: the Armenians who served as chargé d’affairs, consultants and secretaries and

dragomans till the mid 19th

century, began to be appointed to higher ranks like

ambassadorship and Council General, from the second half of the 19th

century. Sakak Abro

was just one of them and worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for many years and served

the first dragoman of the Palace Archive in the time of grand vizier Ali Pasha. He, who

carried the management of external (international) correspondence and general clerk of

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was bestowed with a first class Decoration of Mejid and the

Decoration of the Ottoman Empire57

. One of the Armenian-origin political faces was Manuk

Azarian who served as diplomatic courier in the Balkan Armies during the period of the

Herzegovina incidents of 1876 and the Turco-Russian War and went to Bucharest to return

the Turkish captives to Istanbul in 1878. He was then called to the Undersecretariat of the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1909. He was bestowed with first and second class Decorations

of Mejid and the first class Decoration of the Ottoman Empire. Another of the Armenians who

also had the vizierate was Artin Dadian Pasha. The longest and most lucrative political years

of Dadian who had the Sultan’s confidence were spent in the office of Undersecretariat of

Foreign Affairs. In addition, he was granted numerous ranks and decorations58

.

Ohannes Kuyumjuian, one of the notable Armenians serving in foreign affairs

worked as the Vice Legal Adviser and was bestowed with the fourth class Decoration of

Mejid. Since he worked as First Secretary at the embassy in Rome between 1899 and 1908, he

was granted the third class Decoration of the Ottoman Empire and second class Decoration of

Mejid. He also served as Vice Head Clerk at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1909 to

1913. In 1910 he was sent by the Sultan to Belgium to present the Decoration of the Ottoman

Dynasty to King Albert. For this reason, he was granted a first class Leopold Decoration59

.


One Armenian who served as Ambassador was Hovsep Misakian, who was called

Yusuf Misak on the Ottoman archival documents. Yusuf Misakian, working in certain offices

in the embassies of Berlin, Rome, Paris and the Netherlands, was granted various decorations.

In addition, he was bestowed with a third class Karandufer decoration by Austria60

, a fourth

class Suver decoration by Greece, the “Karon” decoration by Prussia and St. Maris de Lazar

by Italy. As the “Grand Ottoman Decoration” was presented to the King of Spain, he was

bestowed with a fourth class decoration by Spain61

and as decorations were granted to the

commission of the French embassy, he was granted the same decoration by France. He was

also bestowed with a second class Decoration of the Ottoman Empire in 189062

.

Furthermore, various Armenians worked in the royal treasury that was known as a

ministry and managed by a person who had the title of minister and gained the trust of the

Sultans. He was at the same time dealing with all expenditure and payments of workers in the

palace. For instance, one of the well-known ones was Agop Kazazian. Even though he did not

have much education, he reached high ranks on account of his capabilities in paymastership.

He also had the Saint Gregoire decoration given to him by Pope Pius IX along with many

decorations granted to him in 1887. Following the death of Agop Pasha, Mikhael Portukal

Pasha was appointed to the Ministry of Royal Treasury in 1891. On promoting him to the

vizierate in 1893, the Sultan Abdulhamit II bestowed Decorations of Mejid, and Distinction

and Merit decorations upon him, rewarding his service and efforts63

. In 1897 Sakız Ohannes

Pasha who was appointed to the Ministry of Treasury by the will of the Sultan after the death

of Portukal Pasha, was bestowed with many decorations from different classes during his

office.

In addition, Garabed Artin Davud Pasha, one of the officials in the Ministry of

Interior Affairs was awarded certain decorations. He was also given the decoration of Legion

d’Honneur by Napoleon and the decoration of Saint-Gregoire by the Papacy. Again, Krikor

Shabian was rewarded with the fourth class Decoration of Mejid due to his zealous service

and was also granted the decoration of Saint-Gregoire by the Pope. Furthermore, certain

decorations and medals from various classes were granted to Armenians such as

Dernersessian Hachadur and Sevet Palazian serving in the Ministry of Interior Affairs, Mkrtch

Sinapyan, Kevork Pokarat, Mkrtch Hekimian serving in the Ministry of Sea, Sarkizz Karakoc

in the Ministry of Justice, Andon Pasha Nafilian Dr. G. Yakupian, Dr. Horasancızade Mikael

who were governmental doctors, the palace photographers the Abdullah brothers, and Hovsep


Muhendisian and Garabed Kesissian from the press. Muhendisian presented a letter album to

the Sultan which he prepared in 1888 and was then given the fourth class Decoration of Mejid

and the medal of beautiful art64

.

Other Armenians Bestowed With Decorations and Medals

The Ottoman State bestowed decorations upon many ordinary Armenians as was the

case with highly placed Armenian officials. Plenipotentiaries held the highest place among the

Armenians rewarded with decorations and medals65

. Since they were appointed as

plenipotentiaries and granted royal decorations, they were also bestowed with various

decorations on account of their allegiance and devotion to the State and their distinguished

service66

. Armenian Plenipotentiary of Erzurum, Bishop Kirkoris was rewarded as a

consequence of his fine gallant conduct in the course of his duties67

. İsmail Efendi, mufti of

Van, and Kapril, the Armenian Plenipotentiary, were conferred decorations on account of their

efforts in the repair of the Fortress of Van68

. This service of Plenipotentiary Kapril was the

evidence of his devotion. It was approved for him to be granted the Decoration of Mejid as a

token of his zealous service69

. The Armenians served their country not only during peace time

but also during times of war. For example, Israil, Plenipotentiary of Arabkir, was conferred

with decorations from different classes on account of his service during the Crimean War.

Again notable Armenians from Erzurum, such as Hasrafoglu Serkiz and Moshoglu Artin70

,

were given decorations from various classes. In short, a great number of Armenian

plenipotentiaries, bishops and priests serving in the Ottoman lands were rewarded with

decorations and medals.

When the Armenian events occurred in various provinces of Anatolia, the Ottoman

State that tried to keep peace and security needed the Armenian allegiance and loyalty to the

State much more than it had before71

. In this context, Priest Karabet and his colleagues from

the Çanli Monastery (Surp Garabed) situated in Muş did not hesitate to give information about

the factious Armenians in 1895. But Karabet, Lavi and Parsih began to be scorned and

threatened by certain Armenians. Bishop Parsin who announced his allegiance to the State

was killed by the Armenians and also Kaimakam Reshid’s properties and money were

plundered. Meshud Cavus was also murdered72

. The Ottoman government took necessary

measures and rewarded the bishops of Çanli Monastery and granted the Loyalty Medal73

.


In addition, one of the Armenian deputies of Erzurum council, Hoce Agacan and the

fund master Karabet74

, Bercoyan Karabet one of members of the Management Council of

Aydın together with Kazdaglian Dikran from Smyrna75

were all bestowed with decorations

on account of their allegiance and service. In addition a gold distinction medal was bestowed

upon Mahsud Simon who was the head of the Secular Council in the Armenian Patriarchate76

.

Also, Alaaddin and Kolos from the Management Council of Edirne were rewarded as they had

assisted with the construction of the Edirne Redif (military) warehouse.

The Ottoman State also did not forget the hardworking teachers. Andon Ali who

translated books on the prevalence of the Ottomans among the Armenians, and Mihran who

was the Ottoman Turkish teacher at the Armenian school in Istanbul were granted

decorations77

. In 1891, three of the teachers from a school which served orphans and destitute

girls from the Catholic Armenian community were bestowed with Sanayi medals78

. The

Armenian Catholic Patriarch Azarian presented a prayer purse to Abdülhamid II for his

birthday. It was reported to him that the purse had been knitted by the orphans’ and poor girls’

school of the Catholic Armenian community. Upon hearing this news, the Sultan ordered the

reward of the school economically and granted the Sanayi medal upon those who knitted the

purse. Then it was decided that 30 kıyye of meat and 50 kıyye of bread should be given daily79

to the school. As it was important aid, it was seen that the needs would be satisfied. All the

teachers who knitted the purse were granted Sanayi medals together with Decorations of

Appreciation80

.

Doctors from the Catholic Armenian Hospital such as Eterya Valis81

, Zartar and

Zehrab82

were bestowed with Decorations of Mejid. Also Jozef who was the pharmacist in the

Catholic Armenian Priests School was given the fourth class Decoration of Mejid83

. Well-

known ophthalmologist Dikran Acemian was granted Decorations of the Ottoman Empire and

Mejid in 1899 and a distinction medal in 1900. Dikran Allahverdi went to Bandırma as there

was an outbreak of cholera and he was able to ward off the disease in a few months due to the

measures taken. Because of this service, he was conferred with the Decorations of Mejid, the

Ottoman Empire and the Medal of Merit. At the same time, he was rewarded with decorations

of Sen Jorn and Sava by the Greek and Serbian governments84

.

Consequently, the Ottoman world intermingled different ethnic and religious

communities and provided an atmosphere of harmony. However, what the Ottoman State


expected from all these communities was allegiance to the State and Sultans. Beyond this, the

Ottoman never interfered with the religious, cultural, traditional and economical issues of the

subjects. They did not isolate their decorous social and economical life and did not impose

forced rules on them. In fact, the rulers bestowed immense freedom upon their non-Muslim

subjects and treated them hospitably. When one looks at the Ottoman conquests, it could

admittedly be supposed that they were ruled better than after their separation, although the

Ottomans did not manage to shake off the claim that the non-Muslims were oppressed.

In this context, Armenian claims emerged, especially from the second half of the 19th

century and still remain on the agenda. Nonetheless, the Ottomans never hesitated to reward

or appreciate the Armenians who worked for the State or at least endeavoured to contribute to

the unity and integrity of the State. The number of Armenians who were granted decorations

and medals given on the basis of their devotion and capability rather than nobility, post or

rank, is quite considerable.

1 Y. Gomidas Çark. Türk Devleti Hizmetinde Ermeniler (1453-1953). Istanbul 1953, p:12.

2 T. Nejat Eralp, “Osmanlılarda Nişan ve Madalyalar” in Türkler. vol:13, Ankara 2002, pp:683-686. The

concepts of medal, medallion and decoration are confused with each other. The Ottoman State named some

medals as decorations and some decorations as medals. It was not always easy to find out the differences between

medals and decorations. Both of them resemble each other in their function. Medals, apart from certain

dispensations, were minted like coins. On the other hand, decorations were produced by the installation of

various instruments with jewellery techniques and use of precious stones and enamel working. Especially, at the

very beginning, some Ottoman medals, after minting in the Royal Mint, were turned into decorations by means of

adding gem stones. 3 Mehmet Zeki Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü. Vol:II, Istanbul 1993, p:377. The first

examples of medals originating from the Italian word “medaglia” were seen during the time of the Roman Empire

and were first used for rewarding. After a while, medals became widespread in various States especially in

Europe with the beginning of the modern period. 4 Until that date, gifts that were presented and aimed to honour a person were generally the hilat (robe of honour)

given to foreign ambassadors, along with golden snuff boxes, and horses. High quality sable furs were presented

to the Ottoman high ranking officials. Nelson’s wreath looked like plumed ornament adorned by the turban of

Ottoman sultans and bureaucrats. For further information about Nelson’s wreath see. Edhem Eldem. İftihar ve

İmtiyaz, Osmanlı Nişan ve Madalyaları Tarihi. Istanbul 2004, p:16-23. 5 In March 1801, a joint Ottoman and British army landed in Egypt and defeated the French army. The first

recognition for these events went to Lord Nelson, who was awarded the Decoration of the Turkish Crescent (in

English, The Sultan’s Medal for Egypt). After the successful conclusion of the campaign in 1801, this medal was

struck in various classes and awarded mainly to British Navy personnel who participated in the campaign. Ibid:

pp. 40-41. 6 Eralp, “Osmanlılarda Nişan ve Madalya”. pp:683-684.

7 It was given as gold for the first and silver for the second graduates from the Military School, School of Justice

and Teacher Training College. Celil Ender, “Maarif Madalyası” Toplumsal Tarih. N: 26 Istanbul 1996, pp:43-

45). Besides, there was the tabebet decoration granted to successful graduates, scholars and their assistants and

also the students who assisted in hospitals. ibid: pp. 132-140. 8 Eralp, “Osmanlılarda Nişan ve Madalya”, p:684.

http://www.turkishmedals.net/orders.htm#Turkish Crescent


9 After the Hatt-i Sharif of Gulhane (Noble Edict of Rose Chamber) in 1839 and Islahat (Royal Edict of Reform)

in 1856, confidence in the Armenians increased and opportunities for them arose. They were employed in various

ministries including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, general inspectorships, and the duty of undersecretary.

Abdurrahman Çaycı. Türk Ermeni İlişkilerinde Gerçekler. Ankara:Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi 2000, p:15.

Ottoman history records 29 Armenian pashas, 22 ministers, 33 deputies, 7 ambassadors, 11 council generals and

councilors, 11 scholars, 41 high ranking officials. Some of them were appointed to important offices such as

Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Trade and Mailing. Davut Kılıç. Osmanlı İdaresinde Ermeniler

Arasındaki Dini ve Siyasi Mücadeleler, Ankara:Avrasya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi Yayınları 2000, p:52. 10

Italian man of letters, Edmondo de Amicis as a good observer, who visited Istanbul during the last quarter of

19th

century, gives the following accounts about the Turks and Armenians’ merging: “it is difficult to separate

the Armenians from the Turks. Since those who did not adopt European attires dressed themselves like Turks

with a little bit difference. They scarcely wear the felt caption that their separators sing. Actually they were not

different from Turks in appearance. As they presented themselves companionable subjects and respectful friends,

they obtained Turks’ confidence. Also Armenian woman veiled themselves like Turkish ones”. Ziya Kazıcı,

“Osmanlılarda Hoşgörü”, in Türkler, vol. 10, Ankara 2002, pp:221-232. 11

The most important reason that the Armenians were be able to preserve their identity throughout all the

Turkish rule was the Ottoman administrative structure. The Millet system had always been advantageous for the

Armenians. The Armenian Church maintained Armenian identity on account of keeping submission for their

national belief. Richard G. Hovannisian. Armenia on the Road to Independence 1918. Berkeley and Los

Angeles, 1967, p:25. Most of the Armenians whose numbers had always been growing were in Anatolia and

mostly engaged in commerce. On the other hand the condition of the Armenians living in Istanbul was relatively

good as high ranking Armenians were concerned with them. Çark. Ermeniler. pp: 240-241. 12

Abdurrahman Küçük. Ermeni Kilisesi ve Türkler. Ankara, 1997, pp:1-2. 13

Hüsamettin Yıldırım, “Ermeni İhtilalci Hareketlerinin Doğuşu ve Gelişiminde Ermeni Dininin Rolü ve

Önemi”, Yakın Tarihimizde Kars ve Doğu Anadolu Sempozyumu (Kars-Subatan 17-21 Haziran 1991),

Ankara, 1992, pp:255-262. 14

For the establishment of the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul see. Canan Seyfeli. İstanbul Ermeni

Patrikliği, Kuruluşu ve Tarihten Günümüze İdari Yapısı, Ankara, 2005. 15

The Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive (hereafter cited as BOA), Yıldız Esas Evrakı, (hereafter as Y. EE),

36/115. 16

BOA, Divan-ı Hümayun Mühimme Kalemi (hereafter as A.DVN.MHM.), 27/51. 17

BOA., A.DVN.MHM., 27/56. 18

BOA., İrade Hariciye (hereafter as İ.HR), 177/9740; Divan-ı Hümayun Beylikçi Kalemi (hereafter as

A.DVN.), 156/3; A.DVN.MHM., 30/85. 19

For detailed information see. Fikrettin Yavuz. Ermeni Katagikosu Mıgırdıç Kırımyan ve Ermeni

Meselesi’ndeki Rolü, Sakarya:Sakarya Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2004. 20

BOA., İ.HR., 244/14503. 21

Antranig Chalabian. General Andranik and The Armenian Revolutionary Movement. USA, 1988, p:23. In

his letter submitted to the National State Council, he stated that “If ever Armenian people were preserved as a

nation and still maintain their faith, church, language, history and cultural assets, all of these are by the

courtesy of protection, assistance and benevolence that the Turkish government had conferred. Faith attached

Armenians with Turks. Hence Armenians should not be indifferent to the hard conditions that the state is faced

with. On the contrary, they have to lend assistance as per usual. The Armenian, who loves his country, will grant

the best aid and service to his people. Because defending of the Ottoman state means defending of Armenia,

Armenian religion, schools, possession, family, honour and dignity”. As is seen, the patriarch is aware that the

Armenians preserved their personality in consequence of their rights granted by the Ottoman State. Yıldırım,

“Ermeni İhtilalci Hareketlerinin Doğuşu”, p:258. 22

Bilal N. Şimşir. British Documents on Ottoman Armenians (1856-1880). vol. I, Ankara 1989, p:XIV.

Nerses said that every Armenian living in the Ottoman Empire must make financial contributions to the Turkish

war effort and that the Armenian youth must voluntarily join the Turkish army to fight the Russians. In the words

of Nerses, “Those who have not participated in the Turkish war effort, I urge them to do so. Let us never fail in

our duties or falter in our loyalty, which is as clear as sunlight. Therefore, let us make a heroic effort and show

great zeal to help the government. We Armenians love the Turkish monarchy and forever do not want to be

detached from it” Chalabian. General Andranik. p:24. 23

Erdal İlter. Ermeni Meselesi’nin Perspektifi ve Zeytun İsyanları (1780-1880), Ankara 1988, p:121. 24

Mkrtich Khrimian, who did not approve the policy that Nerses followed, rubbished him and expressed that

“Out of ribs of the sheep, daisies are woven and thrown round the neck of the shepherd to decorate his breast in


return for Abdulhamid’s donations and thanks”. On the other hand, it is ironic that Khrimian had an Ottoman

decoration which he always carried on his cloak. Yavuz, Mıgırdıç Kırımyan. pp:52-53. 25

Since Vahabedian was known as a Turkish sympathizer, neither the members of Armenian committees nor the

clergymen felt attracted to him. But he was able to gain the confidence of Armenian people, Abdulhamid II and

the Sublime Porte in consequence of his honesty. He indeed secured 40.000 liras debt contract from Abdulhamid

II for the Church of Jerusalem by assuring him that 3,5 piaster surtaxes in addition to military tax would be

established for Armenians living in the provinces. None of the communities in the Ottoman state had been

secured such an agreement until that date. Bayram Kodaman. Türkler-Ermeniler ve Avrupa. Isparta 2003, p:

35. 26

BOA.,İrade Dahiliye (hereafter as İ.DH.), 952/75297. 27

Esat Uras, Tarihte Ermeniler ve Ermeni Meselesi. Istanbul:Belge Yayınları 1987, p:270. 28

Mehmet Hocaoğlu. Arşiv Vesikalarıyla Tarihte Ermeni Mezalim ve Ermeniler, Istanbul:Anda Dağıtım

1976, p:117. 29

Osmanlı Belgelerinde Ermeniler (hereafter as OBE). Vol. 7, (January 1889-January 1890), Istanbul 1988,

Doc. no:11. 30

For this aim, the Ottoman ambassador in London, who had tried to persuade the English government to help in

the prevention of Armenian instigations against the Ottomans, was also bestowed with a decoration. BOA.,

Yıldız Perakende Evrakı Adliye ve Mezahib Nezareti Mârûzatı (hereafter as Y.PRK.EŞA.), 17/80. Awarding

Muslim officials who carried out their duties against Armenian instigations was an usual occurrence, but priests

Karabet, Lavi and Parish from the Çanli Monastery (Surp Garabed) situated in Muş were rewarded with

Submission Medals and salaries in consequence of their truthful statements about the Armenians. BOA., Sadaret

Mektubi Mühimme (hereafter as A.MKT.MHM.), 696/22, A.MKT.MHM., 696/26. 31

BOA., Yıldız Perakende Evrakı Umumi Vilayetler Tahriratı (hereafter as Y.PRK.UM.), 26/71. 32

OBE, vol. 24, (3 December 1894 - 21 December 1894), Istanbul 1990, Document No: 145. 33

OBE, vol. 26, (11 January 1895 - 7 February 1895), Istanbul 1990, Document No: 47, 70. 34

Kodaman. Türkler-Ermeniler. p:48. 35

Bilal N. Şimşir, British Documents on Ottoman Armenians (1891-1895), vol. III, Ankara 1989, No:369. 36

BOA, Yıldız Sadaret Resmi Maruzat Evrakı (hereafter as Y.A. RES), 83/29. 37

Kodaman. Türkler-Ermeniler. p:48. 38

Erdal İlter, “Ermeni Kilisesi ve Terör”, Bilim ve Aklın Aydınlığında Eğitim, Nisan 2003, Yıl: 4, Sayı: 38,

pp:75-89. 39

BOA., İrade Taltifat (hereafter as İ.TAL.), 108/1314Ş-062. 40

BOA. Yıldız Mütenevvi Maruzat Evrakı (hereafter Y.MTV.), 166/76, Y.MTV., 166/107. İ.TAL., 118/1315R-

007. While Ormanian was appreciated and rewarded by the State, he did not receive the same support from his

community BOA., Y.MTV., 166/76. Armenian Committees uttered threats against the priests of Kalas and Ibrail

for not mentioning Ormanian’s name during the church ceremony BOA., Y.PRK.EŞA., 33/101. As a matter of

fact in a menacing letter, they expressed that he should not undo his resignation petition. Indeed they stated that if

he did undo his petition or engage in legal proceedings about the Armenians because of the letter, he would be

murdered BOA., Yıldız Sadaret Hususi Mârûzat Evrakı (hereafter as Y.A.HUS.), 405/11. Ormanian had to

account for help from the English Ambassador as he was threatened by his citizens BOA., Y.MTV., 165/249. 41

BOA., İ.TAL., 268/1319N-027. 42

An expression for decorations adorned by precious stones. 43

BOA., İ.TAL., 276/1320M-015. 44

BOA., İ.TAL., 242/1318L-83. Ormanian wanted permission to accept and put on the decoration granted by

Iran. BOA., Yıldız Perakende Evrakı Adliye ve Mezahib Nezareti Mârûzatı (hereafter Y.PRK.AZN.), 21/55. 45

BOA., İ.TAL., 458/1326Za-021, İ.TAL., 171/1326Za-15. İrade Hususi (hereafter İ.HUS.), 15/1326ZA-9. 46

Armenian Patriarch Torian Agis, BOA., İ.TAL., 461/1327C-09; Armenian Patriarch Arsharoni İ.TAL.,

478/1330C-03. 47

BOA., İ.HR., 32/1454, İ.HR., 68/3332, İ.HR., 69/3358, Sadaret Amedi Kalemi (hereafter A.AMD.), 19/54. 48

BOA., İ.MSM., 34/972. 49

BOA., İ.DH., 1198/93772. 50

For detailed information about the Balian family see, Afife Batur, “Balyan Ailesi”, Dünden Bugüne İstanbul

Ansiklopedisi, vol. II, Istanbul, 1994 pp:35-41; Selçuk Batur, “Balyan Ailesi”, Tanzimat’tan Cumhuriyete

Türkiye Ansiklopedisi, vol. IV, Istanbul 1985, pp:1089-1090. 51

Eldem. İftihar ve İmtiyaz. pp:90-93. 52

Çark. Ermeniler. p:61. 53

They were usually made on ivory plaques during the reign of Mahmud II. They were composed of the

miniature of the Sultan in his military uniform, which is surrounded by yellow and pink roses in relief,


surrounding blue flowers with a diamond at the centre. They were made by Sabuh and Maksud Menas brothers

who were sent to Europe for education. During the reigns of Abdülmecid and Abdülaziz, they were made by

Jozef Menas, Vensan and Abdullah Artuk. Osmanlı Nişanları. pp:10-11. Various artists served at the Palace The

Sultan, who was pleased with Sabuh Menas’s drawings, bestowed upon him the Mecidi Decoration from the fifth

rank Çark, Ermeniler. pp:137-140. 54

For further information see ibid. p:66. 55

Ibid, p:69. 56

Mim Kemal Öke. Yüzyılın Kan Davası Ermeni Sorunu 1914-1923. Istanbul, 2003, p:114. 57

Çark. Ermeniler. pp:130-132. 58

Kevork Pamukciyan. Biyografileriyle Ermeniler. Istanbul, 2003, pp:65;190-192. 59

Çark. Ermeniler. p:153. 60

BOA., Sicill-i Ahval İdaresi Defteri (hereafter as SAİD), 1, 660. 61

On 14 December 1881, Misak, Hoci, and Reşad were granted decorations by Spain. BOA., İ.HR., 336/21621. 62

BOA., SAİD, 1, 660. For the other Armenian officers of foreign affairs, see. Sinan Kuneralp. Son Dönem

Osmanlı Erkan ve Ricali (1839-1922). Istanbul 1999. 63

Çark. Ermeniler. pp:157-159;160-161. 64

Pamukciyan, Biyografileriyle Ermeniler. pp:313-315. 65

Murahhas means officially permitted and authorized. Murahhasa means, however, that the name is given the

Armenian archbishops. Ferit Devellioğlu. Osmanlıca Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lugat. Ankara 1996, p:684; This

term was used for Armenian prelates serving in the Ottoman provinces. Seyfeli. İstanbul Ermeni Patrikliği. p:

90. 66

It was the decoration conferred on Matios who took Esvarador’s place who did not fulfil his responsibilities for

the Armenian communities of Istanbul and its vicinity in consequence of his senectitude BOA., A.DVN.MHM.,

1A/87. By the imperial decoration, Matyos, the Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul was informed of his duties and

responsibilities BOA., Yıldız Esas Evrakı (Y.EE.), 36/115. 67

BOA., Hariciye Nezareti Mektubi Kalemi (hereafter HR.MKT.), 84/35. 68

BOA., A.MKT.MHM., 229/78, A.MKT.MHM., 233/49. 69

İ.DH., 338/22191. 70

BOA., A.DVN.MHM., 21/72, A.AMD., 75/33, A.DVN., 123/79. Upon conferring decorations of Mejid and

medals on Muslims and Armenians of Erzurum, it was discussed whether these medals would be bestowed on

Greek (Rums) citizens BOA., A.MKT.MHM., 138/31. 71

It is known that there were various Armenian events between 1895 and 1896. However, the Ottoman State met

their needs and assisted when they were placed in difficult circumstances. For example, when the Catholic

Armenian Patriarch informed them that the Church was in financial straits, it was adjudicated to grant 100.000

piaster to the Church by a decision taken in 1895. OBE., c. 39, No: 75. Due to the New Year’s day of 1896, it

was arranged to grant 75.000 piaster to the Greek Church, 40.000 piaster to the Armenian Church and 25.000

piaster to the Catholic Armenian Church. OBE., c. 26, No: 112. 72

It was realized that the Armenians, who ravaged Kaimakam Reshid’s properties and money and murdered

Meshud Cavus, had been proved by Kevork, vice-plenipotantiery of Erzincan, and his companions BOA.,

A.MKT.MHM., 696/26. 73

BOA., A. MKT.MHM., 696/22, A.MKT.MHM., 696/26. 74

BOA., Sadaret Mektubi Umum Vilayat (hereafter A.MKT.UM.), 527/76, A.MKT.UM., 529/30. Greek deputy

Yargi was also rewarded. 75

BOA.,Dahiliye Nezareti Mektubi Kalemi (hereafter DH.MKT.), 1388/73, DH.MKT., 1521/88. 76

BOA., İ.TAL., 19/1310L-092. 77

BOA., İ.DH., 1121/87654, İ.DH., 1126/87984. 78

BOA., İ.DH., 1223/95701. 79

One of the weighing scales. Okka is also used in lieu of kıyye. Its scale varies between cities and towns but it is

generally taken as 1.282 gram. Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri. p:723. 80

BOA., Y.EE., 5/167. 81

BOA., İ.DH., 1198/93772. 82

BOA., İ.TAL., 161/1316Ş-047. 83

BOA., İ.TAL., 220/1318R-051. 84

Pamukciyan. Biyografileriyle Ermeniler. pp:4-5;15-16.

Instructions of the National Girls School in Nişantaşı

Cemil Ozan Ceyhan*

Abstract

New education movements have a significant role in modernity

formation attempts in late Ottoman period of Turkey. From the late 18th

and early 19th

centuries, the Ottoman Empire decided to make reforms

on education. It has been understood that a modernization movement

can only be executed by modern educated people. Having realized the

importance of contribution of women in every fields of society, this

educational modernization movements spread to girls‟ education. This

study aims to give the instructions of one of these schools; National

Girls School in Nişantaşı (Nişantaşı Millî İnas Mektebi)

Modernization movements in Ottoman Empire are mostly believed to be started in late

18th

and early 19th

centuries. These movements were planned to be supported by new type of

education with new schools. Under these circumstances the first middle school (rüşdiye) for

girls was founded in 1859 in Sultanahmet. In order to grow women teachers rather than men

for “middle schools for girls”, a teacher school for girl‟s schools (Dârülmuallimat) was

founded in 1870. Midhat Paşa established a school of arts for girls in Yedikule in 1869, which

was followed by Üsküdar in 1878 and Aksaray and Cağaloğlu in 1879 for military services.1

At the end of Tanzimat there had been 13 middle schools for girls, 10 of which were in

Istanbul. In 1893, there had been 34 middle schools for girls, 12 of which were in Istanbul. At

the end of Abdülhamid II period; there had been 77 schools for girls, 15 of which were in

Istanbul.2 It can be easily seen that Ottoman modernization on education aims to spread the

new education model from capital to province.

* İstanbul Technical University


Renouncement of Constitution in 1908 was an important step for freedom of speech

and discussions for new ideas. This era has also helped educational understandings to be

supported by modern European methods. Periodicals from Europe, books and articles written

by students which had been in Europe, have created a new understanding on education and

modern pedagogy.3

There was a huge demand for intellectuals and intellectual organizations in

Constitutional period because the new regime was looking for a fast and deep modernization

of both the nation and the state.

Like the other areas, acceleration on women‟s movement can be observed in

Constitutional era. Large number of authors in women‟s periodicals started to discuss about

the situation of women and look for new solutions for education of girls.

One of the most important arguments about education is whether the new schools

should be private or state investment. Some of the middle and upper class women came

together for some social organizations and believed that they can manage to create new,

private schools.4

Osmanlı Kadınlar Cemiyet-I Hayriyesi was one of these women‟s organizations. It

was founded in İstanbul in September 1909 by thirty women who are from prominent

Ottoman and foreign families. President Leyla Hanım was the daughter of Serdar-ı Ekrem

Abdülkerim Pasha. The organization grew from to 70 members by October 1912. After the

Balkan Wars, the members of the organization decided to establish a high school for girls,

realizing that the state lacked the money to do much in this field. National Girls School in

Nişantaşı is established to grew raise girls to become good mothers who could raise men and

women who would be able to contribute to the elevation of the fatherland.5

Nişantaşı Millî İnas Mektebi

The School was located at Osmanbey Street in Nişantaşı. In November 1913, school

was officially opened in the presence of many prominent Ottomans and foreigners. By March

1914, the school had 70 students. There is no evidence until when the school existed but it

seems to be lasted at least for some years.6

Instructions of Nişantaşı Millî İnas Mektebi

1) The aim of establishment of the school is to give a serious and national upbringing

to girls and educate them according to the contemporary needs

Instructions of the National Girls School in Nişantaşı 63

2) Everybody uses their own native language. Learning French is obligatory, German

is selective.

3) Gymnastic, handicraft and music educations are important

4) This İdadi (high school) consists of three periods and six years

5) There is preparation class for six years old and pre-school children. Adding that,

there is a kindergarten for four to six years old children

6) Lessons are:

Religion, Ottoman Turkish, Morality, Physics, Geography, History,

Handicraft, French, Calculus, Music, Gymnastics, Painting

7) From morning till noon lessons are in Turkish, from noon till afternoon lessons in

French

8) There is an entrance exam. Children are divided into groups according to their

level of Turkish and French knowledge

9) Children whose French is better than Turkish are educated in French class, whose

Turkish is better than French are educated in Turkish class.

10) Children who cannot pass Turkish exams, cannot graduate from school

11) Opening and closing hours of lessons are announced at the begging of each year

12) Students are always under the supervision during their existence at school

13) There is great dining hall in our school. Students can bring their food with them

from home; servants heat the food and help them to eat. During meal time, a

teacher takes care of the dining hall. Students whose houses are close to school are

allowed to eat at home.

14) Students are obliged to be at school five minutes before half past eight when the

lessons start. Unless unusual reasons like illness, students are not allowed to leave

school.

15) People who does not have a special permission signed by parents, are not allowed

to meet children

16) Students can have holidays on their special days or on the days which are

determined by the Minister of Education.

17) Students who does not come to school for one or a few days, for any reason; should

bring a paper, signed by their parents, which defines their non-existence. Otherwise

they are punished.


18) Only legitimate reason is illness. Before the holiday of school, going to the

countryside in summer times, are resulted with withdrawal of the students

enrolment.

19) Christian children are allowed to go on vacation on Christmas and Easter, Jewish

student are allowed to go on holiday on their own holidays.

20) If an infectious disease like scarlatina, smallpox, rubeola, diphtheria, chincough,

typhoid, cholera occurs in a family or in the house they live in, parents are obliged

to keep their children at home and report the situation to school.

21) Children with lashless eyes, furuncles on their face or head; and skin diseases,

rusticated temporarily

22) Students should pass an oral exam which is made once in five months. Degrees are

noted, signed by teachers and headmaster and sent to parents. Having signed by

parents, the note-book is kept by school administration

23) Students should pay 20 liras monthly during first three grades. Fourth grade is 60,

fifth grade is 65, and sixth grade is 70 liras. If there are two sisters, there is a %20

discount. Preparation class is 40 liras, kindergarten is 30 liras monthly.

24) Children should submit their vaccine certificate, national ID and if there is;

graduation documents from previous schools, during their enrolment.

25) Tuition fee should be paid cash at the begging of every month

26) Tuition fee cannot be exempted fully or partially for anyone

27) Students, who leave the school before the end of the month, are obliged to pay full

tuition fee of that month. If a student cannot attend the school because of an illness

or any other reason, she is obliged to pay full tuition fee.

28) Students are obliged to take care of tools and staff in the school. Children, who

leave their books, notebooks, desks dirty, are punished.

29) There is a library full of books on student level of understanding. Students can

borrow books but they are also responsible to compensate in case of loss or

damage

30) Parents are free to provide books, notebooks, pencils or any other educational

materials.

31) Students are obliged to provide white collar, black uniform, sleepers for

gymnastics and hat

Instructions of the National Girls School in Nişantaşı 65

Rewards

32) Students who are good at general discipline, cleanness of the body, hardworking

and efforts, are rewarded with a “bravo certificate”, illustrated book, scientific toy,

game and handicraft tools. Names of the students who are good at discipline of

body, thought and morality, are written in the list of honor, in every-five-month

exam

Punishments

33) Students who go against the rules of school, nonattendance, laziness, are going to

be punished with these sentences;

Warning, duty of exercise, censure, withhold, rustication, expel. Before

rustication, the situation of the student is informed to parents. Expel is

decided by a committee consist of teachers.

1 Mehmet Ö. Alkan, “İmparatorluk‟tan Cumhuriyet‟e Modernleşme ve Ulusçuluk Sürecinde Eğitim”, Osmanlı

Geçmişi ve Bugünün Türkiyesi, ed. Kemal H. Karpat, çev. Sönmez Taner, İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi

Yayınları, 2005, pp: 100-101 2 Ibid: p: 186

3 Mustafa Ergün, İkinci Meşrûtiyet Devrinde Eğitim Hareketleri (1908-1914), Ankara: Ocak Yayınları, 1966,

p: 41 4 Nicole A.N.M van Os, “ „A Nation Whose Women Are Living in Ignorance…‟: The Foundation of The Milli

İnas Mektebi in Nişantaşı”, Proceedings of the International Congress on “Learning and Education in the

Ottoman World” on the Occasion of the 700th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Ottoman State, V: 2,

İstanbul: IRCICA, 2001, p: 249 5 Ibid: p: 250-252

6 Ibid: p: 252-258

Contact Information:

Manuscripts and Editorial correspondence should be sent to:

I.J.T. - M. ALEMDAR www.turcologia.info

46, Boulevard Barbès [email protected]

75018 Paris / France

Subscription:

Annual Subscription:

- Institutions 100 Euro (postage included)

- Individuals 70 Euro (postage included)

Bank Account

M. ALEMDAR

France: IBAN : FR03 3000 2006 6200 0004 9147 Y65

Notes for authors

The International Journal of Turcologia is a refereed journal. Articles submitted to The

International Journal of Turcologia should be original contributions and should not be

under consideration for any other publication at the same time. Each manuscript should be

submitted in duplicate with a high density 31/2 disk in rich text format (RTF). Articles should

be typewritten on A4 paper, on one side only, double spaced and with ample margins. All

pages should be numbered consecutively. The maximum length for articles is 8000 words

including footnotes. The article should begin with a summary of around 150 words. Author’s

full address, contact information, institutional affiliation should be included on a separate

cover sheet. Authors are entitled one copy of the issue which their article appears.

Style and Notes:

Headings should be in bold type. Dates should be given in the form 23 July 1908; 1939-1945;

the 1930’s.Notes should be numbered consecutively at the end.

Referenece to book: Ali Birinci. Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası. İstanbul: Dergah Yayınları 1990,

pp:23-24

Reference to article: Abdullah Uçman, “Dr. Rıza Tevfik’e Ait İki Belge” Tarih ve

Toplum. N:221 May 2002 p:32

Paul Dumont, “Yahudi, Sosyalist ve Osmanlı Bir Örgüt: Selanik İşçi Federasyonu”, Osmanlı

İmparatorluğu’nda Sosyalizm ve Milliyetçilik (1876-1908), ed. Mete Tunçay-Erik Jan

Zürcher, İstanbul: Editions İletişim, p:83

When reference to the same work without interruption ibid; with interruption the author’s last

name and a shortened title of the work should be used. Birinci, Hürriyet ve İtilaf. p: 74ibid:

p:82

Book Reviews: At the head of the review the following information must be given: author,

title, place of publication, publisher, date of publication, number of pages ISBN. At the foot

the authors name and affiliation.

•Hayrünisa Alp, Primary School in the Process of Transition from Empire to Nation State with...

Documents

Transcript of •Hayrünisa Alp, Primary School in the Process of Transition from Empire to Nation State with...