F.Spatafora-G.Sciortino, IDENTITIES UNDER CONSTRUCTION : SICILY IN THE FIRST CENTURIES OF THE FIRST...

TRANSFORMATIONS

AND CRISIS

IN THE MEDITERRANEAN

“Identity” and Interculturality

in the Levant and Phoenician West

during the 12th-8th Centuries BCE

proceedings of the international conference held in rome,

cnr, may 8 -9 20 13

edited by g iuseppe garbati and tatiana pedr azzi

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TAbLE OF CONTENTS

Michel Gras, Presentazione 9

Alessandro Naso, Paola Santoro, Il progetto “Trasformazioni e crisi nel Mediterraneo (TECM)” nell’ambito delle linee programmatiche dell’ISMA – CNR 11

Giuseppe Garbati, Tatiana Pedrazzi, Transformations and Crisis, “Identity” and Interculturality : An Intro-duction 13

identitarian dynamics in the period of transitionbetween late bronze age and iron age i

Anna Lucia D’Agata, Identitarian Dynamics in the Period of Transition between Late Bronze Age and Iron Age I. Introduction 19

Silvia Alaura, Lost, Denied, (Re)Constructed. The Identity of the Hittites and Luwians in the Historiographical Debate of the Late 19th and Early 20th Centuries 21

Fabrizio Venturi, Ceramic Identities and Cultural Borders in the Northern Levant between the 13th and 11th Centuries BCE 35

barbara Chiti, Destruction, Abandonment, Reoccupation. The Contribution of Urbanism and Architecture to Deining Socio-Cultural Entities in the Northern Levant between Late Bronze and Iron Ages 49

Tatiana Pedrazzi, Foreign versus Local Components : Interaction Dynamics in the Northern Coastal Levant at the Beginning of the Early Iron Age 65

redefined and renewed identities between iron age i and ii

Stefania Mazzoni, Redeined and Renewed Identities between Iron Age I and II. Introduction 81

Sebastiano Soldi, Identity and Assimilation at the Edge of the Empire : Aramaeans, Luwians and Assyrians through the Archaeological Record in the Northern Levant 85

barbara Mura, Archaeological Record and Funerary Practices in Iron Age Phoenicia : A Comparative Overview of the Cemeteries of Al Bass, Achziv and Khaldé 99

toward cyprus and the western mediterranean : shifting identities

Maria Giulia Amadasi Guzzo, Toward Cyprus and the West Mediterranean : Shifting Identities. Introduction 111

Silvana Di Paolo, Cypriot Archaeology within the Discourse on the “Purity of Tradition” 115

Giuseppe Minunno, The Shardana between Historiography and Ideology 129

Anna Cannavò, The Phoenicians and Kition : Continuities and Breaks 139

represented identities : phoenicians beyond phoenicia

Sergio Ribichini, Identità rappresentate: i Fenici oltre la Fenicia. Introduzione 155

Giorgos bourogiannis, Instances of Semitic Writing from Geometric and Archaic Greek Contexts : An Unintel-ligible Way to Literacy ? 159

Andrea Ercolani, Phoinikes : storia di un etnonimo 171

Corinne bonnet, Networks of Kinship in the Phoenician and Punic Foundations : A Graeco-Roman Vision of Identity 183

phoinikes in central-western mediterranean

Lorenza Ilia Manfredi, I Phoinikes nel Mediterraneo centro-occidentale. Introduzione 193

Giuseppe Garbati, Tyre, the Homeland : Carthage and Cadiz under the Gods’ Eyes 197

Antonella Mezzolani Andreose, In medio stat mulier. Identità e mediazione nelle colonie fenicie del Nord-Africa 209

Francesca Spatafora, Gabriella Sciortino, Identities under Construction : Sicily in the First Centuries of the First Millennium BCE 221

table of contents8

between the tyrrhenian sea and the “far west”

Sandro Filippo bondì, Tra il Tirreno e l’estremo Occidente. Introduzione 233

Alessandro Mandolesi, Trasformazioni del paesagio e luoghi identitari nell’Etruria costiera fra II e I millen-nio a.C. 235

Paolo bernardini, Identity and Osmosis. The Phoenicians and the Indigenous Communities of Sardinia between the 9th and 8th Centuries BCE 245

Massimo botto, Intercultural Events in Western Andalusia : The Case of Huelva 255

back to east. a view from the “outside”

Marco bonechi, Momenti di entropia in area levantino-mediterranea 277

Conference Programme 283

IDENTITIES UNDER CONSTRUCTION :

SICILy IN THE FIRST CENTUR IES

OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM bCE

Francesca Spatafora · Gabriella Sciortino*

Abstract : The homogeneous cultural facies characterising Sicily dur-ing the Middle bronze Age, a period of exchange contacts between the local communities and the eastern Mediterranean, specially Cy-prus, was partially modiied at the end of the 2nd millennium bCE by the arrival of new ethnic groups from diferent areas of southern Italy. During the Recent and the Late bronze Age the consequences of this ethnic movement can be distinguished in Sicily through the presence of some strong featured signs of discontinuity. This was the beginning of a period characterized by deep changes and trans-formations determining a huge cultural fragmentation due to the development of mixed cultural facies, mostly in the middle-eastern part of Sicily. However, this was the set in which during the irst Iron Age the irst stages of frequentations of individuals coming from the eastern Mediterranean are inscribed, as it is possible to observe by the distribution of various eastern archaeological items. From this perspective it is also possible to contextualise the archaeological evi-dence from Monte Finestrelle, in the western part of Sicily, or from Monte Finocchito, in the eastern one. A new pattern of relationships is more detailed only from the irst half of 8th century bCE onward, through the mediation of Phoenician and Greek settlements in Sic-ily. This new set of cultural contacts and relationships involving the local communities, will be the beginning of a real process of cultural mediation, deining new balances to build new “identities”, repre-sented by diferent layers of formal expressions.

Keywords : Sicily ; cultural contacts ; identity; protohistoric sites and groups ; Phoenicians ; Greeks.

1. At the thresholdof the first millennium

Before beginning an outline of the situation, even approximate, of the island during the irst

three centuries of the irst millennium, it would be appropriate to mention briely the most ancient pro-tohistoric phase in Sicily when, for the irst time, it seems possible to delineate a recognisable cultural identity, speciied in its essential traits, and character-ised by a certain coherence regarding its projection to-wards the exterior.

During the Middle bronze Age, in fact, in terms of absolute chronology between the 15th and the 13th centuries bCE, the diferent cultural facies which had until that time characterised the various territorial districts, joined together to form a united cultural ho-rizon which characterised the entire island, although it seems that every geographic zone maintained its distinctive aspects.

One of these undoubtedly distinctive traits is the close and constant bond between the local popula-tion and groups of Mycenaeans and Cypriots. This

network of relationships, even though with diferent aims and methods, has its roots in the Ancient bronze Age, as documented by some materials coming from Monte Grande, probably connected to the wider Le-vantine-Aegean horizon. This well-known settlement near Agrigento, dominating a wide strip of the coast from above, in an area rich in bitumen and sulphur, inds signiicant conirmations in the corpus of coarse pottery from Vivara (Fig. 1).

1 During the Middle bronze Age, however, relation-

ships with the eastern Mediterranean became more widespread and intense, determining, as A.M. bietti Sestieri has highlighted, a complex culture in which it is diicult to distinguish the diferent contributions and, therefore, the local components from the Aegean ones.

2

This deep and “pervasive” integration, as bietti Ses-tieri deines it, is recognisable through the typologies of funerary architecture as well as through the com-position of grave goods and in the organization of space inside the same settlements. According to this general overview, the presence of some particular cat-egories of bronzes – such as the well known basins from Caldare, Milena and Cannatello (Fig. 1) – and the fragments of Cretan amphoras with Cypro-Mi-noan signs from Cannatello,

3 allow us to localize in a speciic area of central-southern Sicily the transit of people from the Cypriot-Levantine area and, in any case, a regular contact between both areas.

On the basis of current documentary evidence, it is clear how the western part of the island, including the Tyrrhenian belt, participates only marginally in this network of relationships. In fact, the numerous villag-es and stations in the area,

4 many of which involved in maritime trade, have provided documentary evidence of direct connections with the eastern Mediterranean only in sporadic cases : we refer here to Marcita (Fig. 1) from which comes the well-known ivory comb en-graved with small circles found in a collective tomb, similar to some items from Hama and Megiddo,

5 or Erbe bianche (Fig. 1), near Trapani, where two frag-ments of Aegean production were found.

6 Some frag-ments of Aegean-Minoan ceramics of LH IIIb and of

1 Castellana 1997 ; Marazzi 1998, pp. 322-323.2 bietti Sestieri 1997, p. 475.3 Cultraro 2009, p. 634 See inally (latest) Nicoletti – Tusa 2012, pp. 113-118 (with previ-

ous bibliography).5 Nicoletti – Tusa 2012, p. 114 (with relative bibliography).6 Nicoletti – Tusa 2012, p. 114.

* F. Spatafora : Museo Regionale A. Salinas ; [email protected]. G. Sciortino : Universitat Pompeu Fabra ; [email protected]. Abbreviations used in the text : LH = Late Helladic ; LM = Late Minoan.

francesca spatafora · gabriella sciortino222

Early LM IIIb-IIIC have been discovered very recently, together with a fragment of a Cretan Amphora of coarse pottery

7 in the deepest level of the Acropolis of Selinunte, together with unreined clay pottery ge-nerically related to the Recent bronze Age (Fig. 1).

8

In this general outline of western Sicily, the set-tlement of the Faraglioni of Ustica stands out for its complexity and dimensions (Fig. 1), which, despite its strategic position in the Tyrrhenian basin and its well organised villages, has not ofered strong signiicant evidence of direct and continuous relationships with the Mycenaean or generically with the Aegean world.

9 The only indication of this cultural framework is rep-resented by a well known fragment of a Mycenaean stirrup jar,

10 irregularly painted, similar in shape and decoration to analogous items from Egypt, a sign of that route between the northern coast of Africa and the western head of Sicily reaching the Tyrrhenian basin.

7 Cultraro 2009, p. 63. The Author indicates also the presence of another fragment of the same type between the inding of Casalic-chio Agnone, near Licata.

8 For these still unpublished data we are grateful to Clemente Marconi of New york University (Fine Arts Department), director of the excavation of acropolis of Selinunte, and to Massimo Cultraro of CNR (Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche), who is studying the protohistoric indings of these new investigations.

9 Spatafora 2009, pp. 509-511.10 Prima Sicilia (Catalogue), p. 185.

The last two centuries of the same millennium, rather, are characterised by the destruction of the Thapsian facies, at the same time both unitarian and pluralistic for contributions and developments.

The arrival in Sicily of various migrating groups of sub-Appennine culture (Fig. 2) constitutes a crucial moment of the Protohistory of the island, of which we can ind the echo through later literary and histori-cal sources. This period is clearly marked by signs of discontinuity in the patterns of settlements and ma-terial culture, certainly depending on huge cultural fragmentation, probably determined on the island by the emergence of mixed cultural facies connected to the construction of a new equilibrium, mainly in the central-eastern part of Sicily.

It is known how some Ausonian groups from Cam-pania and Calabria – irstly socially organised as a tribe despite the complex structure of Sican chiefdoms

11 – later extended their control on the territory and in-creased their economic power through phenomena of collective and individual mobility.

12 This fact de-termined, thanks to increasing craft skills in working metals, the end of some of the great Sican settlements concentrated on hills, and the emergence of mixed facies in several sites in central-eastern Sicily, leading

11 bietti Sestieri 1997 ; Albanese Procelli 2012, p. 186.12 Albanese Procelli 2012, p. 186.

Fig. 1. Map showing Sicilian indigenous sites with Aegean imports (drawing of the authors).

identities under construction : sicily in the first centuries of the first millennium bce 223

to a consequent integration of the two groups of dif-ferent cultural ancestry.

13

During the Late bronze Age, and once again dur-ing the irst Iron Age, the situation on the island could be considered as the consequence of interactions and relationships which included only marginally the in-sular western part, conventionally more connected to the traditions of the Middle and Late bronze Age. Documented exceptions can be found in some set-tlements, which are considered by some scholars as “markers” of the Elymian presence suggested by clas-sical literary sources,

14 but they are probably to be re-garded as the efect of micro mobility phenomena on the same island.

This background, at least from the 10th-9th centu-ries bCE, also suggests that those contacts with the eastern Mediterranean, conventionally considered the direct consequence of the Phoenician expansion towards the West along the same Mycenaean routes, could rather have been the result of the awareness of groups of Euboean and Cycladic traders looking for raw materials and heading towards the more interest-ing south Italian and Tyrrhenian markets in general.

15

It is possible to outline the binary perspective of the famous passage of Thucydides (VI 2) which, for several decades, has determined a simplistic approach to the issue, by considering it as the interpretation of one of the most complicated lesser known periods of proto-historic Sicily, as the result of the chronological precedence in the arrivals on the island of Phoenician or Greeks colonial groups.

Actually, beyond the necessity to highlight the central role of Sicily and to outline the relations be-tween East and West, it is possible to stress that the so called “Phoenicians”, according to the term used by the Greeks, could have corresponded to some ge-neric traders from the eastern Mediterranean.

16 Such groups of traders, without any predominant and ex-clusive “nationality”, as S.F. bondì has in recent times rightly indicated for Sardinia,

17 could have been the main characters of this historical period, considering that at least until the 10th century bCE, the Phoeni-cians do not appear to have speciic markers of mate-rial culture.

With regard to these transits and their almost con-sequent relationships and exchanges, previous to the foundations of apoikiai and of the irst Phoenician em-poria, only few but signiicant signs can be outlined. Leaving aside the topic of the introduction of iron work, now strongly modiied by the presence of some fragments of that metal from a Thapsos tomb and by the Sardinian evidence,

18 it is only possible to analyse the limited documents available. The only exception

13 bietti Sestieri 1997, p. 490. Albanese Procelli 2012, p. 187.14 Tusa 2012.15 La Torre 2012, p. 233 (with previous bibliography).16 Albanese Procelli 2008, p. 461.17 bondì 2012, p. 42.18 Albanese Procelli 2008, p. 464.

is the well known “Melqart-Reshef ” bronze statue which was irstly attributed to the 14th-12th centuries bCE and inally considered part of the bronze Phoe-nician-Egyptian production, dated from the irst cen-turies of the 1st millennium (Fig. 3).

19

However, this artefact may only suggest the fre-quency on the southern shores of Sicily by some eastern Mediterranean groups during the First Iron Age. Considering the central and strategic position of the island, a meeting point between North Af-rica, the Tyrrhenian basin and the Mediterranean sea, this can be simply considered as a common phe-nomenon in that zone, which sufered, as it still does today, continuous tensions and exchanges, being a space for relationships in which it is hard to outline or to imagine static “identities”, but rather cultures which appear in constant movement and transfor-mation.

F.S.

2. Stories of “encounters” : from the Iron Age to the proto-archaic period

Within this framework of cultural interactions, leav-ing aside the abundance of documents from the later centuries of the irst colonial phases of the 8th centu-ry bCE, we can trace the presence of some imported materials, which were found in Sicily, dating from the First Iron Age, from Phoenician foundations and in-digenous and Greek settlements (Fig. 4). Well known, for example, is the fragment of a Nuragic askoid jug from Motya, although without any archaeological

19 Falsone 1993.

Fig. 2. Migrations lows from Italian Peninsula to Sicily at the end of the 2nd millennium bCE (drawing by the au-

thors).


context, which presents similarities to some Sardinian items, known from Carthaginian, Etruscan and Cre-tan contexts (Fig. 5).

20

Furthermore, the irst Phoenician foundation, pre-cisely Motya, from which gave rise to a sort of hub of relationships with the indigenous and Greek colonial world of eastern Sicily, shows the irst archaeological signs of the Phoenician presence on the island. Here the most ancient documents concerning its founda-tion are actually dated to the irst part of the 8th cen-tury bCE, as some Phoenician materials associated with a Nuragic jug suggest, part of the so called phase 9 of the Kothon Temple. On the other hand, this re-cent data, together with the indings of the earliest archaeological contexts of the pre and proto-historic phases of the bronze Age, focused the attention on the “irst Motya” issue (Fig. 5).

21 Such ancient data, not connected to the formal Phoenician colonial set-tlement, indicate how Phoenician colonies, according to a well known and established habit in western set-tlements, came to occupy a site abandoned some cen-turies before. In fact, during the bronze Age this site

20 Lo Schiavo 2005, p. 290 ; Albanese Procelli 2008, p. 464.21 About the traditional dating of the Phoenician presence at Mo-

tya, see Ciasca 1983 ; Neeft 1987 ; Spanò Giammellaro 2001. About the new dating of it see Nigro 2010.

probably occupied that same area which was later to be inhabited by the irst colonizers.

22

As far as the indigenous world is concerned, be-tween the 9th and the 8th centuries bCE, some partic-ular typologies of material connected to eastern and north-African craftsmanship are recorded, although it is diicult to give an estimation about their possible vectors.

23 Speciically, according to this perspective, we can read about some indings included in the generic class of the aegyptiaca, coming from contexts of the irst or second Iron Age, such as the Egyptian steatite scarab of the so called type of “Men-Kheper-Ra” from Monte Finestrelle

24 and dated to the post-Ramessid age (beginning of the irst millennium bCE). This scarab was found in 1994 during a limited excavation which interested two parts of structures, probably related to an inhabitated context. Furthermore, we can add to the same chronological horizon three lit-tle blue glass scarabs (part of the grave goods from tomb 15 of the eastern Necropolis of Monte Finoc-chito)

25 among which one is considered by G. Hölbl as

22 About pre and proto-historic phases of Motya see Spatafora 2000, p. 919 ; Spatafora 2010 ; Tusa 2008.

23 About an overview of eastern imports in Sicily see Sfameni Gasparro 1973 ; Guzzardi 1991 ; Germanà 2010.

24 De Cesare – Gargini 1997, p. 373. Hölbl 2001, p. 37.25 Frasca 1982, p. 49 ; Guzzardi 1991, p. 946, ig. 4, a-c.

Fig. 3. Mediterranean trading routes at the beginning of the 1st millennium bCE ; in the upper right “Melqart-Reshef ” statue (courtesy of the A. Salinas Archaeological Museum-Palermo).


belonging to the so called “Perachora-Lindos” group, a class of scarab of Aegean production (Fig. 6).

26 The origin of this class of materials can be con-

sidered part of the broad perspective of contacts be-tween groups of Greeks, Phoenicians and indigenous peoples in the central Mediterranean, such as the evi-dence from the necropolis of Villasmundo,

27 located on the left bank of the Marcellino River, which like-wise leads back to the Phoenician-Euboean network, whose story has been deined as « histoire imbriqué » by M. Gras.

28 The exceptional importance of these grave goods, amongst which the earliest Greek im-ports from Sicily,

29 numerous aegyptiaca and various oriental materials, would testify the presence on the island of a phase apparently corresponding to the Pithekoussai one.

30

Tomb 105, one of the most important contexts of this necropolis and dated to the last quarter of the

26 Hölbl 2001, p. 38.27 Voza 1978, p. 108, tav. XXVII ; Voza 1982, p.170 ; Voza 1999, p. 63 ;

Hodos 2006, pp. 94-95. 28 Gras 2002, p. 196.29 At Villasmundo are attested skyphoi à chevrons and pendent

semi-circle skyphos (of the half part of the 8th century bCE ca.) of types 5 and, above all 6 of Kearsley classiication (see Kearsley 1989), known in Sicily and in diferent Mediterranean areas, but also in Lat-ium-Etruscan, Sardinian and Campanian ones, probably the state-ment of the increasing importance of Euboean trade during this phase, see Korou 2012, pp. 174-176 e Ridgway 2012, pp. 261-264.

30 Gras 2002, p. 196.

Fig. 4. Sicilian Iron Age and proto-archaic sites mentioned in the text (drawing of the authors).

Fig. 5. Motya : imported materials (a : after Lo Schiavo 2005, p. 579, ig.1 ; b-d : respectively after Nigro 2010, p. 13,

ig. 11 ; p. 12, ig. 10 ; p. 9, ig. 7).


8th century bCE, attests to the presence of import-ed Greek pottery of the same chronological horizon, abundant golden and silver ornaments, several stea-tite scarabs and a faïence one, similar to others found in Egypt and Pithekoussai (Fig. 6).

31 It is also important to highlight the inding of the oldest archaeological record of the pilgrim lasks in iguline clay, considered a trait d’union between the east and west Mediterra-nean (Fig. 6).

32

Furthermore, the Marcellino Valley, albeit close to the future Doric settlement of Megara Hyblaea, could be considered part of the southern boundaries within the Euboean-Chalcidian milieu of eastern Sicily, cul-

31 One of the steatite scarab from Tomb 105 is similar to the scar-ab from Tomb 861 of Pithekoussai, see Hölbl 2001, p. 33.

32 The context shows also probable local reproductions of this shape, as the grey clay ones would indicate, apparently inspired by metalwork and the type of decorations, engraved and stamped on some samples. About pilgrim lasks in Sicily see Albanese Procelli 2003, p. 135 ; Albanese Procelli 2006, p. 119 ; Albanese Procelli 2008.

turally identiiable through a record of material in part similar to the Pithekoussan and Carthaginian ones, for which Euboean-Phoenician vectors could have had the role of mediator and whose presence is also seen in some of the oldest Greek and Phoenician colonial foundations within the already cited histoire imbriqué.

33

For example, it is possible to ind some elements of this transversal milieu from two of the most ancient contexts of the Chalcidian colony of Zancle, charac-terised by cultural similarities with this framework. In this sense, the presence of Phoenician materials from block 224 is signiicant, prominently fragments of rims of Red Slip plates and, sometimes, of carinated bowls, which can be placed into a horizon of the end of the 8th century bCE. In fact, this sector of Zancle consti-tutes the better known area of the ancient urban set-tlement of the Chalcidian colony, for which the mark-

33 Gras 2002 ; Albanese Procelli 2009, p. 240.

Fig. 6. a : Scarabs from Monte Finocchito (after Leighton 1999, p. 243, ig. 129, 22) ; b-c : respectively scarabs and pilgrim lasks from Villasmundo (courtesy of P. Orsi Archaeological Museum-Siracusa).


ers of the oldest phase are, for example, Thapsos type cups, Proto-Corinthian pottery and Late Geometric cups with à chevron decoration (Fig. 7).

34

Furthermore, block Z, another important sector of the archaic colonial settlement, in the area of the so called Colapesce excavation, carried out in 2007, tes-tiies the presence of a particular accumulation in a pit, dated between the 8th and the 7th centuries, and sealed by two small buildings, probably for sacral use (the so called A and b buildings).

35

The bottom of this probably great votive pit, only partially explored and closed by a level of baked and burnt clay, in a primary deposition, testiies the pres-ence of remains of animal bones, proto-archaic Greek and Greek type vessels, such as Thapsos cups of the plain type, proto-Corinthian kotylai, Sub-Geometric cups, and also about ifteen fragments of Phoenician Red Slip plates of the short or wide brimmed types, some of which again containing remains of burnt bones. This important context also records local pro-duced vessels, such as Sub-Geometric type cups, with linear decoration, a Geometric krater with birds and a

34 About the indings from block 224 concerning the irst stages of the colony (not over the third quarter of 8th century bCE) see the works of bacci 1978 ; bacci 1999 ; bacci 2002a.

35 bacci et alii 2010, pp. 54-55.

little plate with geometric motifs, together with oino-choai and ire vessels.

36

Even though the Phoenician class of the plates is widespread in the West, characterised by similar ty-pologies through time, and often not easily placeable chronologically, what is remarkable seems to be the fact that the samples from Zancle show morphologi-cal similarities with some Motyan, and Pithekous-san ones, outlining in some way a story of profound Mediterranean connections, another indicator of the circulation of objects and people in some apparently diferent and extremely heterogeneous contexts.

37

This situation was to become more clearly evident during the archaic age when the processes of cultur-al mediation between the colonial world, Greek and Phoenician, and the indigenous one, above all within symbolically characterised spaces,

38 would lead to a

36 bacci et alii 2012, pp. 939-940.37 For a reference bibliography about this topic see Ciasca 1987,

pp. 7-12 ; Spanò Giammellaro 2000 ; Vegas 1999 ; buchner 1982 ; buchner – Ridgway 1993. We are grateful to Giovanna bacci and Gabriella Tigano of Soprintendenza ai beni Culturali di Messina, for the possibility to examine and study the Phoenician tradition materi-als from Zancle within the project of PhD thesis of the same writer.

38 We are referring to the representative elements of a speciic community image, regarding the outside, such as the urban expres-sion, civic and religious, formal consequence of a long process just ended at that time.

Fig. 7. Zancle. blocks 224 and Z with some of the Phoenician tradition materials (after bacci 2002b, pl. I and pl. V, ig. 9).


complete pervasiveness and remodelling of the difer-ent components, also quite apparent in the material evidence.

39 “How” the diferent Mediterranean areas were connected and, above all, “how” those popula-tions involved in these multiple encounters could have used culture as a means of mediation and also to strategically build their identities through process-es of inclusion or exclusion of determining elements, are amongst the main issues which are still to be inves-tigated and on which future research may focus, tak-ing into account that every community inds its own way of self-representation through diferent levels of formal expression, showing consciously or uncon-sciously a transmittable image of itself.

G.S.

References

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