FINANCING PRIMARY EDUCATION IN TANZANIA
Transcript of FINANCING PRIMARY EDUCATION IN TANZANIA
FINANCING PRIMARY EDUCATION IN TANZANIA: Efforts, Constraints and Way forward.
Dominik T. Msabila*
* Dominik T. Msabila is a Lecturer in Education Management , Education Research, and Educational Media
and Technology in the Faculty of Social Sciences, Mzumbe University
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FINANCING PRIMARY EDUCATION IN TANZANIA: Efforts, Constraints and Way forward.
Abstract
Education is regarded as a potent tool in achieving development goals in any country in the
world. Many countries including Tanzania have been very active in ensuring that people get
education in order that they can be able to counteract various challenges of life in their
respective areas. One of the important aspects in as far education provision is concerned is
availability of adequate financial resources. Without adequate financial resources there
cannot be remarkable development in education in any country.
The focus of this paper is on education financing in Tanzania. It discusses the contribution
of various stakeholders in financing education and the constraints that deter effective
education financing in the country. The paper, also, provides various ways that can be
opted for in order to address the problem of education financing in Tanzania.
Descriptors: Education, education financing, literacy, primary education, under-
financing, income variation.
1.0 Introduction
Tanzania, like other developing countries, has been striving to provide basic education
under the auspices of the Article 26 of the UN Declaration of Human Rights of 1948; EFA
goals that were established in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990 and later revised in Dakar, Senegal
in 2000; as well as the second Millenium Development Goal which requires that Universal
Primary Education should be achieved by 2015. The Millennium Goal’s target 2a is to
ensure that all boys and girls complete a full course of primary schooling by attaining net
enrolment ratio in primary education; appropriate proportion of pupils starting grade 1 who
reach last grade of primary education and literacy rate of 15-24 year-olds, women and men
(http://www.undp.org/mdg/goal2.shtml)
According to Dy and Ninomiya (2003) the Article 26 of the UN Declaration of Human
Rights (1948) states that everyone has the right to education and therefore it shall be free at
least in the elementary and fundamental stages of ages 6-11 or 12. The UN Article 26 goes
on emphasising that education is a basic need. The importance of basic education was
further reiterated during the World Conference on Education For All (EFA) that was held in
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Jomtien, Thailand in 1990, where many countries met to set targets for the provision of
education as a basic human right. UNESCO played an instrumental role in convening this
conference (Aderinoye, 2000).
Tanzania has since been making strenuous effort to ensure that basic education is provided
to all children in the country. According to URT (2001:2), the Universal Primary Education
campaign remains at the core of Tanzania’s determination to achieve EFA goals. In the
provision of the basic education the principles of access, equity and quality for all children
are highly emphasised (Gepson, 2004).
Provision of primary education in Tanzania has been given the highest priority by the
Government because it is the only formal education that the majority of the Tanzanian
population can hope to receive in the short-run either due to the individual’s economic
situation or due to the Government’s inability to provide education beyond primary level to
all people in the country (Gepson, 2004).
Education can no longer be viewed simply as a means of raising political and social
consciousness. It is an integral component of an overall development effort (Magnen, 1991).
This fact has been recognised by the Tanzanian government. The government appreciates
the fact that education is essential in developing the country’s human resources which in
turn promote prosperity and growth in the country through enhancing the effective use of
the physical resources (URT, 1995). Therefore, Tanzania, like other African countries, has
been willing and hence striving to extend education to all segments of the societies,
particularly the younger generation in a primary school level (Gepson, 2004).
According to Galabawa (1991:41) educational development cannot take place successfully
without adequate funds. He contends that financing education is very crucial since the
education system requires various inputs such as books, teachers, who have to be trained
and later paid after being employed, and other costs for running schools and the education
system at large. In Tanzania, financing education has been one of the critical issues and the
general situation in the country is that the education sector is under-funded and deficient in
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terms of cost effectiveness and efficiency resulting in poor educational performance as
reflected in an overall low quality and effectiveness.
The major financiers, according to URT (2001:36-46) have been the central government and
households followed by the donor community. Other sources of finance have included local
communities. Private contributions have been mainly for infrastructure in the public system
and for private schools. In financing education, primary education has been receiving more
financial support from the government compared to other educational sectors. Even the
donor community has given higher priority on primary education than other educational
levels. This is due to the fact that primary education is accessed by the majority (URT,
2001).
Financing primary education has not been adequate even if it is at a higher proportion than
other educational levels. This is due to various constraints like the country’s low economic
base, problems of corruption; low commitment by some of the government officials and
other individuals; prevalence of problems in other sectors that also need attention like the
health sector that currently has to struggle to combat HIV/AIDS and malaria; budget
problems associated with inadequate time frame for analysis of expenditure; inconsistencies
between policies and resource allocation; low awareness of the value of education among
some people, particularly in the rural areas; donor’s negative influence (excessive
conditionalities); and remoteness of some places (Gepson, 2004; Chambo, 2004).
As a result of inadequate financing, primary schools have been facing various problems like
inadequacy or lack of classrooms and schools, inadequacy of textbooks and other essential
materials, poor housing for teachers, low salaries for teachers that in turn lead to low morale
in teaching, and poor coordination of primary education activities in various parts of the
country (Merisali and Madale, 2005).
Therefore, it is recommended that the local economic base should be strengthened in order
to ensure that too much dependence on the donors is reduced. Priority areas in education
have to be established by the local governments and the budgeting process should be more
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realistic and has to capture all spending in the primary education sector. Further, the paper
recommends that there should be adequate time frame for analysis of expenditure and the
communities should be adequately sensitised on the importance of basic education in their
respective societies, especially in rural localities. The communities should categorically be
told that “if you don’t have educated people you cannot develop” as it was emphatically
posited by Lopes (2001). Lastly, the paper maintains that more efforts should be directed
towards combating environmental predicaments, the HIV/AIDS pandemic and controlling
population growth since these, according to Magnen (1991), have adverse impact on
education financing in any country.
2.0 Education financing systems in developed countries
This section presents on the education financing system in the five selected developed
countries, namely France, Sweden, the USA, the Netherlands and Australia. The details are
provided as follows:
2.1 Education financing system in France
Regarding France, the country adopts a model of higher central regulation and financing in a
market economy. France is characterized by a strong and highly contralised regulation of
education provision, combined with equally very high levels of centralised financing of
education. In France there is moderate non-government school. However, operational
finances and capital expenditures are the responsibility of local authorities. In this case,
local authorities receive funds from central government in the form of grants and subsidies.
The grants are mainly categorical. The regions and departments are permitted by the central
government to collect their own taxes. These regions, which are responsible for upper
secondary education, and departments, which are responsible for lower secondary education,
are then permitted to utilize the taxes the collect to consolidate their education revenue,
transferred to local authorities, on the basis of a criteria determined by each local authority.
These are then used as educational operational funds (Galabawa, 2007).
The central government finances the salaries of both teaching and non-teaching staff. The
recruitment of teachers is done nationally but their management is administered at regional
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level by representatives of the central government. Each year, each school puts in a request
for a number of teaching hours based on expected enrolment. The Ministry of Education
then allocates each educational region a certain number of teaching hours based on the same
criteria. These are the hours which are used in determining teaching posts as well as the
supplementary hours that are centrally financed.
Overall, the education system in France is financed largely through fiscal revenue, which is
collected both by the central government and local level machinery. Schools have got to
negotiate “contracts” with the government for obtaining grants, and those without these
“contracts” cannot receive any government grants or subsidies.
Teachers’ salaries and operational expenses of private schools with a “contract” with the
government do receive government grants and subsidies for that purpose. However, private
schools are allowed to raise fees to secure finance for capital expenditure and equipment
costs (Galabawa, 2007).
2.2 Education financing system in Sweden
Sweden typifies a case with a funding system characterized as a mixture of market steering
and elements of central planning. The country is characterized by high central regulation
with low level of central finance, as well as a moderate degree of local autonomy. This may
be equated to a level of about 60% in non-local funding and low non-governmental
schooling constituting 10% of the total. Furthermore, education in Sweden is largely paid
for through increasing taxes. (Galabalwa, 2007).
Galabawa (2007) argues that the policy values which have underpinned the education
funding system in Sweden in the 1960s to 1970s can be summarized as stressing equity,
fraternity and democracy. However, since the 1980’s there have been some policy shifts
towards decentralization, productivity and efficiency. This has resulted largely from the
relatively worsening macro-economic situation (Miron, 1993; Briseid & Caillods, 2004).
Indeed, from 1991, the principles of choice and allowing the market mechanism greater
room to operate have become the hegemonic trend.
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Overall, education financing put a lot of emphasis on employing voucher-like mechanisms
and the offer of study grants and study loans for upper levels of education. Nevertheless, the
policy of no tuition fees for higher education in Sweden has been maintained (Galabawa,
2007).
2.3 Education financing system in the USA
Overall, the financing of education in the united States has always been very decentralized
compared to several European countries where the central state still carries the burden of
most educational financing. As such, in the USA education is a state and local responsibility
matter. The operation of the public school system relies mainly on revenues drawn from
taxation. The grant-in-aid arrangement links the state and local government in support of
schools. The grants-in-aid are both general purpose and categorical. The general purpose
grants are given directly to local school districts for those expenditures that the districts are
legally authorized to make including providing educational services. Categorical grants are
given to school districts with restricts on the use to which the funds could be put. Some
grants, for example, are provided for use in offering extra school services to low income
groups. Other grants are offered to enable districts to finance students transport. (Galabawa,
2007).
State and local governments provide about 92% of school revenue. The federal government
aid to education plays a strategic, albeit a minor role. Such federal aid is offered to school
districts to compensate for expenses incurred in organizing special education programmes
which are deemed to be of national interest. Federal government funding is also granted to
school districts them to assist administer impact aid grants that are intended to protect the
fiscal position of local school authorities.
There are also several “Federal Legislations on Education” whose focus includes raising the
effectiveness of instruction in science, mathematics and foreign languages, effective from as
far back as 1958 (ibid). “Federal Legislations on Education” have focused on influencing
the prices of education resources. An example of such influence is the legislation which
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stipulates that teachers who took loans under the given legislation could obtain partial
forgiveness of those loans if they actually took up classroom teaching (ibid)
“Federal legislations on education” have also since 1976, sought to focus on influencing the
overall distribution of grants and the control of funds. In the 1975 to 1976 period, for
example, the total Federal educational grant to all the states amounted US$ 28.5 billion of
which US$ 23.7 billion (83.2%) were general purpose and US$ 4.8 billion (16.8%)
categorical (Briseid & Caillods, 2004).
There is provision for a minimum grant to each state regardless of need or ability. The
guiding policy values here entail that some parts of the nation cannot, with any probable
allocation of their own resources, support their schools at a level that meets the nation’s
requirements. Small scale voucher programmes have also been implemented for low income
families. Public authorities pay the expenses of such students and schools do not have the
option of rejecting students (Galabawa, 2007)
2.4 Education financing system in the Netherlands
The Netherlands provide a unique case whereby about 70% of the schools are administered
by private school boards. However, there is high level of central government financing to
the tune of more than 90%, even though there are low to moderate levels of central
government regulation. This implies a moderate degree of local autonomy combined with
high level of non-funding, to the tune of more than 80% (Galabawa, 2007).
The Netherlands is also characterized by categorical grant funding. Both public and private
schools are paid operating grants by the central government on equal footing. The central
government pays for staff salaries and meets other operational expenses. Each school board
receives a lump sum that it may use as it deems fit, provided it applies norms and standards
that are centrally agreed upon in terms of qualifications and salary scales (ibid).
The operating costs are also worked out on the basis of centrally agreed standards and
norms regarding numbers and types of students. A weighted formula is used in dealing with
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disadvantaged children. Overall, all schooling up to secondary education level is
compulsory and free at the point of access even when privately provided. Parents are only
required to pay for text books, pens, and pencils. Private schools are allowed to raise some
fees, but within strict limits (Schiefelbein, 1983; Briseid & Caillods, 2004).
2.5 Education financing system in Australia
Australia is characterised by moderate non-government schooling, estimated at around 20%.
It is also characterized by a high centralized and government regulated system. Almost 90%
of the education finances are provided by the central government and the education system
depends on fiscal revenue. However, the centralization is at the level of the regions. There
is, therefore, a likely fair degree of local autonomy at regional level; the autonomy being
greater at school district level on matters relating to education provision (Galabawa, 2007).
The dominant type of funding is through categorical grants provided directly by the central
authorities. Such funding is meant to cover staff salaries. It is also meant to direct funding
offering, for example, an operating grant and a capital expenditure grant. The grant could
also offer support in securing education resources for those with special needs. These
resources may include curricular resources and professional development expenditure for
teachers of students with special needs.
In this case, school funding formulae are needs based. There are several needs based
funding criteria which include a basic student allocation grant as well as student
supplementary education needs. These are often worked out on the basis of indicators,
including social disadvantage as well as several grade level student characteristics. Staffing
entitlements are also granted on the basis of grade level weights as well as student-teacher
ratios (Galabawa, 2007). Australia, therefore, illustrates a country with an education system
which seeks to vigorously ensure social accountability in matters of education financing.
3.0 Efforts to Finance Primary Education in Tanzania
Basic education is now universally recognised as a form of investment in human capital
that yields economic benefits and contributes substantially to a country’s future wealth by
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increasing the productive capacity of its people (Woodhall, 2004:23). Thus, expenditure on
education can be partially justified in terms of the potential of education to economic growth
(Lopes, 2001). It should be borne in mind that human capital makes a greater contribution to
the future economic growth than investment in physical capital (Woodhall, 2004:23).
Furthermore, Woodhall (2004:23) maintains that it is important to note that pupils, students
and their families have to take into account such an aspect when making educational and
occupational choices. Also, according to Magnen (1991), educational planners have to make
sure that they carry out adequate cost-benefit analysis before investing in any educational
project.
In Tanzania, primary education is a powerful force that has been used by the nation to
propel its development process and is regarded as one of the viable tools for combating
poverty among the majority in the country. Therefore, the government has made a lot of
efforts to invest in primary education to a greater extent than other educational sectors.
There are various sources of finance which include the central government itself, as the
major financier, followed by households, then the donor community and local communities
as well as the private sector or individuals (URT, 2001:23-46),
3.1 The Central Government
The central government is the major financier, however, currently; the financing burden has
been shifting from the government to households. Nonetheless, the government has, from
time to time, been increasing the amount of funds going to primary school with the aim of
achieving the EFA (2000) goals. For example, the share of the total education budget going
to basic education increased from Tshs.49,174 million (62.1%) in 1995 to Tshs. 78,000
million (66.0%) in 1999 (URT, 2001:37). Table 1 shows the trend of public spending in
basic education as a share of the total budget from 1995 to 2003.
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Table 1. Public Spending in Basic Education From 1995 to 2003 (In Tshs.million)
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
Total
Budget
79165 79078 95467 106947 111057 65700 62800 94488 179864.7
Basic
Education
49174 57602 60938 68895 78000 49340.1 48612 70347.9 112787.7
% 62.1 62.2 66.5 64.4 66 75.1 77.4 74.5 62.7
Source: URT (2001, 2002a, 2004).
Table 1 shows that amount of finance going to basic education has been increasing though
the total education budget has been fluctuating with an increase from 79,165 million
shillings in 1995 to 111,057 million shillings in in 1999 and later a decrease to 62,800
million shillings in 2001. Then the amount increased to 179,864.7 million shillings in 2003,
one year after implementation of PEDPI. The fluctuation in total education budget has
influenced the amount of finance allocated for the primary school level. This means the
amount has not been adequate to cover all educational needs or requirements in the primary
education sector.
Even though the government is the major source of finance for basic education, it does not
have the capacity to cover all costs that are supposed to be incurred in the primary
educational system; for example, the money does not cover costs for pupils’ food, uniforms,
pencils and pens, exercise books and fare (Galabawa, 1991). Further, Galabawa (1991:47)
argues that the inadequacy in government funds is due to the fact that the central
government depends on fiscal resources solely from tax revenue to finance education and
this has got a limit beyond which the government cannot afford.
The URT (2001) spells out that the government spending covers personal emoluments (PEs)
and other charges, as well as some pupils’ requirements. On personal emoluments (PEs) the
government’s share at primary education level has been declining. For example, it declined
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marginally from 97% in 1996 to 96% in 1999. This leaves less than 4% of public
expenditure on other charges (OC) so that primary schools have to without basic items such
as stationery, equipment, repairs and textbooks, unless communities, parents or donor
organisations meet these costs. This situation has contributed to the low quality of
educational services at primary school level (URT, 2001; Galabawa, 2005: 29).
As far as total pupil education expenditure is concerned, over the past years government’s
spending per pupil enrolled in primary education has been rising. For example, by 1992/93
it was Tshs.13,154 while by 1997/98 it was Tshs. 19,517 (URT, 2001: 36-46). Table 2
shows total and per pupil expenditure at Primary School level.
Table 2. Total and Per Pupil Government Spending(In Tshs. Million)
Source: URT, 2001
Table 2 depicts that per pupil expenditure by the government has been increasing but the
increase has been so marginal implying that other costs of schooling are supposed to be
incurred by the parents and communities.
International comparisons of per pupil public spending reveals that Tanzania expends as a
multiple of GNP per capita 0.15 for primary education. Quantitatively, Tanzania’s public
spending per primary school pupil compares favourably with other countries. Although well
below Botswana which spends 296.6USD per pupil, in primary school, Tanzania’s
expenditure per pupil in primary school of 35.5USD is higher than that for Uganda (USD
24.8) or the average for the least developed countries of USD 22.0 (URT, 2001).
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3.2 Households Contribution
Galabawa (2005:27) and URT (2001) maintain that despite the fact that the major direct
financier of the education sector has been the central government, the financing burden for
basic education has been shifting from the central government to households. In 1999,
households costs were estimated at Tshs. 48,050 at primary school level per unit. For the
period starting 2001 and after launching of the Primary Education Development Plan
(PEDP), the households direct cost burden has been slightly reduced. At the same time the
share of total education budget going to basic education has tended to increase from 62.1 %
to 67% in 2003. This is a commendable improvement in basic education provision
(Galabawa, 2005:28). However, Galabawa (2005:28) adds, “one should note that the
number of pupils in primary schools continued to increase substantially and requirements
also increased tremendously, therefore, despite the abolition of school fees during the PEDP
implementation, other costs are still heavily borne by households. Such costs include food,
exercise books, pencils, uniforms and fare”.
3.3 Donors’ Contribution
Donors also have been contributing to education financing in Tanzania with greater focus on
primary education (URT, 2001). Nonetheless, donors’ share has been fluctuating year after
year leading to problems in running educational projects as effectively and efficiently as
possible. All in all, donor’s share of finance earmarked for primary schools has been rising
at the expense of other educational sectors. But donor support is not enough though it has
helped in preventing great shocks in the education system. Many educational activities that
are donor supported tend to experience a problem of guaranteed release of funds over a
period of time. The period of 1995/96, for example, experienced a problem of DANIDA
pulling out of the sector. Apart from pulling out, funds tend to be associated with stringent
conditionalities such that the educational administrators and managers fail to make effective
use of such funds since conditions attached to such assistance are not matching the realities
of our local situation as well as country’s genuine educational needs (Obanya, 2006:6).
Obanya (2006:6) goes on to argue that assistance given by donors lead to development of
poor projects characterised by lopsided distribution of resources which tend to be in favour
of technical assistance personnel coming from outside.
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3.4 Community Contribution
The contribution from the community can be either in kind or in monetary terms. However,
the level of community contribution differs from one community to another depending on
the variation in the degree of awareness or sensitisation in the communities. The
contribution in kind can be in terms of providing labour or sometimes crops, which can be
sold to get money for buying various facilities or equipment needed for construction and
running of schools (URT, 2001). All in all, community contribution is just a fraction of the
household budget for education.
3.5 District Councils’ Contribution.
District Councils are also responsible for financing basic education in Tanzania. The funds
come from the revenues whose sources are the activities like agriculture, industries,
commerce, natural resources, services, as well as from the individuals. Most districts have
five main sources of revenue, namely taxes, cesses, property taxes, license fees and user
charges. They may in addition impose taxes on major tax bases touched by the central
government (URT, 2001). Nonetheless, performance of District Councils has been poor.
This contributes to poor financing of basic education (URT, 2001).
4.0 Constraints to Financing Primary Education in Tanzania
There is a constellation of constraints that militate against the effort waged towards effective
financing of primary education in Tanzania. Such constraints are common even in other
educational levels such as secondary school and the tertiary education. Such constraints are
as identified and explained hereunder:
Firstly, poor economic base of the country. Tanzania’s economic base is agriculture.
Agriculture is dominated by smallholder farmers (peasants) cultivating an average farm
sizes of between 0.9 hectares and 3.0 hectares each. About 70 percent of Tanzania’s crop
area is cultivated by hand hoe, 20 percent by ox plough and 10 percent by tractor. It is rain-
fed agriculture. Food crop production dominates the agriculture economy and 5.1 million
hectares are cultivated annually, of which 85 percent is under food crops. The major
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constraint facing the agriculture sector is the falling labour and land productivity due to
application of poor technology, dependence on unreliable and irregular weather conditions.
Both crops and livestock are adversely affected by periodic droughts
(http://www.tanzania.go.tz/agriculture.html).
The dwindling performance in agriculture has led to the problem of poor income generation.
This situation, according to URT (2001), has led to low government capacity to adequately
finance the education sector which is deemed so important in the promotion of the
development process and in combating poverty as advocated in the first Millennium
Development Goal (MDG).
Secondly, differences in financial capacities among individuals and communities. Some
individuals and communities have higher economic capacity while others have a very low
capacity. Those with low economic capacity fail to finance education for their children and
even to contribute to the general educational development in their localities (Puja, 1981).
Galabawa (1991) also supports this point by saying that the local fiscal capacity to mobilise
financial resources varies widely across the local authority and town councils. This affects
education financing since these local authorities are even not well coordinated and do not
even interact effectively to ensure that they support each other in the financing of education.
The study by Dachi (1994) reveals that regarding district fiscal capacities, public primary
schooling costs differed from one district to another in the Coast region. For example, he
found that in Bagamoyo, a community was able to incur the total cost of Tshs. 7,810.869; in
Kibaha Tshs. 11,225,440 and Kisarawe Tshs. 27,613,162. This difference was due to
variation in fiscal capacities from one district to another, whereby Kisarawe had the highest
fiscal capacity while Bagamoyo had the lowest. Such variation had impact on the amount of
private costs incurred in facilitating children’s schooling at a primary level. In the district
with low fiscal capacity, private costs tended to be higher since the gap in the funding by the
district had to be bridged by parents such as buying exercise books and some supplementary
books as well as paying for extra tuition.
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Household income and education levels also influence the extent of sending children to
public primary school. Berhamn and Knowles, 1999; Galabawa, 1990) argue that the
households with higher income and education levels tend to incur more private costs than
those in lower income quintile and low education level. This is because, as Galabawa (1990)
contends, people from higher income and education levels are ready to incur more private
costs since they perceive it as an investment which has higher returns in the future. Hence, it
can be concluded that where household income and education levels are high, private costs
tend to be high and where these two are low, private costs tend to be low. But one should
know that it is not always a guarantee that high income might lead to high private costs
incurred, since the level of education might lower it if the household members have low
education though they are rich. Rich people with low education might not be ready to incur
a lot of costs to education since in most instances they don’t perceive it as important
(Berhamn and Knowles, 1999).
Thirdly, poor infrastructure and remoteness also pose another problem in financing the
primary education in Tanzania. According to Gepson (2004) poor roads and remoteness of
some villages and hamlets have hindered smooth distribution of financial resources and
other materials for educational development in the country. In many places the roads are
impassable in the rainy season and the government has no enough funds to adequately
finance road construction. So, these problems militate against the efforts of effectively
financing the education system in the country. Mason and Khandker (1996) also support the
argument by contending that increase in distance to school has some cost implication. The
greater the distance, the higher the cost to be incurred by parents in sending their children to
school. The increase in costs due to greater distance makes most parents with low income
per capita fail to register their children in school.
Fourthly, excessive political influence is another constraint. According to Galabawa
(1991:43), allocation of financial resources has been influenced by political objectives rather
than in terms of efficiency indicators and effectiveness allocation formulae. Generally,
financial distribution formulae have not been adopted and used effectively. Hence,
expenditures on education are not equalised and they are associated with a lot of wastage.
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This also contributes to poor running of the educational programmes which eventually leads
to failure in most cases.
According to Ngungat (2009) too much political influence has not led to poor planning and
administration but has also problems in financing and formulation of ineffective and
inefficient education policy in Tanzania. Moreover, there has been high level of corruption
and miss-appropriation of public funds practised by civil servants in the education sector as
well as by civil servants in the central government. The resources/funds allocated to the
education sector are by far very little compared to the actual resources/funds needed to
implement the existing education policy.
Fifthly, imbalance in expenditure between the education sectors and other sectors in the
country. More funds are allocated to other sectors than what is allocated to education. For
example, Galabawa (2005:29) unveils that public spending on education as percentage of
GDP has been ranging from 2.1 in 1990 to 4.4 in 2004. Also, the World Bank (2009) reports
that in 2008 public spending on education as percentage of GDP was 2.8%. Table 3 shows
the trend of public spending on education from 1988 to 2008.
Table 3 Public Spending on Education as Percentage of GDP (1988-2008)
Yea Percentage of GDP
1988 2.2
1990 2.1
1995 2.3
1996 3.6
1997 2.4
1998 2.5
1999 2.4
2000 3.1
2003 3.3
2004 4.4
2008 6.8
Source: Galabawa (2005); World Bank (2009).
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Table 3 shows that the share to education has been low and therefore, it can be said that the
sector is under-funded, leading to inadequate funding of the basic education.
The point above can also be substantiated by the report given by the World Bank in 2009
which reported the trend of the government’s public spending in as a percentage of the total
government expenditure. The trend sis as follows: 1971 it was 16.02%, in 1975 it was
17.84%, in 1980 it was 14.32%, 1985 it was 13.3%, 1989 it was 14.03, and in 2008 it was
27.46%. The data is further illustrated in Table 4 as follows:
Table 4. Public Spending on Education as Percentage of Total Government
Expenditure (1971-2008)
Year Percentage of Total Government Expenditure
1971 16.02%
1975 17.84%
1980 14.32%
1985 13.3%
1989 14.03%
2008 27.46%
Source: World Bank 2009
Table 4 indicates that public spending on education sector had been below 20% for a long
time since 1970s. It was low during first phase of Tanzania government, also during the
second phase of Tanzania government. It was in 2008 that the percentage went above 20%
which was 27.46%. This implies that focus on education financing is supposed to be
accorded greater emphasis despite the fact that there are other sectors which are also
important. The contention is based on the fact that education is a dynamo for country’s
social and economic development.
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Sixthly, poor donor support has also contributed to under-funding of the basic education.
Roughly 40 percent of the Tanzanian government’s budget and the almost totality of the
development budget is donor-financed (Terme, 2002).According to Obanya (2006), donors
do not provide adequate assistance in the education development and the assistance is
associated with stringent conditionalities. Also the funds are not released at an appropriate
time. Also donors tend to dictate the use of funds they provide and they are the ones who set
or specify priority areas where funds should be directed. Such priorities tend to favour the
technical assistance personnel that come from outside. Further, as a result of misallocation
and poor management of donor funds, Galabawa (1991:48) argues that schools go without
books, they have aging equipment, unrepaired buildings and sometimes delayed payments
of emoluments.
Another problem is excessive enrolment that does not match with the financial capacity of
the government. Since the abolition of school fees in primary schools, Tanzania has
experienced phenomenal expansion of pupil population in primary schools. Therefore, the
needs have increased to the point of impinging on the effective use of finances allocated to
primary schools leading to poor running of the school programmes (Merisali and Madale,
2005).
Also, parents’ and community negative attitude towards basic education offered in Tanzania
contributes to reluctance in financing the sector. According to HakiElimu (2004) most
parents in Tanzania have lost confidence with the basic education offered in the country and
hence many of them decide sending their children to Kenya and Uganda where they believe
they can get quality education.
Another constraint in education financing in Tanzania is related to poor coordination and
monitoring mechanisms of financial management. This leads to inappropriate use of funds
earmarked for the educational development in some places. For example Lucas (2006:4)
reports that Pinda (the Member of Parliament) was lashing at the educational leaders in the
local government for misusing or embezzling some funds earmarked the educational
19
development due to being corrupt. This is a great problem in as far as financial management
is concerned in the country.
Lastly, indebtedness is another problem that affects funding of education in Tanzania.
According to URT (2001), Tanzania is among the Highly Indebted Countries and therefore,
is spends most of its financial and other resources serving the debts rather than directing
those resources to the development of primary education and other educational sectors.
Thus, this problem contributes to inadequate funding leading to provision of poor quality
educational services characterised by inadequate textbooks and underpayment of teachers.
5.0 Conclusion and Way Forward
The government of Tanzania has been struggling to provide primary education in the
country. It is primary education that is generally relied upon to prepare the youth for literacy
and numeracy, and to enable them to effectively participate in the day to day activities of the
national building. But, somehow the financial resources devoted to this level are so limited
that it becomes difficult to plan adequately for their distribution. The problem confronting
educational planners is how much of these meager funds should be allocated to primary
education against other educational sectors.
Due to scarcity of funds not much impact is felt by most primary educational institutions.
Hence, quality of education continues to decline, and particularly, as Babyegeya (2002)
says, in rural areas where performance has always been lower than in urban areas.
In order to curb the problem of under-financing in Tanzania there are various options that
have to be resorted to so as to ensure effective financing and later promote the quality of
primary education. The recommended options include:
Firstly, ensuring improved performance of macro and micro economies through proper
resource utilisation (URT, 2001). When these economies are improved it can be easy for the
government and its people to effectively invest in primary education, and other sectors
which in turn, as Wilkinson (1966) says, will lead to improvement of human capital and
later promote productivity.
20
Secondly, there should be prudent debt management in order that the debts given to
Tanzania can be directed to educational activities that have been earmarked rather than
directing them to other unintended activities, which are non-educational.
Thirdly, the government should make efforts to address the problems of population
explosion (excessive demographic expansion) and HIV/AIDS pandemic. These, according
to URT (2001), increase the burden on the meager government resources. Such a burden
leads to reduction of amount of funds directed to the education sector. Also, HIV/AIDS
affects human health which in turn reduces the productive capacity of people in the country
leading to poor economic performance. Therefore, policies of population and HIV/AIDS
control have to be strictly implemented and monitored.
Fourthly, the budgeting process has to be realistic. It should take on board and address the
real educational needs. This can be achieved if local authorities and other stakeholders at the
local level are involved in the budgeting process rather than the task being undertaken by
the central government only.
Fifthly, Galabawa (1991) advocates for development of partnership between the central
government, local authorities, parents, communities, students, and the voluntary agencies.
These have to cooperate in financing the education systems since the government alone
cannot afford covering all the costs of education.
Sixthly, Galabawa (1991) further recommends that much effort should be expended to
devise grant arrangements that can cover the large disparities in the wealth of the local
governments. According to him, the foundation programme is one such grant scheme. It
ensures that all governments and regions can provide an adequate school programme for
each of their pupils at a local tax rate. This should go hand in hand with financing reforms
geared towards advancing the interest of low-income groups.
21
Also, Tanzania needs country specific legislations that seek to implement the education
financing values. The proposed legislations should also aim at creating more education
revenue and its administration. Specific authorities should be established and vested with
powers and duties to oversee the proper use and management of the education resources.
Lastly, there should be formulated an effective national policy on external assistance. This
should be a result of an effective in-depth cost-benefit analysis of the past experience with
external aid to the development education and should specify national conditionalities for
accepting external assistance (Obanya, 2006).
22
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