Farmers on the move – the expansion of agrarian societies during the Neolithic and Bronze Age in...

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463 FARMERS ON THE MOVE e expansion of agrarian societies during the Neolithic and Bronze Age in Scandinavia can be in- vestigated on a large geographical and chronological scale by focusing on radiocarbon dating made on charred cereal grains, pollen grains, bones of do- mesticated animals or contexts of material culture connected to agrarian activities. e results open new discussions of where, when and why the differ- ent expansions occurred in Scandinavia during the Neolithic and Bronze Age. It is hereby possible to scrutinize the various reasons behind the introduc- tion of agrarian activities in different regions. Radiocarbon dates and some methodological problems Using radiocarbon as a methodological tool for in- vestigating agrarian activities is unfortunately associ- ated with some challenges (Reimer et al. 2009). e many plateaus on the C-14 curve are causing some problems, because they are registered on different cultural transitions associated with the introduction of agriculture in Scandinavia. Some of the critical ones are Ertebølle Culture/Funnel Beaker Culture (4200-3800 cal. BC), Funnel Beaker Culture/Pitted Ware Culture (3300-2900 cal. BC), Battle Axe Cul- ture/Bell Beaker Culture (2600-2300 cal. BC), Late Bronze Age/Pre-Roman Iron Age (800-400 cal. BC) (Reimer et al. 2009). Furthermore, it is particularly Introduction Agrarian activities began around 4000-3700 cal. BC in Southern Scandinavia and stopped in Southern Norway and north of the Mählerdalen. e reasons are still debatable, but the regions fur- ther north had a lower population density, colder climate, limited areas of easy arable soils and a shorter growing season for crop cultivation. e next agrarian expansion towards Central Scan- dinavia occurs during the transition between the Middle Neolithic/Late Neolithic. Some probable husbandry practices could be associated with the Middle Neolithic B/Battle Axe Culture and crop cultivation during the Late Neolithic/Bell Beaker Culture. During the Late Neolithic, an improved ship technology could have urged pioneering farmers to expand further north. However, the first reliable evidence of agriculture in Northern Scandinavia can be dated to the Late Bronze Age, where a reorganization of cultivation methods could have created new possibilities of establishing agrarian societies in Northern Scandinavia. e transition towards an agrarian society is a complex and continuous process, which is dependent on a constant gene-flow of pioneering farmers and the local hunter-gatherers willingness to change their ideology and subsistence strategy. We are therefore dealing with several transitional processes which are different from region to region. FARMERS ON THE MOVE – THE EXPANSION OF AGRARIAN SOCIETIES DURING THE NEOLITHIC AND BRONZE AGES IN SCANDINAVIA Lasse Sørensen

Transcript of Farmers on the move – the expansion of agrarian societies during the Neolithic and Bronze Age in...

463farmers on the move

The expansion of agrarian societies during the Neolithic and Bronze Age in Scandinavia can be in-vestigated on a large geographical and chronological scale by focusing on radiocarbon dating made on charred cereal grains, pollen grains, bones of do-mesticated animals or contexts of material culture connected to agrarian activities. The results open new discussions of where, when and why the differ-ent expansions occurred in Scandinavia during the Neolithic and Bronze Age. It is hereby possible to scrutinize the various reasons behind the introduc-tion of agrarian activities in different regions.

Radiocarbon dates and some methodological problemsUsing radiocarbon as a methodological tool for in-vestigating agrarian activities is unfortunately associ-ated with some challenges (Reimer et al. 2009). The many plateaus on the C-14 curve are causing some problems, because they are registered on different cultural transitions associated with the introduction of agriculture in Scandinavia. Some of the critical ones are Ertebølle Culture/Funnel Beaker Culture (4200-3800 cal. BC), Funnel Beaker Culture/Pitted Ware Culture (3300-2900 cal. BC), Battle Axe Cul-ture/Bell Beaker Culture (2600-2300 cal. BC), Late Bronze Age/Pre-Roman Iron Age (800-400 cal. BC) (Reimer et al. 2009). Furthermore, it is particularly

IntroductionAgrarian activities began around 4000-3700 cal. BC in Southern Scandinavia and stopped in Southern Norway and north of the Mählerdalen. The reasons are still debatable, but the regions fur-ther north had a lower population density, colder climate, limited areas of easy arable soils and a shorter growing season for crop cultivation. The next agrarian expansion towards Central Scan-dinavia occurs during the transition between the Middle Neolithic/Late Neolithic. Some probable husbandry practices could be associated with the Middle Neolithic B/Battle Axe Culture and crop cultivation during the Late Neolithic/Bell Beaker Culture. During the Late Neolithic, an improved ship technology could have urged pioneering farmers to expand further north. However, the first reliable evidence of agriculture in Northern Scandinavia can be dated to the Late Bronze Age, where a reorganization of cultivation methods could have created new possibilities of establishing agrarian societies in Northern Scandinavia. The transition towards an agrarian society is a complex and continuous process, which is dependent on a constant gene-flow of pioneering farmers and the local hunter-gatherers willingness to change their ideology and subsistence strategy. We are therefore dealing with several transitional processes which are different from region to region.

faRmeRs on the move

– the expansIon of agRaRIan socIetIes duRIng

the neolIthIc and bRonze ages In scandInavIa

Lasse Sørensen

464 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

farming was introduced to this region more or less synchronic during the period of 4000 to 3700 cal. BC (figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 & 11). Unfortunately, two plateaus are located in the period of 4200 to 4050 cal. BC and from 3950 to 3790 cal. BC. These two plateaus are thus located on the transition between the Late Ertebølle Culture (4200-4000 cal. BC) and Early Neolithic I (3950-3790 cal. BC) in Southern Scandinavia. We do not currently know if these two plateaus could have created a deviation within the radiocarbon dates between the Late Ertebølle Cul-ture and the Early Neolithic I (Larsson 1984; Niels-en 1984, 2009; Andersen 2008; Skousen 2008). There are many more direct 14C dates of domesticat-ed animals from the Early Neolithic I from South-ern Scandinavia than from other regions in Cen-

critical to use only conventional 14C dates in this type of investigation, because they contain a higher uncer-tainty and thus a greater risk of ending up on the pla-teaus compared to AMS dates. Approximately 40% of all the dates in this investigation consist of con-ventional dates, while the remaining 60% are AMS dates. We should therefore expect a time resolution of at least 200 to 400 years within the different dis-cussions concerning the introduction of farming in the various regions in Scandinavia.

Radiocarbon dates from southern scandinavia14C dates of domesticated animals and charred grains from Southern Scandinavia clearly show that

Fig. 1. Distribution of sites in Scandinavia showing 14C dated agrarian activities. 1. Wangels LA 505, 2. Rosenhof LA 58 & 83, 3. Siggeneben-Süd, 4. Limensgård, 5. Lollikhuse, 6. Knoglebo, 7. Åkonge, 8. Skolæstbo, 9. Muldbjerg I, 10. Smak-kerup Huse, 11. Øgårde I, 12. Snævret Hegn, 13. Bodal A, 14. Kildegård, 15. Maglemosegård, 16. Holmene, 17. Snoldelev Mose, 18. Øgårde, 19. Borremose, 20. Jordløse Mose, 21. Øgårde SV, 22. Sigersted III, 23. Ullerødgård, 24. Åle, 25. Visborg, 26. Krabbesholm II, 27. Kærup, 28. Oxie 50:1, 29. Hyllie 165:79, 30. Lockarp 7B, 31. Almhov, 32. Fosie 11D, 33. Svågertorp industri, 34. Mossby, 35. Bunkeflostrand 15:1, 36. Lunnebjär, 37. Lockarp, 38. Fosie 11A, 39. Vintriediket, 40. Petersborg 6, 41. Hyllie vattentorn, 42. Svågertorp 8B-C, 43. Fredriksberg, 44. Hyllie 155:91, 45. Bunkeflostrand 3:1, 46. Hindbygården, 47. Lisseläng 2, 48. Skogsmossen, 49. Stensborg, 50. Hjulberga, 51. Lässmyran 1, 52. Nyskottet, 53. Östra Vrå, 54. Stora Förvar, 55. Skumpaberget, 56. Trössla, 57. Grottan, 58. Laholm 197, 59. Veddige 128, 60. Veddige 258, 61. Skee 1616, 62. Karleby 10, 63. Karleby Log B, 64. Valtorp 1, 65. Karleby 59, 66. Karleby 194, 67. Gökhem 31, 68. Napperødtjern, 69. Haraldstadmyr, 70. Hallandsvann, 71. Barlindtjern, 72. Skjolnes, 73. Ersdal Fiskelaustjønn, 74. Danielsetermyr, 75. Jølletjønn, 76. Sagavoll, 77. Ersdal myr, 78. Demningen, 79. Fiskejern, 80. Vesttjønn, 81. Holtnes, 82. Skjeltorp, 83. Austbø, 84. Voll 27, 85. Voll 59, 86. Håbakken, 87. Jåttå, 88. Soma, 89. Skipshelleren, 90. Budalen 17, 91. Fjærestad, Balestrand, 92. Njøs, Leikanger, 93. Holsbrustølen, Årdal, 94. Berge, Herøy, 95. Ormelid, Luster, 96. Saunes, Ulstein, 97. Kvålsild, Sogndal, 98. Hjelle, Stryn, 99. Gossen 30, 100. Gossen 58, 101. Hammersvolden, 102. Egge, 103. Hedningahällan, 104. Bjästamon, 105. Lill-Mosjön, 106. Ma-riehem L5, L3 & L2, 107. Umedalen, 108. Stiurhelleren, 109. Storbåthallaren, 110. Bakkan, 111. Moland, 112. Kveøya, 113. Høfsøy and 114. Skålbunes.

465farmers on the move

Fig. 2. 14C dates from selected sites in Scandinavia showing agrarian activities. Data from: Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 ff; Fischer 2002; Sørensen 2005: 304; Heinemeier 2002: 273; Heinemeier & Rud 1998: 303, 1999: 340, 2000: 302; Price & Gebauer 2005: 123; Koch 1998: 253; Noe-Nygaard et al. 2005: 856; Sørensen & Karg 2012; Enghoff 2011: 13; Hadevik 2009: 82 ff; Rudebeck 2010: 112 f; Larsson 1992: 74 ff; Hallgren 2008; Larsson & Broström 2011: 197; Lindqvist & Possnert 1997; Svensson 2010; Johansson et al. 2011; Ryberg 2006; Westergaard 2008; Persson 1999; Sjögren 2012; Henningsmoen 1980: 175; Østmo 1983, 1985, 1988; Prøsch-Danielsen 1996; Høeg 1982, 1989, 1995, 1997, 1999; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21; Sandvik 2003; Soltvedt 1995; 1997; Hjelle et al. 2006: 21 ff; 2012; Nærøy 1994: 152; Diinhoff 2004; Johannessen & Hjelle 2001; Lødøen & Hjelle 1999; Melle & Simpson 2005; Bade et al. 2002; Pilskog 1997; Slinning & Hjelle 2004; Gundersen & Soltvedt 1995; Asprem 2012; Solem 2002: 6; Schierbeck 1994; Gustafsson & Spång 2007: 80; Färjare & Olsson 2000: 32; Viklund 2011; Johansen 1990: 5; Johansen & Vorren 1986: 742; Arntzen & Sommerseth 2010; Arntzen 2012. All dates are calibrated with the program OxCal version 4.1.7., and the results are given in “calibrated years before Christ” (cal BC), with one and two standard deviations.

Nr. Region Site Material Lab. nr. BP ± cal BC 1st. cal BC 2st. Reference 1 N. Germany Wangels LA 505 Bos taurus AAR-4998 5165 45 4041-3946 4143-3802 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 1 N. Germany Wangels LA 505 Bos taurus KIA-9824 5047 53 3943-3789 3960-3712 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 2 N. Germany Rosenhof LA58 Bos taurus AAr-4999 4910 50 3759-3643 3798-3542 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 137 3 N. Germany Siggeneben-Süd Bos taurus AAR-4995 4665 50 3517-3370 3631-3355 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 3 N. Germany Siggeneben-Süd Bos taurus AAR-4996 4630 50 3511-3355 3629-3127 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 1 N. Germany Wangels LA 505 Ovis/Capra KIA-7127 5325 45 4236-4056 4322-4005 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 1 N. Germany Wangels LA 505 Ovis/Capra KIA-7129 5295 35 4228-4048 4236-4000 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136 2 N. Germany Rosenhof LA58 Ovis/Capra AAR-1459 5110 90 3989-3791 4226-3695 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 137 3 N. Germany Wangels LA 505 Ovis/Capra KIA-7128 5085 45 3956-3804 3973-3780 Hartz & Lübke 2004: 136

4 Bornholm Limensgård Hordeum OxA-2895 5000 70 3937-3703 3950-3659 Fischer 2002

5 Zealand Lollikhuse Bos taurus AAR-7410-2 5890 55 4835-4707 4929-4612 Sørensen 2005: 304 6 Zealand Knoglebo Bos taurus AAR-6944 5135 45 3986-3811 4040-3799 Heinemeier 2002: 273 f 7 Zealand Åkonge Bos taurus AAR-4453 5135 50 3988-3809 4042-3798 Heinemeier & Rud 1999: 340 7 Zealand Åkonge Bos taurus AAR-4452 5120 40 3972-3811 4033-3797 Heinemeier & Rud 1999: 340 6 Zealand Knoglebo Bos taurus AAR-6943 5115 50 3973-3805 4037-3790 Heinemeier 2002: 273 f 8 Zealand Skolæstbo Bos taurus AAR-6945 5110 40 3967-3810 3981-3797 Heinemeier 2002: 273 f 9 Zealand Muldbjerg I Bos taurus AAR-4993 5050 45 3942-3794 3960-3714 Heinemeier & Rud 2000: 302 10 Zealand Smakkerup Huse Bos taurus AAR-3316 5040 65 3944-3776 3968-3697 Price & Gebauer 2005: 123 10 Zealand Smakkerup Huse Bos taurus AAR-3317 5040 60 3943-3777 3963-3706 Price & Gebauer 2005: 123 11 Zealand Øgårde I Bos taurus K-5057 5030 90 3944-3715 3984-3648 Koch 1998: 253 9 Zealand Muldbjerg I Bos taurus AAR-4994 5010 50 3931-3711 3951-3696 Heinemeier & Rud 2000: 302 7 Zealand Åkonge Bos taurus AAR-4451 4965 45 3791-3671 3933-3650 Heinemeier & Rud 1999: 340 12 Zealand Snævret Hegn Bos taurus K-4771 4960 90 3913-3649 3964-3538 Koch 1998: 253 13 Zealand Bodal A Bos taurus AAR-7054 4920 40 3749-3651 3780-3641 Heinemeier 2002: 273 f 12 Zealand Snævret Hegn Bos taurus K-4770 4770 85 3643-3382 3700-3368 Koch 1998: 252 14 Zealand Kildegård Bos taurus K-4979 4630 85 3626-3137 3635-3101 Koch 1998: 253 15 Zealand Maglemosegård Bos taurus K-4980 4620 60 3518-3342 3629-3106 Noe-Nygaard et al. 2005: 856 16 Zealand Holmene Bos taurus K-4982 4610 85 3618-3121 3633-3093 Koch 1998: 252 17 Zealand Snoldelev Mose Bos taurus K-2778 4600 90 3518-3116 3632-3031 Koch 1998: 252 18 Zealand Øgårde Bos taurus K-4978 4560 85 3492-3102 3625-3013 Koch 1998: 252 18 Zealand Øgårde Bos taurus K-2279 4510 90 3361-3091 3498-2921 Koch 1998: 252 19 Zealand Borremose Bos taurus K-5537 4525 90 3365-3094 3508-2925 Koch 1998: 253 5 Zealand Lollikhuse Ovis/Capra AAR-4031 5120 55 3978-3804 4041-3785 Heinemeier & Rud 1999: 340 20 Zealand Jorløse Mose Ovis/Capra AAR-3104 5020 60 3938-3713 3958-3674 Heinemeier & Rud 1998: 303 21 Zealand Øgårde SV Ovis AAR-4320 4900 50 3712-3640 3793-3539 Heinemeier & Rud 1999: 340 22 Zealand Sigersted III Hordeum AMS 1 4780 70 3646-3385 3695-3373 Koch 1998 23 Zealand Ullerødgård Charred cereal KIA-36139 4890 90 3789-3536 3943-3384 Sørensen & Karg 2012

24 Jutland Åle Bos taurus Poz-22589 5010 35 3913-3713 3943-3706 Enghoff 2011: 13 25 Jutland Visborg Bos taurus AAR-5004 4955 60 3786-3660 3941-3640 Heinemeier & Rud 2000: 302 25 Jutland Visborg Bos taurus AAR-5005 4925 55 3762-3651 3928-3635 Heinemeier & Rud 2000: 302 26 Jutland Krabbesholm II Bos taurus Poz-26157 4790 40 3640-3527 3653-3384 Enghoff 2011: 15 25 Jutland Visborg Bos taurus Poz-22576 4775 35 3636-3526 3644-3384 Enghoff 2011: 16 27 Jutland Kærup Bos taurus K-5536 4740 75 3634-3381 3648-3368 Koch 1998: 253 25 Jutland Visborg Bos taurus AAR-5006 4650 55 3516-3364 3632-3196 Noe-Nygaard et al. 2005: 857 25 Jutland Visborg Ovis/Capra Poz-22578 4910 40 3711-3646 3771-3640 Enghoff 2011: 16 25 Jutland Visborg Ovis/Capra Poz-22575 4700 35 3622-3378 3631-3371 Enghoff 2011: 16 24 Jutland Åle Sus domesticus Poz-22588 4575 35 3487-3136 3498-3105 Enghoff 2011: 13

28 Scania Oxie 50:1 Charred cereal Ua-22172 5395 60 4336-4082 4347-4053 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 29 Scania Hyllie 165:79 Charred cereal Ua-32360 5260 50 4226-3990 4233-3975 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 30 Scania Lockarp 7B Chared cereal Ua-13145 5230 75 4226-3965 4313-3811 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov Charred cereal Ua-20582 5095 45 3961-3804 3978-3786 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 31 Scania Almhov T. aestivum Ua-21383 5065 60 3949-3798 3971-3711 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-17156 5000 95 3941-3697 3982-3637 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 33

466 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

Nr. Region Site Material Lab. nr. BP ± cal BC 1st. cal BC 2st. Reference 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-32530 5000 40 3906-3710 3944-3695 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 31 Scania Almhov Charred cereal Ua-17158 4990 70 3933-3696 3946-3656 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 32 Scania Fosie 11D Charred cereal Ua-15817 4970 85 3913-3655 3958-3638 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 32 Scania Fosie 11D Charred cereal Ua-15037 4970 70 3905-3658 3944-3646 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 33 Scania Svågertorp ind. Charred cereal Ua-19304 4950 55 3776-3661 3938-3639 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-32532 4940 40 3761-3661 3796-3646 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 32 Scania Fosie 11D Charred cereal Ua-15214 4935 105 3932-3637 3966-3520 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 32 Scania Fosie 11D Charred cereal Ua-15818 4935 100 3927-3638 3963-3523 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov T. aestivum Ua-23873 4930 45 3761-3654 3797-3640 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 34 Scania Mossby Charred cereal Ua-755 4925 115 3936-3540 3969-3382 Larsson 1992: 74 34 Scania Mossby Charred cereal Ua-753 4915 110 3932-3537 3962-3383 Larsson 1992: 74 31 Scania Almhov Charred cereal Ua-14491 4910 80 3791-3636 3943-3525 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 31 Scania Almhov T. dicoccum Ua-32533 4910 45 3712-3645 3785-3637 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 35 Scania Bunkeflostrand 15:1 Charred cereal Ua-34229 4910 45 3712-3645 3785-3637 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-20417 4885 40 3697-3643 3765-3541 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 36 Scania Lunnebjär Charred cereal Ua-18921 4880 70 3764-3539 3926-3389 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 37 Scania Lockarp Charred cereal Ua-21548 4880 50 3709-3637 3777-3534 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov Charred Triticum Ua-32531 4880 45 3699-3640 3773-3536 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 38 Scania Fosie 11A Charred cereal Ua-15024 4845 75 3707-3526 3793-3378 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 39 Scania Vintriediket Charred Triticum Ua-16204 4820 75 3695-3521 3766-3376 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 40 Scania Petersborg 6 Charred Triticum Ua-11857 4795 60 3648-3521 3697-3377 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 41 Scania Hyllie vattentorn Hordeum vulgare Ua-21650 4785 40 3639-3526 3651-3383 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 37 Scania Lockarp Charred Triticum Ua-21553 4785 40 3639-3526 3651-3383 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov Triticum aestivum Ua-21382 4780 50 3640-3522 3655-3377 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 42 Scania Svågertorp 8B-C T. dico./spelta Ua-16418 4760 75 3639-3383 3660-3368 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 29 Scania Hyllie 165:79 Charred Triticum Ua-32367 4750 55 3635-3385 3641-3376 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-18753 4690 60 3625-3373 3634-3363 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 43 Scania Fredriksberg 13E T. dico./spelta Ua-15444 4680 70 3622-3370 3640-3341 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 44 Scania Hyllie 155:91 T. dico./spelta Ua-19668 4670 65 3617-3368 3637-3341 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov Charred cereal Ua-33027 4660 40 3512-3370 3625-3360 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 45 Scania Bunkeflostrand 3:1 Charred cereal Ua-21380 4575 55 3496-3116 3512-3096 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov Charred Triticum Ua-21329 4570 55 3493-3116 3509-3094 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 44 Scania Hyllie 155:91 Charred Triticum Ua-33974 4545 40 3364-3118 3483-3098 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 44 Scania Hyllie 155:91 Charred cereal Ua-33977 4540 35 3362-3119 3366-3102 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 44 Scania Hyllie 155:91 Charred cereal Ua-33973 4535 35 3359-3117 3364-3102 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 46 Scania Hindbygården Bos taurus? Ua-1575 5570 110 4540-4329 4702-4173 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 46 Scania Hindbygården Bos taurus GrA-22167 4810 60 3655-3522 3706-3379 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 45 Scania Bunkeflostrand 3:1 Bos taurus Ua-22167 4605 50 3506-3139 3620-3106 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 46 Scania Hindbygården Bos taurus Ua-1572 4585 95 3507-3105 3631-3023 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 46 Scania Hindbygården Bos taurus Lu-3583 4560 90 3495-3099 3626-2943 Hadevik 2009: 82 ff 31 Scania Almhov S. scrofa/domes. Ua-22166 4960 50 3788-3665 3937-3645 Hadevik 2009: 82

47 M. Sweden Lisseläng 2 H. nudum Ua-32969 5025 45 3940-3715 3946-3710 Hallgren 2008 47 M. Sweden Lisseläng 2 T.dico./spelta Ua-32967 4940 40 3761-3661 3796-3646 Hallgren 2008 48 M. Sweden Skogsmossen T.dico./spelta Ua-15200 4880 110 3796-3524 3948-3378 Hallgren 2008 48 M. Sweden Skogsmossen H. nudum Ua-14835 4795 75 3655-3385 3709-3373 Hallgren 2008 48 M. Sweden Skogsmossen Cerealea Ua-15198 4775 70 3643-3385 3694-3372 Hallgren 2008 48 M. Sweden Skogsmossen T. aestivo-comp. Ua-15199 4735 75 3633-3380 3647-3367 Hallgren 2008 48 M. Sweden Skogsmossen T. aestivo-comp. Ua-14834 4680 70 3622-3370 3640-3341 Hallgren 2008 49 M. Sweden Stensborg T.dico./spelta LuS-9184 4800 50 3646-3525 3694-3381 Larsson & Broström 2011: 197 49 M. Sweden Stensborg T.dico./spelta LuS-9570 4760 50 3636-3519 3645-3377 Larsson & Broström 2011: 197 50 M. Sweden Hjulberga T. aestivo-comp. Ua-3369 4780 65 3645-3386 3693-3374 Hallgren 2008 50 M. Sweden Hjulberga H. nudum Ua-3368 4695 65 3627-3373 3635-3364 Hallgren 2008 51 M. Sweden Lässmyran 1 H. nudum Ua-32972 4735 65 3633-3381 3641-3371 Hallgren 2008 52 M. Sweden Nyskottet T. aestivo-comp. Ua-17860 4670 95 3630-3359 3648-3105 Hallgren 2008 53 M. Sweden Östra Vrå Triticum Ua-6937 4600 60 3510-3127 3621-3101 Hallgren 2008 54 Gotland Stora Förvar Ovis Ua-4952 5070 75 3957-3794 4037-3698 Lindqvist & Possnert 1997 55 M. Sweden Skumpaberget Bos taurus Ua-18718 5170 65 4049-3812 4228-3796 Hallgren 2008 55 M. Sweden Skumpaberget Bos taurus Ua-18719 5055 50 3943-3797 3963-3714 Hallgren 2008 55 M. Sweden Skumpaberget Bos taurus Ua-18720 4810 75 3692-3390 3760-3374 Hallgren 2008 56 M. Sweden Trössla Bos taurus Ua-22409 5105 45 3966-3805 3985-3790 Hallgren 2008 56 M. Sweden Trössla Bos taurus Ua-22408 4955 45 3778-3665 3927-3646 Hallgren 2008 54 Gotland Stora Förvar Bos taurus Ua-3248 4935 75 3791-3646 3946-3539 Lindqvist & Possnert 1997 57 Gotland Grottan Bos taurus Ua-3543 4700 80 3629-3373 3652-3195 Hallgren 2008

58 W. Sweden Laholm 197 Charred cereal Beta-71658 5200 60 4222-3953 4231-3811 Svensson 2010 59 W. Sweden Veddige 128 T.dico./spelta Ua-29267 5160 78 4047-3804 4230-3777 Johansson et al. 2011 60 W. Sweden Veddige 258 T.dico./spelta Ua-27592 4750 50 3635-3385 3641-3376 Ryberg 2006 61 W. Sweden Skee 1616 Charred cereal Ua-26850 4615 40 3498-3353 3520-3132 Westergaard 2008 62 W. Sweden Karleby 10 Bos taurus Ua-1367 4775 95 3647-3381 3761-3360 Persson 1999

467farmers on the move

Nr. Region Site Material Lab. nr. BP ± cal BC 1st. cal BC 2st. Reference 31 Scania Almhov T. dico./spelta Ua-32530 5000 40 3906-3710 3944-3695 Rudebeck 2010: 112 f 63 W. Sweden Karleby Log B Ovis Ua-13401 4530 60 3359-3106 3494-3024 Sjögren 2012 63 W. Sweden Karleby Log B Sus domesticus Ua-1364 4710 100 3632-3374 3704-3116 Sjögren 2012 63 W. Sweden Karleby Log B Sus domesticus Ua-1365 4690 100 3631-3367 3660-3105 Sjögren 2012 64 W. Sweden Valtorp 1 Sus domesticus GrA-14296 4430 40 3310-2936 3331-2922 Sjögren 2012 65 W. Sweden Karleby 59 Sus domesticus GrA-17909 4415 45 3262-2928 3329-2914 Sjögren 2012 66 W. Sweden Karleby 194 Sus domesticus LuS-6640 4330 50 3012-2898 3091-2881 Sjögren 2012 67 W. Sweden Gökhem 31 Sus domesticus GrA-14299 4290 40 2927-2879 3023-2779 Sjögren 2012 68 Vestfold Napperødtjern Pollen of cereal T-2432 5460 230 4530-4000 4827-3785 Henningsmoen 1980: 175 69 Østfold Haraldstadmyr Pollen of cereal XXX 5010 100 3942-3706 4037-3637 Østmo 1988 70 Vest-Agder Hallandsvann Pollen of cereal XXX 5010 70 3937-3708 3956-3661 Prøsch-Danielsen 1996 71 Aust-Agder Barlindtjern Pollen of cereal XXX 4630 100 3628-3127 3640-3091 Høeg 1982 72 Vest-Agder Skjolnes P. lanceolata XXX 5310 125 4317-3995 4443-3805 Høeg 1995 73 Vest-Agder Ersdal Fiskelaustjønn P. lanceolata XXX 4910 90 3891-3541 3949-3521 Høeg 1999 74 Akershus Danielsetermyr P. lanceolata XXX 4835 80 3706-3522 3789-3376 Høeg 1997 75 Vest-Agder Jølletjønn P. lanceolata XXX 4790 80 3653-3384 3709-3371 Høeg 1995 76 Telemark Sagavoll P. lanceolata XXX 4680 60 3620-3371 3634-3358 Høeg 1989 77 Vest-Agder Ersdal myr P. lanceolata XXX 4550 80 3483-3101 3520-3013 Høeg 1999 78 Telemark Demningen P. lanceolata XXX 4530 130 3495-3024 3627-2910 Høeg 1989 79 Telemark Fiskejern P. lanceolata XXX 4520 90 3364-3093 3504-2922 Høeg 1989 80 Vest-Agder Vesttjønn P. lanceolata XXX 4520 90 3364-3093 3504-2922 Høeg 1982 81 Østfold Holtnes Charcoal TUa-5828 4660 80 3626-3359 3640-3113 Østmo 1985 82 Østfold Skjeltorp Charcoal T-4573 4560 100 3497-3097 3627-2934 Østmo 1983 83 Rogaland Austbø H. vulgare L. TUa-2988 3805 75 2431-2138 2467-2036 Sandvik 2003; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 83 Rogaland Austbø H. vulgare TUa-2862 3690 60 2195-1978 2279-1915 Sandvik 2003; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 83 Rogaland Austbø H. vulgare TUa-2861 3610 75 2130-1882 2196-1755 Sandvik 2003; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 83 Rogaland Austbø Triticum sp. TUa-3417 3595 60 2035-1881 2135-1771 Sandvik 2003; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 83 Rogaland Austbø Hordeum, Triti. sp. TUa-3419 3540 55 1947-1774 2027-1741 Sandvik 2003; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 84 Rogaland Voll 27 H. vulgare var. TUa-2601 3560 55 2011-1780 2111-1745 Soltvedt 1995; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 85 Rogaland Voll. 59 T. dicoccum L. TUa-2600 3500 60 1896-1745 2011-1685 Soltvedt 1995; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 86 Rogaland Håbakken Cereal grain TUa-1838 3710 65 2201-1985 2494-1922 Soltvedt 1997; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 87 Rogaland Jåttå, house II:19 Cereal grain TUa-1846 3670 55 2136-1976 2201-1907 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 87 Rogaland Jåttå, house II:5 Cereal grain Tua-1790 3610 150 2196-1756 2457-1621 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 87 Rogaland Jåttå, house II:27 Triticum sp. TUa-1847 3515 50 1902-1767 1973-1694 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 88 Rogaland Soma H. vulgare ß-118741 3640 40 2118-1945 2136-1906 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 88 Rogaland Soma H. vulgare ß-118740 3590 40 2014-1892 2117-1779 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 88 Rogaland Soma H. vulgare TUa-1453 3580 85 2035-1775 2195-1693 Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006: 21 89 Hordaland Skipshelleren Bos taurus TUa-3747 3635 65 2131-1915 2200-1781 Hjelle et al. 2006: 157 89 Hordaland Skipshelleren Capra TUa-3748 3595 50 2023-1891 2131-1776 Hjelle et al. 2006: 157 89 Hordaland Skipshelleren Ovis/capra Tua-3749 2955 50 1265-1058 1370-1013 Hjelle et al. 2006: 157 90 Hordaland Budalen 17 Faeces, sheep TUa-2456 3700 80 2202-1974 2389-1883 Nærøy 1994: 152 91 Sogn og Fjordane Fjærestad, Clearance/cultiv. Beta-153606 4000 80 2833-2350 2865-2288 Diinhoff 2004 Balestrand 92 Sogn og Fjordane Njøs, Leikanger Clearance/cultiv. Beta-147500 4000 90 2834-2348 2871-2235 Johannessen & Hjelle 2001 93 Sogn og Fjordane Holsbrustølen, Clearance/cultiv. Beta-123668 3970 80 2580-2341 2852-2208 Lødøen & Hjelle 1999 Årdal 94 Møre og Romsdal Berge, Herøy Clearance Beta-200970 3900 60 2468-2299 2566-2203 Melle & Simpson 2005 95 Sogn og Fjordane Ormelid, Luster Clerance/cultuv. T-12982 3850 70 2457-2208 2547-2058 Bade et al. 2002 96 Møre og Romsdal Saunes, Ulstein Clerance T-13092 3805 110 2457-2064 2567-1947 Pilskog 1997 97 Sogn og Fjordane Kvålsild, Sogndal Clearance/cultiv. Beta-197155 3800 80 2432-2065 2471-2026 Slinning & Hjelle 2004 98 Sogn og Fjordane Hjelle, Stryn Clearance/cultiv. Beta-78028 3760 70 2288-2041 2457-1978 Gundersen & Soltvedt 1995 99 Møre og Romsdal Gossen, site 30 Hordeum sp. TUa-4738 3720 45 2198-2036 2281-1977 Hjelle et al. 2012

468 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

lake shore sites (Nielsen 1984, 2009; Rosenberg 2006; Hallgren 2008; Skousen 2008; Rudebeck 2010; Larsson & Broström, 2011; Mischka 2011; Sørensen & Karg 2012). Crop processing can also be revealed by investigating quern stones and plough marks which have been reported from Early Neolithic contexts dated to the beginning of the 4th millennium. These finds have also been found on inland oriented sites (Hallgren 2008; Nielsen 2009; Rudebeck 2010; Mischka 2011; Ravn 2012; Beck in press; Sørensen & Karg 2012). Generally, it is possible to observe a change in the settlement pat-tern through the distribution of pointed butted axes from a coastal oriented habitation during the Erte-bølle Culture towards an inland oriented habitation during the Early Neolithic (fig. 8).

continuity and changesThe Early Neolithic period in Southern Scandi-navia was characterized by an agrarian way of life supplemented by some hunting and fishing which was practiced on inland oriented sites. At the same time, hunting and fishing activities supplemented by some herding of domesticated animals took place on coastal and lake shore sites (Sørensen &

tral Europe (Hartz & Lübke 2004; Noe-Nygaard et al. 2005) (figs. 4, 5 & 6). The direct dates have mainly been conducted on cattle (Bos taurus), while only a few dates have been made on sheep (Ovis aries), goats (Capra hircus) and domesticated pigs (Sus domesticus) (figs. 4, 5 & 6). The lack of 14C dat-ed bones from sheep and goats are connected to a higher degree of fragmentation, identification prob-lems and difficulties in extraction collagen from the preserved bones. The few direct 14C dates of pigs are also associated with the difficulties in distinguishing between bones from domesticated pigs and those from wild boar (Sus scrofa) (Magnell 2005).

Direct 14C dates have also been conducted on charred cereal grains from Southern Scandinavia, showing cereal cultivation and processing from 4000 cal. BC onwards (fig. 3). The identified spe-cies from Early Neolithic contexts are emmer (Triti-cum dicoccum), einkorn (Triticum monococcum), naked barley (Hordeum vulgare/nudum), bread wheat (Triticum aestivum/compactum) and possibly spelt (Triticum spelta) (Larsson & Broström 2011; Sørensen & Karg 2012). Generally, charred cereal grains and threshing waste have been found on many inland oriented Early Neolithic sites, whereas very few grains have been reported from coastal or

99 Møre og Romsdal Gossen, site 30 Hordeum sp. TUa-4739 3695 40 2141-2027 2201-1962 Hjelle et al. 2012 99 Møre og Romsdal Gossen, site 30 Hordeum sp. Tua-5133 3455 40 1876-1693 1889-1669 Hjelle et al. 2012 100 Møre og Romsdal Gossen, site 58 Triticum TUa-5132 2165 35 354-167 363-108 Hjelle et al. 2012 101 Trøndelag Hammersvolden Cattle tooth TUa-7564 3895 40 2464-2341 2476-2210 Asprem 2012 102 Trøndelag Egge Hordeum TUa-3645 3385 70 1769-1538 1880-1520 Solem 2002: 6 103 Hälsingland Hedningahällan Hordeum XXX 3780 110 2429-2036 2550-1911 Schierbeck 1994 104 Ågermanland Bjästamon Cereal grain Ua-27101 3985 45 2571-2467 2623-2346 Gustafsson & Spång 2007: 80 104 Ågermanland Bjästamon Cereal grain Ua-27100 3750 45 2274-2045 2295-2027 Gustafsson & Spång 2007: 80 105 Ågermanland Lill-Mosjön Hordeum Ua-25338 3790 55 2335-2136 2457-2039 Färjare & Olsson 2000: 32 106 Västerbotten Mariehem, L5 Hordeum vulgare Ua-39874 2937 30 1552-1059 1263-1043 Viklund 2011 106 Västerbotten Mariehem, L3 Hordeum vulgare Ua-39872 2757 30 926-842 979-828 Viklund 2011 106 Västerbotten Mariehem, L2 Hordeum vulgare Ua-39873 2748 30 916-842 975-821 Viklund 2011 107 Västerbotten Umedalen Hordeum vulgare Ua-39971 2441 30 731-414 752-407 Viklund 2011 108 Nordland Stiurhelleren Ovis tooth XXX 3135 60 1494-1318 1528-1261 Johansen 1990: 5 109 Nordland Storbåthallaren Bos taurus T-2268 2740 80 976-811 1115-791 Johansen & Vorren 1986: 742 109 Nordland Storbåthallaren Bos taurus T-2267 2050 60 162-5 342-74 Johansen & Vorren 1986: 742 110 Nordland Bakkan Pollen of cereals T-1635 3070 70 1425-1260 1494-1127 Johansen & Vorren 1986: 740 108 Nordland Stiurhelleren Grain kernel 1 XXX 3060 70 1416-1217 1493-1120 Johansen 1990: 5 108 Nordland Stiurhelleren Grain kernel 2 XXX 2365 60 716-384 755-236 Johansen 1990: 5 111 Nordland Moland Charc. plough m. T-2629 2010 150 346-206 391-327 Johansen & Vorren 1986: 742 112 Troms Kveøya Hordeum vulgare Wk-26504 3936 30 2481-2348 2564-2307 Johansen 1990 112 Troms Kveøya Cereal grains Wk-24533 2642 30 823-796 894-780 Arntzen & Sommerseth 2010 113 Nordland Høfsøy Charc.Ovis,cap, T-3028 3060 80 1426-1213 1497-1057 Johansen & Vorren 1986: 745 Bos 114 Troms Skålbunes Charc. plough m. Wk-20626 2273 35 395-235 400-209 Arntzen 2012

Nr. Region Site Material Lab. nr. BP ± cal BC 1st. cal BC 2st. Reference

469farmers on the move

hunter-gatherers wanted to succeed as farmers, they had to integrate with agrarian societies.

The sudden appearance of a new material cul-ture (short necked funnel beakers, clay discs, point-ed butted axes and polygonal battle axes), together with the clear evidence of agrarian and flint mining activities in Southern Scandinavia around 4000 cal. BC, could suggest that agriculture was introduced by smaller groups of pioneering farmers from Cen-tral Europe. The impact of these pioneering farmers within the archaeological record is dependent on the local hunter-gatherers’ ability and desire to in-

Karg 2012). Are we dealing with commuting farm-ers or with a cultural dualism? The few domesticat-ed animals at the coastal and lake shore sites could be interpreted as initial herding activities by com-munities that still live as hunter/gatherer/fishers. However, if hunter-gatherers had started to keep domesticated animals all year round, they would have needed to collect huge amounts of winter fod-der, thus changing their economic strategy and their way of life. The complexity of agricultural technolo-gies, especially regarding crop cultivation, requires long-term experience in order to succeed. If these

Fig. 3. Calibrated 14C dates of charred cereal grains from Early Neolithic in

Southern Scandinavia based on data from Fig. 2.

470 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

2006; Lagerås 2008). Furthermore, a new procure-ment method through the extraction of flint by mining has been observed in Sallerup from around 4000 cal. BC (Sørensen 2012). The systematic ex-traction of flint nodules having a high quality was used to produce pointed butted axes (fig. 8). The axes were used to clear the forest and they play a key role in creating a more open landscape. The distri-bution of these axes reveals an inland distribution, thus demonstrating a swift change towards a more inland orientated settlement pattern (Olausson et al. 1980; Hernek 1988).

However, in Scania there are traces of even ear-lier agrarian activities during the Late Ertebølle Culture. Several charred cereals found within Early Neolithic pits in Scania (e.g. at Oxie, Hyllie and Lockarp) were directly 14C dated to the later part of the Ertebølle Culture (figs. 2 & 3). Maybe the

tegrate with the incoming farmers, making the neo-lithization process different from region to region (Sørensen 2012).

an example of a swif t transition towards agrarian subsistence and ideologyScania is a region where the transition towards an agrarian way of life was a rapid one. The hypoth-esis is supported by the many dates of cereals being ascribed to the earliest parts of the Early Neolithic I (4000-3800 cal. BC) (figs. 1, 2 & 3). Systematic crop cultivation and subsequently the change to-wards a more open landscape is also observed from 4000 cal. BC in many pollen diagrams in Scania (Berglund 1991; Engelmark & Viklund 1990; En-gelmark 1992; Regnell 1998; Regnell & Sjögren

Fig. 4. Calibrated 14C dates of do-mesticated cattle from Late Ertebølle Culture and Early Neolithic in Southern Scandinavia based on data from Fig. 2.

471farmers on the move

a long term process towards an agrarian society in southern norway An example of a slow and gradual process towards an agrarian way of life finds support in the southern parts of Norway (Solheim 2012; Glørstad 2012). Recent research argues that big game hunting may have played a more important symbolic role than the incoming agrarian elements (Glørstad 2010). The region is located on the border zone of the Funnel Beaker Culture, thus leading to a limited number of contacts with pioneering farmers from Southern Scandinavia. A few finds near Oslo do, however, show material culture together with depo-sitional practices of symbolic value which origi-nate from Southern Scandinavia. A flint axe depot consisting of three thin butted flint axes and a raw nodule have been found in Disen, thus showing a depositional practice connected to agrarian societ-

samples from these sites have not been sufficiently cleaned. In the future, it will therefore be necessary to make some new radiocarbon dates of the charred grains in order to confirm or refute their age. Other early cereal finds subjected to criticism are the grain impressions found in Late Ertebølle potsherds from the coastal sites of Löddesborg and Vik in Scania (Jennbert 1984; Hadevik 2009; Rudebeck 2010). Unfortunately, both sites contained intermixed lay-ers of Late Ertebølle and Early Funnel beaker ce-ramics, which both have the same coarse tempering and thickness (Koch 1987). These early finds of ce-real grains might represent a possible interaction be-tween local hunter-gatherers and pioneering farm-ers during the earliest part of the Early Neolithic in Scania.

Fig. 5. Calibrated 14C dates of sheep and goat from Early Neolithic in South-

ern Scandinavia based on data from Fig. 2.

Fig. 6. Calibrated 14C dates of domes-ticated pig/wild boar from the Early

Neolithic in Southern Scandinavia based on data from Fig. 2.

472 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

present in both Southern and Western Norway, which is synchronic with the ceramics from Døn-ski. The two ceramic traditions could support the theory of minor agrarian expansion followed by a swift local adaptation of ceramics within local hunt-er-gatherer societies in southern and western parts of Norway. Currently this hypothesis is only sup-ported by the ceramic finds from Dønski, unless the archaeological visibility of sites like Dønski is linked to how and where Early Neolithic sites have been excavated in Norway (Østmo 1988). The find from Dønski illustrates this particular problem, because the site only consists of one unclear pit, which was found as a bi-product within many Iron Age fea-tures.

ies (Glørstad 2012). Furthermore, several short necked funnel beakers were found in a shallow pit in Dønski (Demuth & Simonsen 2010). The fun-nel beakers from Dønski were introduced to South-ern Norway either directly or indirectly by agrarian societies from Southern Scandinavia, because the pottery was below 1 cm in thickness and contained tempered inclusions below 30 mm in size. Most of the locally produced Early Neolithic ceramics in Southern and Western Norway are very thick (above 1 cm and up to 2 cm) and coarse tempered with inclusions of up to 1 cm in size (Skjølsvold 1977: 336; Nærøy 1987: 118; Olsen 1992; Åstveit 1999; Hallgren 2008; Åhrberg 2011).

A regional Early Neolithic ceramic tradition is

Fig. 7. Calibrated 14C dates from selected sites in Norway and northern parts of Sweden showing agrarian ac-

tivities based on data from Fig. 2.

473farmers on the move

casting of many grains of pollen can only be ob-served if the cultivated fields were located a few me-ters away from where the pollen diagram was taken. The probability of finding grains of cereal pollen is therefore relatively low. The lack of cereal pollen during the Early Neolithic in Denmark before 3700 cal. BC may also be caused by the selected sampling process (Andersen & Rasmussen 1993). On the other hand, we can optimize the chances of finding the pollen grains by counting larger pollen grains and thereby larger quantities of soil. The “optimiza-tion method” increases the possibilities of finding cereal pollen, but the method has not been used in Scandinavia (Edwards & Mcintosh 1988).

In Southern Norway, some pollen diagrams are showing higher levels of plantain pollen (Plantago lanceolata) thus indicating a more open landscape from 3700-3300 cal. BC (figs. 1 & 7). The period is roughly synchronous with the establishment of the few megaliths in Southern Norway around 3500 cal. BC (Høeg 1982, 1989, 1995, 1997, 1999). The agrarian expansion during the Funnel Beaker Culture can be regarded as a continuous process of pioneering farmers trying to expand towards Southern Norway from neighbouring regions, but their impact seems to have been rather limited. The contact probably intensified during the later part of the Early Neolithic (3500-3300 cal. BC) with the building of megaliths.

Why did the funnel beaker culture ex-pansion stop in southern norway and north of the mählerdalen? One of the main reasons why the agrarian expansion had a very limited effect in Southern Norway and north of the Mählerdalen is probably because these regions are located on the periphery of the Fun-nel Beaker Culture. The combination of a shorter growing season for crop cultivation, lower popula-tion density and limited areas of easy arable soils in the central parts of Scandinavia could be some of the reasons why the agrarian expansion stopped in Southern Norway and north of the Mählerdalen. The limit of the expansion can be observed through the distribution of the pointed butted axes (fig. 8). Nevertheless, we should not rule out that pioneer-ing farmers could have reached certain favourable

Stray finds of pointed and thin butted axes and polygonal battle axes can also refer to a continuous exchange and possible contacts between Southern Norway and Southern Scandinavia (Hinsch 1955; Østmo 1986) (fig. 8). The imported flint axes could either be interpreted as evidence of an agrarian soci-ety or as prestige artefacts within a hunter-gatherer society (Østmo 2007). They are mostly found near light sandy soils and water arteries, which would have been ideal both for farming and for sea faring along the coast (Solberg 2012). The distribution of Neolithic flint axes clearly demonstrates that some flint axes played a role as prestige symbols in hunter-gatherer societies. This interpretation is supported by the fact that some of the axes were exchanged to the region of Nordland within a large geographical hunter-gatherer network (Valen 2012). Nonethe-less, many of the Neolithic flint axes clearly rep-resent an intensification of a depositional practice in Southern Norway, which indicates a new way of perceiving the landscape compared to the Late Mesolithic. These changes could be linked to small scale agrarian activities associated with migrating pioneering farmers moving from the neighbouring regions to Southern Norway.

Agrarian activities have been confirmed from 4000 cal. BC by the evidence of cereal pollen which was found in several pollen diagrams in Southern Norway (Henningsmoen 1980: 175; Høeg 1982; Østmo 1988; Prøsch-Danielsen 1996) (figs. 1, 2, 7 & 11). Unfortunately, all the 14C dates of the pol-len grains are conventional, which is why they con-tain a very large margin of uncertainty. Moreover, the cereal pollen from Southern Norway has been identified as barley (Hordeum), which causes some serious problems. Pollen grains from barley can, when found in limited numbers, easily be identi-fied incorrectly. They could just as well derive from different kinds of wild grasses such as wood bar-ley (Hordelymus), wild rye (Leymus) or sweet grass (Glyceria). Presently we cannot exclude the culti-vation of cereal in the Early Neolithic in southern Norway. The reason is based on the fact that many of pollen diagrams have been made within smaller or larger bogs and lakes, where it is unlikely that any prehistoric fields have been located during the Early Neolithic. Cereal grains are self-pollinating, so they do not spread over large distances (Diot 1992). The

474 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

we face the same identification problems in separat-ing pollens of barley from various species of wild grasses (see above). Furthermore, there are always problems with the movement of sediments within bogs, which could lead to false conclusions (Tro-els-Smith 1957). However, it is still possible that a small scale cultivation took place in Southwestern Norway during the Early Neolithic, because many of the pollen diagrams have been conducted near wetland or coastal sandy areas and not near easy ar-

agrarian parts of Western Norway during the Early Neolithic.

Agrarian activities in Southwestern and Western Norway during the Early Neolithic

In Southwest Norway, pollen cereals of barley have been reported from one pollen diagram on Lis-ta and another one on Jæren, thus indicating a lim-ited amount of cereal cultivation (Prøsch-Danielsen 1996, 1997, 2013; Simonsen & Prøsch-Danielsen 2005; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006). Here,

Fig. 8. Distribution of pointed butted flint axes in Southern Scandinavia, based on data from Sørensen & Karg 2012.

475farmers on the move

traditional Neolithic axes. Furthermore, the Vesp-stad adzes are all made of outcrops located in West-ern Norway which were formerly used for making Mesolithic adzes, thus indicating a more local origin for this type (Bergsvik & Østmo 2011). The lack of imported flint axes and ceramics (like the Dønski ceramics) could suggest that the agrarian expansion during the Funnel Beaker Culture reached its limits somewhere in the southwestern parts of Norway.

Arguably, in Kotedalen, near Bergen, some ce-real pollen of barley was found in a layer belong-ing to the transition between Early Neolithic and Middle Neolithic (Hjelle 2012). Furthermore, a few sherds, similar to the Danish Volling ceramics, were found in Kotedalen, indicating some contact or exchange with regions in Southern Norway or Southern Scandinavia (Olsen 1992; Koch 1998). Moreover, one pollen diagram from Gossen site 50 showed cereal pollen of wheat from the later part of the Early Neolithic (Hjelle & Solem 2008: 519). Other pollen diagrams in Western Norway show a few traces of plantain pollen and heathland develop-ment, thus indicating some possible husbandry ac-tivities during the initial stages of the Middle Neo-lithic (Hjelle 2012; Hjelle et al. 2009; 2012). The pollen analysis from Gossen site 50 is very impor-tant, because wheat produces larger pollen grains, thus limiting the possibilities of misinterpretations. However, the cereal pollen from Kotedalen is facing the same identification problems. Additionally, no macrofossils of cereal grains or bones from domes-ticated animals can support any agrarian activities during the transition between the Early Neolithic and Middle Neolithic in Western Norway. Never-theless, a second agrarian expansion in Southern Norway, associated with the building of megaliths, could have initiated some agrarian impulses which might have reached certain parts of Western Nor-way (Østmo 1999, 2007, 2012; Reitan 2012). It is important to accept that the agrarian expansion is not one incident, but several, where pioneering farmers probably tried continuously to expand into unknown territories. Unfortunately, the archaeo-logical visibility of any agrarian society in Norway is very low, thus indicating a very limited amount of pioneering farmers. If the farmers did not succeed, it would probably lead to a quick assimilation into local hunter-gatherer societies (Prescott 1996). In

able soils. The hypothesis is further supported by a deforestation phase, which has been observed in some of the pollen diagrams in Southwestern Nor-way just after 4000 cal. BC. The deforestation phase could indicate an economic strategy based on ani-mal husbandry and less on the cultivation of cereals (Prøsch-Danielsen 2012).

A few stray finds of polygonal battle axes, point-ed and thin butted flint axes together with imita-tions of flint axes in local raw materials seems to support the theory of some minor agrarian activity during the Early Neolithic in Southwestern Norway (Bergsvik & Østmo 2011). The question is wheth-er the imported flint axes can be associated with a few pioneering farmers who sailed the dangerous waters near the southern tip of Norway; or if axes should be interpreted as prestige axes, which were exchanged in a hunter-gatherer network along the Norwegian west coast. Contacts between Southern and Western Norway are observed by a regional ce-ramic tradition during the Early Neolithic, which is characterized by thick, coarse tempered pottery containing several horizontal lines executed in two-ply cord below the rim (Hallgren 2008: 245f ). The ceramic technology came either with a minor agrar-ian expansion or with local hunter-gatherers during the earliest parts of the Early Neolithic.

Generally, the archaeological evidence for an agrarian expansion during the Early Neolithic to-wards the southwestern parts of Norway is rather limited. It is more likely that new material culture (ceramics and flint axes) could have been brought to Southwestern Norway by local hunter-gatherers, which had contacts to a limited number of pioneer-ing farmers in Southern Norway. The traces of an agrarian society become even sparser in Western Norway, because no Early Neolithic flint axes have been registered in this region. Only a few double-edged battle axes and imitations of thin butted axes made in local raw materials have been registered in Western Norway (Østmo 1999; Bergsvik 2003; Brevik 2010; Bergsvik & Østmo 2011). The most common axe in Western Norway during the Early Neolithic is the local Vespestad adze, which has been interpreted as a variant of the four-sided axes within the Funnel Beaker Culture (Hallgren 2008: 248). However, Vespestad axes are adzes, which make their hafting and function differently from

476 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

animal husbandry could have been initiated already during Middle Neolithic B (2800-2400 cal. BC) (figs. 2 & 7). However, there are no 14C dates of do-mesticated animals dated to the Middle Neolithic B, except for one cow tooth from Hammersvold in Trøndelag (figs. 1 & 2).

The evidence of a pastoral economy is primar-ily based on the interpreted clearance layers (Olsen 2012). A few of these clearance layers have been 14C dated to the Middle Neolithic B (2800-2400 cal. BC), thus corresponding to the Battle Axe Culture. However, the majority of the layers have been 14C dated to the Late Neolithic (fig. 2). The interpreted clearance layers are sometimes found near settlement features as house structures, pits or cultural layers. In future investigations, it will be necessary to conduct more than one 14C date from each layer in order to exclude the possibility that we are dealing with or-dinary drifting of cultural layers. Clearance layers should in theory cover a short time span, whereas cultural layers a longer one. It should be possible to obtain a very narrow time resolution if several 14C dates were made of these layers and subjected to a Bayesian analysis (Bayliss et al. 2007). Currently, the clearance layers from Western Norway are lacking any kind of archaeological finds, making it difficult to associate any of these layers with any archaeologi-cal material (Prescott 2012: 171).

Several two-aisled houses have been found in Western Norway, but the 14C dates place them on the transition between Middle Neolithic B and Late Neolithic (2600-2200 cal. BC) (Olsen 2009, 2012). Moreover, a very limited amount of material culture can be associated with the Middle Neolithic B/Battle Axe Culture in these parts of Western Nor-way (Oldeberg 1952; Hinsch 1956). This could in-dicate that the agrarian activities were primarily as-sociated with the Late Neolithic, based on the many imported finds of flint daggers, sickles and scrapers (Apel 2001; Olsen 2012). However, a few battle axe types of Malmers group D:2 and E:2 and some corded stamp pottery have been found in Western Norway, which seems to support either direct or in-direct contact with the Battle Axe Culture in South-ern and Western Scandinavia (Malmer 1975; T. B. Olsen 2004; Østmo 2010, 2012). Furthermore, we could be dealing with a regional variant of the Battle Ax Culture in Western Norway, where thick-

addition, it is important to acknowledge that the agrarian impulses became even more limited dur-ing the following Pitted Ware Culture (Strinnhom 2001; Østmo 2008). New agrarian impulses are first observed several centuries later during the third millennium.

an agrarian expansion during the third millennium bcCereal cultivation is observed in many pollen dia-grams in Norway during the mid-third millennium (Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006; Hjelle 2012). This is supported by the many 14C dates of charred cereal grains showing agrarian activities during the transition between Middle Neolithic B and Late Neolithic I (2600-2200 BC) in Southern and West-ern Norway (Glørstad 2004; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 2006; Hjelle 2012) (figs. 1, 7 & 11). Fur-thermore, the earliest domesticated animals from Hordaland have been 14C dated to the transition between the Middle Neolithic B and Late Neolithic I (Hjelle et al. 2006). Arguably, there is indirect evi-dence of agrarian activities already from the begin-ning of the Middle Neolithic B (2800 cal BC) until the Late Neolithic in the shire of Hordaland, Sogn/Fjordane and Møre/Romsdal (Olsen 2009). The ev-idence is based on finds of black layers (with some charcoal) of several centimetres thickness. The black layers have been interpreted either as the systematic burning of heather or organized clearances of veg-etation for the construction of pasturing fields. A few sites with black layers are distributed within the inner parts of the fjords, which could suggest a shift in both subsistence and settlement pattern towards an agrarian way of life (Olsen 2012) (figs. 1, 2 & 7).

It has been discussed whether these clearance layers together with the agrarian activities in general can be connected with the Battle Axe Culture or Bell Beaker Culture (Prescott 1996; Olsen 2009). The Middle Neolithic B and Late Neolithic I transition can be dated to 2600-2200 cal. BC, which is char-acterized by a plateau on the 14C curve, thus causing some interpretation problems when working with two standard deviations. It is, however, clear that most of the 14C dates of cereal grains belongs to the Late Neolithic, thus corresponding to the Bell Bea-ker Culture, whereas the possible introduction of

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tlements and an increase of sites is observed in the inner part of the fjord (figs. 1, 2 & 7). The inner fjord system is characterized by a milder climate and larger areas of arable soils (Olsen 2012). Arguably, the typology of the thick butted rock axes needs to be tested, in order to investigate if they were in use during the Late Neolithic. The prolonged usage of thick butted axes could make the habitation activi-ties rather limited within the inner fjords during the

butted rock axes could have been an important ele-ment as they have been found in larger numbers in Norway (T. B. Olsen 2004). Their distribution in Western Norway indicates a change in the use of the landscape during the transition between Middle Neolithic A (3300-2800 cal. BC) and Middle Neo-lithic B (2800-2400 cal. BC). These changes can be observed within the Sogne Fjord area, where a decrease is registered in the number of coastal set-

Fig. 9. The distribution of type 1 flint daggers in Sweden and Norway,

based on data from Apel 2001: 282.

478 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

No actual ships have been found from the Late Neolithic and very few ship images on the rock carvings have been interpreted to the Late Neolithic (Kaul 1998; Ling 2008). One candidate is ships of the “Krabbestig type”, which have been interpreted as a prototype of the depicted ship on the Rørby sword (Fett & Fett 1941: 112; Kaul 1998; Ling 2008: 128 f; Melheim 2012: 77). At Mjeltehaugen at Griske and Røkke in Stjørdal, the depiction of ships could be of Krabbestig type (Sognnes 1999: 37; Lødøen & Mandt 2010: 134). Furthermore, the various horizontal bands on the stone slaps from Mjeltehaugen show many similarities with Bell Bea-ker patterns (Prieto Martinez 2008: 145; Melheim 2012). The concentrations of flint daggers, tanged points and depositions of bronze artefacts on Lista and Jæren indicate that Northern Jutland may have served as a continuous bridgehead of contact to Rogaland by seafaring ships during the Bell Beaker Culture and Bronze Age (Scheen 1979; Johansen 1993; Apel 2001; Østmo 2005). The theory is based on the fact that flint daggers found in Norway were probably produced by flint originating from mines located in Northern Jutland (Becker 1980; Apel 2001; Sarauw 2006; Högberg & Olausson 2007).

The ships transported people having an agrarian knowledge together with a wide range of new mate-rial culture including flint daggers, tanged points with straight wings, wrist-guards of slate and metal-lurgy (Prescott 2009). The agrarian evidence found along the Norwegian coast supports the argument of a possible leap frog migration from Southern Scandinavia (Anthony 1990; Moore 2001). On the other hand, the widespread distribution of the flint daggers might also represent local preferences, where the daggers could be regarded as prestige arte-facts (fig. 9). Some daggers found in Northern Nor-way could not be associated with any agrarian activ-ity during the Late Neolithic (Apel 2001; Ramstad 1999; Hallgren 2008: 255; Valen 2012) (figs. 1, 2, 7 & 11). It is therefore probable that agrarian and hunter-gatherer societies exchanged these flint dag-gers within a complex network. The hunter-gather-ers could have received the flint daggers from farm-ing societies in Western Norway, which in turn had contacts with Northern Jutland where the daggers were produced. Given the fact that the Bell Beaker phenomenon materializes primarily as flint daggers,

Battle Axe Culture and denser during the Late Neo-lithic. Very few thick butted axes have been found in 14C dated contexts in Norway. However, a rare find of a thick butted axe was found in a cultural layer on Gossen site 63, where several 14C dates of charcoal clustered around 3300-2600 cal. BC, thus placing the type within the Middle Neolithic B (Åstveit 2008: 376f ).

Many of the sites within the inner fjords contin-ued to be resettled during the Late Neolithic (2400-1700 cal. BC) and Early Bronze Age (1700-1100 cal. BC). The repeated settlement pattern indicates an economic shift already from the Middle Neolith-ic B towards an agrarian subsistence concentrated on animal husbandry, supplemented by some hunt-ing and fishing. Cereal cultivation is, however, asso-ciated with the Late Neolithic in Norway. Whether the many flint daggers and first evidences of crop cultivation could be associated with a large scale mi-gration of pioneer farmers from the Western Euro-pean Bell Beaker Culture is still debatable (Harrison 1980; Liversage 2003; Sarauw 2007, 2008; Prescott 2009; Vander Linden 2012) (fig. 9).

the bell beakers in norway – part of a large scale agrarian expansion?Only one bell beaker vessel from Slettabø has been found in Norway (Skjølsvold 1977). The identifi-cation of the bell beaker phenomenon is especially focused on ceramics, making the evidence rather limited in Norway. The few bell beakers found in Denmark have been associated with a maritime type which extends from the Netherlands along the west coast of Jutland up to the Limfjord area (Sarauw 2007; Martinez Prieto 2008; Prescott 2009). The large scale network and swift spreading of the Bell Beaker Culture was probably connected to the building of improved ships which could cross the open waters of Skagerrak between Northern Jutland and Southwestern Norway (Østmo 2005). If the Bell Beaker Culture was associated with a massive migration, one would expect the Bell Beakers to be settling frequently along the coastlines, but instead we see Bell Beaker “hotspots” like the one observed in Northern Jutland, thus implying leap frog migra-tion and the importance of transportation by seago-ing ships (Anthony 1990).

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axes found in Trøndelag are all located on easy ar-able soils, which could indicate an introduction of animal husbandry already during the Battle Axe Culture. The central part of Norway and Sweden contains huge potential for finding more agrarian evidence from the Middle and Late Neolithic. A quick investigation of the distribution of flint sick-les from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age in Central Norway shows that about 80% had signs of gloss, thus indicating harvesting of either cereals or common reed (Phragmites australis) (Juel Jensen 1994). Furthermore, the distribution of flint sick-les becomes less dense in Northern Trøndelag and disappears in Nordland, which indicates the limit of the agrarian expansion during the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age (Marstrander 1956; Zinsli 2007; Skandfer 2012; Valen 2012).

The reason is probably linked with a low popula-tion density and limited access to large areas of easy arable soils. An alternative explanation may be re-lated to grain varieties registered by DNA-analyses, where the northern barley type is different from the ones found in Southern Scandinavia (Leino & Ha-gen Sheet 2010). The barley from Southern Scandi-navia might have had difficulties withstanding the very short growing period and rainy seasons during the Late Neolithic, thus explaining the limit of the agrarian expansion.

evidence of agrarian activities in north-ern scandinaviaIn Northern Scandinavia, studies of farming com-munities have previously been based upon palyno-logical investigations, but recent excavations and discoveries shed new light on the agrarian expan-sion beyond the Arctic Circle (Johansen & Vorren 1986; Arntzen & Sommerseth 2010; Viklund 2011; Jensen 2012; Arntzen 2012). 14C dates of cereals barley from Northern Sweden in Västerbotten sug-gest that cereal cultivation did not take place so far north before 1200 to 900 cal. BC, corresponding to the Early and Late Bronze Age transition (Viklund 2011) (figs. 1, 2 & 11). The introduction of cereals and domesticated animals is confirmed by a similar 14C dates from Northern Norway (Johansen 1990; Sjögren & Arntzen 2012). During the Late Bronze Age, a reorganization of the cultivation methods

this opens the discussion of whether we instead of the Bell Beaker Culture should use the more neutral terminology of the “Late Neolithic” or the Danish term “dolktid”.

the agrarian expansion in central nor-way and swedenIt is still uncertain whether the Bell Beaker Culture/Late Neolithic also reached central parts of Norway. Generally, the agrarian evidence is still relatively sparse. A tooth from a domesticated cow found in the kitchen midden at Hammersvold was 14C dated to the transition between Middle Neolithic and Late Neolithic I (2600-2200 cal. BC) (Asprem 2012) (figs. 1, 2 & 7). Moreover, several plough marks were found on the site of Egge, located northwest of the city of Steinkjer. A barley grain was found in one of these plough marks. A charcoal trace found in one of the plough marks was 14C dated to1745-1520 BC (Solem 2002; Stenvik 2012). 1769-1538 cal. BC, thus indicating agrarian cultivation during the Early Bronze Age (Solem 2002; Stenvik 2012). Other finds of clearance layers and plough marks support agrarian activities from the Early Bronze Age (Stamnes 2008: 119; Engtrø 2012: 15f ). Fur-thermore, the Bronze Age rock carvings in Central Norway represent a change towards stronger simi-larities with the rock art iconography from Southern Scandinavia and western parts of Sweden (Sognnes 2008, 2013).

The first evidence of domesticated animals in Central Norway (Trøndelag) is also synchronic with finds from Central Sweden (Hälsingland and Ågermanland), which show crop cultivation from around 2600 to 2300 cal. BC (Viklund 2011) (figs. 1, 2, 7 & 11). Crop cultivation in Central Sweden could be associated with the Bell Beaker Culture, because a few flint daggers have been observed in this region (Apel 2001: 281 f ). Network contacts emerged through the larger river valleys between the Norwegian west coast and Central Sweden. Transportation through the valleys could be one of the favourable routes for the expansion of new ideas and various cultures in this part of Scandi-navia (Engedal 2010). Another possibility route of contact could be established along the coast (Øst-mo 2005). It is rather remarkable that many battle

480 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

ian societies to expand further north and beyond the Arctic Circle during the Late Bronze Age.

Some archaeological evidence might indicate that an agrarian expansion towards Northern Nor-way occurred already during the Early Bronze Age. This hypothesis is primarily based on findings of bronze artefacts which had a Southern Scandina-vian origin, thus indicating a long range network of contacts (Johansen 1993; Rønne 2011). Other findings of rock carved ships depicting the style of Southern Scandinavian Bronze Age ships also sup-port the idea of an agrarian expansion during the Early Bronze Age (Kaul 2011, 2012). Generally, the northern part of Scandinavia is known to have had wide range contacts not only with Southern Scan-dinavia but also with the Russian Ananino Culture, which also provided the region with bronze objects (Rønne 2011, 2012). Asbestos ceramics can also be regarded as evidence for connections with Fen-

seems to have emerged, which for Southern Scan-dinavia resulted in the construction of Celtic fields, the introduction of the bow ard/plough and new species of cereals such as flax (Linum) and rye (Se-cale cereal) (Robinson 1994; Pihl 2013). The re-organization of the agrarian settlement pattern is observed in Western Norway, where sites during the Late Bronze Age move to more marginal areas (Diinhoff 2005). An important factor is also con-nected to the preference for growing barley, which already begins during the Single Grave Culture in Southern Scandinavia. Barley is known for its resil-ience to a colder climate and would be of cardinal importance for farmers who inhabited the northern parts of Scandinavia. Additionally, mobility and interaction is intensified and the ship becomes an important symbol found on rock carvings, bronze objects and stone ship settings (Wehlin 2013). All these changes could have made it possible for agrar-

Fig. 10. Sheep grazing on a field on Kvaløya, Troms.

481farmers on the move

so far north (Skandfer 2012). The climate may have been so harsh that it probably took several attempts to expand further north, which first succeeded dur-ing the Late Bronze Age and Pre-Roman Iron Age (Sjögren & Arntzen 2012; Skandfer & Høeg 2012). The less successful farmers either had to withdraw towards the south or switch to fishing, hunting and gathering, possibly supplemented by some livestock (fig. 10). The difficulties in establishing an agrarian society beyond the Arctic Circle may be related to non-resilient cereal types which could not tolerate short-term growing seasons and periods with frost (Leino & Hagen Sheet 2010). Currently, most of the 14C dates and pollen analysis supports an agrar-ian expansion primarily during the Late Bronze Age (Valen 2007: 33; Sjögren & Arntzen 2012) (figs. 2

noscandia during the Bronze Age and Pre-Roman Iron Age. Coarse asbestos ceramics of the Risvik type have been found in contexts associated with agrar-ian settlements from the Late Bronze Age and iron production sites dated to the Pre-Roman Iron Age (Jørgensen & Olsen 1988; Jørgensen 2010; Arnt-zen 2012). The distribution of the Risvik ceramics is concentrated on sites located on the outer coast in Nordland and Troms, whereas the area further north in Finnmark is dominated by Kjelmøy, which contains finer grained fragments of asbestos com-pared to the Risvik ceramics. The Kjelmøy ceram-ics have been found on hunter-gatherer sites within the inner part of the fjords and further inland, in areas which through historic times were dominated by Sámi populations. The differences in the asbes-tos ceramics emerge during the second millennium BC and have therefore been used as arguments for explaining cultural boundaries and different social exchange patterns between farming and hunter-gatherer societies (Jørgensen & Olsen 1988). The region beyond the Arctic Circle has probably been a patchwork of social contacts from the south and east creating different possibilities of contact by wa-ter and land routes during different seasons.

We should therefore not dismiss the possibil-ity of farmers trying to establish themselves so far north already during the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. At least one cereal grain of barley from Kveøya has been 14C dated to the Late Neolithic (Johansen 1990). At the site of Hjemmeluft near Alta in Finnmark, several sickles were produced by bifacial pressure-flaked technology in local chert (Nummedal 1929: 33; Gjessing 1942). The tech-nological approach in local chert had clear similari-ties to the Southern Scandinavian flint production of sickles, which could indicate some sort of contact (Apel 2012: 162). This sparse evidence could reflect pioneering farmers who did not stay permanently

Fig. 11. Map showing a preliminary interpretation of the agrar-ian expansion in Scandinavia during the Neolithic and Bronze

Age. Northern Germany (4100-3900 BC), Southern Scandina-via, Western and Southern Sweden (4000-3700 BC), South

Norway (4000-3500 BC), Western Norway (2600-2000 BC), Central Scandinavia (2400-1100 BC) and Northern Scandinavia

(1100-500 BC).

482 dynamics – mobility and organization lasse sørensen

contact could be associated with improved ships which could cross the open sea. Maintaining con-tacts through ship transportation became an easier task, which could carry humans and their ideas to-gether with new material culture, which is essential for the success of an agrarian expansion. The Late Neolithic/Bell Beaker expansion probably reached its limit somewhere in the central parts of Scandi-navia, which is demonstrated by the distribution of flint sickles. Nevertheless, we should not rule out the fact that pioneering farmers continuously tried to expand further north and possible even beyond the Arctic Circle. The first reliable evidence of ag-riculture in Northern Scandinavia is based upon 14C dates of barley, domesticated animals and pol-len analysis showing agraraian activities from the Late Bronze Age (1100-500 cal. BC). During the Late Bronze Age, a reorganization of the cultiva-tion methods seems to have emerged, which could have created new possibilities of establishing agrar-ian societies in Northern Scandinavia. However, the importance of the agro-pastoral subsistence in Northern Scandinavia is still debatable and might first have become really important during the Late Iron Age.

The transition towards an agrarian society can be interpreted as a complex and continuous pro-cess, which is dependent on a constant gene-flow of pioneering farmers and the local hunter-gatherers willingness to change their material culture, ideol-ogy and subsistence strategy. We are therefore deal-ing with several transitional processes which are different from region to region. One of the future challenges is to gain a more detailed picture of how and why the shifts from hunter-gatherers to farmers have taken place in the various regions of Scandi-navia.

& 7). However, the importance of the agro-pastoral subsistence in Northern Scandinavia is still debat-able and might first have become really important during the Late Iron Age. It is also clear that fishing played an important role during all the prehistoric times along the Norwegian west coast.

conclusions and perspectivesEvidence of agrarian activities in Southern Scandi-navia around 4000 cal. BC and the speed of the pro-cess in certain regions could indicate that agricul-ture was introduced by smaller groups of pioneering farmers from Central Europe. Generally, the impact of these pioneering farmers within the archaeologi-cal record is dependent on the local hunter-gather-ers’ ability and desire to integrate with the incoming farmers making the neolithization process different from region to region. Southern Norway is located within the periphery of the Funnel Beaker Culture, which might be the main reason why the impact of the agrarian society is so relatively vague in this region. The agrarian expansion during the Funnel Beaker Culture probably stopped in Southern Nor-way and north of the Mählerdalen, because the re-gions further north had a lower population density, colder climate, limited areas of easy arable soils and shorter growing season for crop cultivation.

The next agrarian expansion is associated with husbandry practices during the Battle Axe Culture/Middle Neolithic B (2800-2400 cal. BC) in West-ern Norway, where the settlement pattern changes and humans move towards the inner part of the fjords and stay there until the Late Bronze Age. The evidence of animal husbandry is based on 14C dates of several clearance layers and some pollen diagrams showing a more open landscape. However, no do-mesticated animals have been found from this pe-riod, thus weakening the argument. It is not before the Late Neolithic (2400-1700 cal. BC) that direct 14C dates can confirm domesticated animals and crop cultivation in Western Norway.

Whether the Late Neolithic expansion can be associated with the Bell Beaker Culture is still de-batable. However, the concentrated distribution of flint daggers and tanged points with straight wings on Lista and Jæren clearly demonstrates a connec-tion between Northern Jutland and Rogaland. The

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