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ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Exploring motivation and confidence in taking prescribed medicines
in coexisting diseases: a qualitative study
Allison Williams and Elizabeth Manias
Aims and objectives. To explore the motivation and confidence of people with coexisting diabetes, chronic kidney disease
(CKD) and hypertension to take their medicines as prescribed.
Background. These comorbidities are major contributors to disease burden globally. Self-management of individuals with
these coexisting diseases is much more complicated than that of those with single diseases and is critical for improved health
outcomes.
Design. Motivational interviewing telephone calls were made with participants with coexisting diabetes, CKD and hyper-
tension.
Methods. Patients aged � 18 years with diabetes, CKD and systolic hypertension were recruited from outpatient clinics of
an Australian metropolitan hospital between 2008–2009. An average of four motivational interviewing telephone calls was
made with participants (n = 39) in the intervention arm of a randomised controlled trial. Data were thematically analysed
using the modified Health Belief Model as a framework.
Results. Participants’ motivation and confidence in taking prescribed medicines was thwarted by complex medicine regimens
and medical conditions. Participants wanted control over their health and developed various strategies to confront threats to
health. The perceived barriers of taking recommended health action outweighed the benefits of taking medicines as pre-
scribed and were primarily related to copious amounts of medicines.
Conclusion. Taking multiple prescribed medicines in coexisting diabetes, CKD and hypertension is a perpetual vocation with
major psychosocial effects. Participants were overwhelmed by the number of medicines that they were required to take. The
quest for personal control of health, fear of the future and the role of stress and gender in chronic disease management have been
highlighted. Participants require supportive emotional interventions to self-manage their multiple medicines on a daily basis.
Relevance to clinical practice. Reducing the complexity of medicine regimens in coexisting diseases is paramount. Individua-
lised psychosocial approaches that address the emotional needs of patients with regular follow-up and feedback are neces-
sary for optimal chronic disease self-management.
Key words: comorbidities, diabetes, emotional support, hypertension, kidney disease, medication adherence, motivational
interviewing, self-management
Accepted for publication: 31 October 2012
Introduction
The comorbidities of diabetes, chronic kidney disease
(CKD) and cardiovascular diseases, specifically hyperten-
sion, are increasing in prevalence as population ages
(Sowers et al. 2001, Tong & Stevenson 2007). Self-man-
agement of these coexisting diseases is much more
complicated than that of single diseases, and appropriate
self-management is critical for improved health outcomes
(Bakris 2004).
Authors: Allison Williams, PhD, Associate Professor, School of
Nursing and Midwifery, Monash University Health Sciences,
Frankston, Vic.; Elizabeth Manias, PhD, Professor, School of
Health Sciences, The University of Melbourne, Carlton, Vic., Aus-
tralia
Correspondence: Allison Williams, Associate Professor/Campus
Head, School of Nursing and Midwifery, Faculty of Medicine,
Nursing and Health Sciences, Monash University, PO Box 527,
Frankston, Vic. 3199, Australia. Telephone: +61 3 9904 4377.
E-mail: [email protected]
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Journal of Clinical Nursing, doi: 10.1111/jocn.12171 1
Background
Adherence can be defined as the extent to which patients
follow the instructions they are given for prescribed treat-
ments: approximately 50% of patients do not take their
medicines as prescribed, and this risk increases as the num-
ber of prescribed medicines increases (Haynes et al. 2008).
A USA study of nearly two million older people with diabe-
tes and CVD showed estimated nonadherence rates for
oral hypoglycaemic agents, angiotensin-converting enzyme
inhibitors, angiotensin II receptor blockers and statin medi-
cines of 35, 42, 46 and 35%, respectively (p < 0�001)(Yang et al. 2009). With the addition of CKD, medicine
nonadherence rates are likely to be higher. Globally, medi-
cine-related morbidity has accounted for 4�3% of prevent-
able hospital admissions (Winterstein et al. 2003).
While pharmaceutical developments in chronic disease
management are extensive, innovations to help patients fol-
low medicine prescriptions in the presence of coexisting
chronic conditions have rarely been examined. Educational
chronic disease self-management programmes have prolifer-
ated in recent years, but their efficacy over the long term
has been questioned (Newman et al. 2004, Swerrisen et al.
2006, Khunti et al. 2012). Person-centred strategies, such
as coaching (Vale et al. 2003, Young et al. 2007), and
motivational interviewing (Rueda et al. 2009) have the
potential to detect patients’ concerns in managing their
medicines and therefore have the propensity to identify
helpful strategies for chronic disease self-management.
We developed a patient-centred intervention to improve
medicine adherence in people with diabetes, CKD and
hypertension (Williams et al. 2012). The present study
reports participants’ responses to the motivational inter-
viewing aspect of the intervention. The aim of this study
was to explore the motivation and confidence of people with
coexisting diabetes, CKD and hypertension to take their
medicines as prescribed over the course of the intervention.
Methods
Design
Telephone calls using a motivational interviewing approach
were made with participants with coexisting diabetes, CKD
and hypertension in the intervention arm of a randomised
controlled trial. The protocol of the multifactorial interven-
tion has been reported elsewhere (Williams et al. 2010).
Patients aged � 18 years with type 1 or type 2 diabetes,
stage 2–4 CKD [Modified Diet in Renal Disease glomerular fil-
tration rate (eGFR) >15–� 60 ml/min/1�73 m2] and systolic
hypertension � 130 mmHg were recruited from nephrology
and diabetes outpatient clinics of an Australian metropolitan
hospital. Thirty-nine participants were randomly allocated to
the intervention group.
Data collection
Demographic and medical data were collected on enrol-
ment to the study. Motivational interviewing telephone
calls were made fortnightly by the intervention nurse for a
period of 12 weeks following the intervention home visit.
Motivational interviewing is a person-centred counselling
method for enhancing intrinsic motivation to change by
exploring and resolving ambivalence (Miller & Rollnick
2002). The intervention nurse was trained in motivational
interviewing and observed the principles of expressing
empathy, developing discrepancy, avoiding argument and
supporting self-efficacy in the calls (Miller & Rollnick
2002, Dilorio et al. 2003). Each call followed a semi-struc-
tured adherence counselling script (Table 1), which was
adhered to for fidelity purposes.
The first call familiarised the participant with the motiva-
tional interview schedule and established the pattern for
following calls. Each call followed a similar format and
incorporated suggestions or queries made in previous calls.
The intervention nurse took comprehensive handwritten
Table 1 Motivational interviewing schedule
The script comprised sequential questions, commencing with
an open-ended question enquiring about participants’ well-being
An enquiry about participants’ blood pressure and medicines
followed, such as whether any changes were made to their
medicines, whether they have experienced any difficulties taking
their medicines and whether they have any concerns regarding
their health
Participants were then asked to score their motivation and
confidence with taking all of their medicines as prescribed from
1–10, with a higher score being more favourable
The participant’s responses to these questions (e.g. ‘Why did you
not choose a lower/higher number?’) were used to explore
uncertainties about taking medicines as prescribed using positive
self-motivational statements to encourage self-efficacy
A summary of the ‘pros and cons’ of these comments was
presented back to the participant, inviting suggestions and
discussion of strategies that have worked for other people to
enhance behavioural change
Participants were then asked to identify three life goals to expose
any areas of ambivalence between these goals and their current
behaviour
Before concluding the call, key points were summarised, desirable
behaviour was affirmed and a request for the participant to try
at least one strategy to enhance positive behavioural change was
made
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
2 Journal of Clinical Nursing
A Williams and E Manias
notes during each call to capture what participants said,
including short sentences and phrases which formed the data
set. Each call was incorporated into the analysis because of
the variety of responses between all of the participants and
between each participant at every time point. Participants
were aware that the intervention nurse was taking notes and
were sometimes asked to repeat statements to clarify medi-
cine names and enable notation. The notes were transcribed
after each call as soon as possible for clarification and to
maximise recall of information prior to importing the
data into NVIVO®, version 8 (QSR International, Melbourne,
Victoria, Australia), which was used to process the data.
Data analysis
Data were analysed using a thematic approach (Ritchie &
Spencer 1994), incorporating the modified Health Belief
Model (HBM; Rosenstock 1974, Becker 1976) as a frame-
work. The model assumes that people will follow pre-
scribed treatments if they believe that doing so will avoid
negative health outcomes, and that they have the self-
efficacy to follow treatments. People’s ‘readiness to act’ is
dependent on their perceived susceptibility to a particular
health problem, their perceived severity of the health prob-
lem, the benefits and barriers to taking positive health-
related action and self-efficacy (Glanz et al. 2002).
All transcripts were examined independently by two
investigators, and emerging subthematic patterns of analy-
ses were compared and scrutinised to reduce researcher
bias. Both investigators examined the final analysis for
agreement, consistency and valid interpretation.
Prior to commencing the study, ethics approval was
obtained from the ethics committees of the participating
hospital and university. Written informed consent was
obtained from participants prior to enrolment. The study
was conducted under the ethical guidelines of the National
Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (2007).
Results
The demographic characteristics of the 39 participants are
shown in Table 2. The intervention nurse made a total of
164 motivational interviewing calls (an average of four calls
per participant) totalling 19�4 hours (25,781 words)
between October 2008–August 2009. A median of seven
calls (range, 4–14) was made to each participant in an
effort to reach them every fortnight before the intervention
was completed at 12 weeks postbaseline.
The median length of each motivational interviewing call
was 11�75 minutes (range, 2–29 minutes), and the last calls
were generally shorter. Three participants were difficult to
contact: two participants claimed to have problems with
their home telephone lines and/or hung up and one partici-
pant did not have a private telephone whereby the costs of
the calls were provided to enable him to call at prearranged
times using a public telephone. Participants rated their
motivation between 1–10 in taking their medicines as pre-
scribed, which ranged from 5�5–10 (median 10), and their
confidence in taking their medicines as prescribed ranged
from 5–10 (median 10). Two participants were unable to
rate their motivation and confidence despite prompting.
Transcribed data produced 749 free nodes, which were
organised into themes of complex health problems, active
self-management, trying to self-manage and discontent of
the medical model of care. These themes and their subthe-
mes were then mapped to the motivational categories and
their components within the modified HBM (Rosenstock
1974, Becker 1976) (Table 3).
Table 2 Self-reported baseline characteristics of participants
(n = 39)
n (%)
Age, mean (SD)* 68�0 (8�3)Female 17 (43�6)Country of birth
Australia 14 (35�9)Italy 9 (23�1)Other 16 (41�0)
English proficiency level
Not well 1 (2�6)Well 8 (20�5)Very well 30 (76�9)
Support person at home 36 (92�3)Smoker 10 (25�6)Regular alcohol consumption (>weekly) 16 (41�0)Regular exercise (30 minutes walk three times
a week)
18 (46�2)
Blood pressure mean(SD)
Systolic 151�2 (14�5)Diastolic 76�3 (10�7)
Number of prescribed medicines mean(SD),
range taken each day*†7�6 (2�6) (1–10)
How long diagnosed with diabetes, years 18�6 (13�4)‡How long diagnosed with kidney disease, years 7�6 (7�4)§Number of other chronic illnesses mean (SD)* 7�7 (2�5)
*Age, number of prescribed medications and chronic illnesses as
indicated by Student’s t-test (all others indicated by Fisher’s exact
test).†The RCT used pill counts as a measure of medicine adherence and
insulin, and over-the-counter medications were not included in this
number.‡Median 18, IQR (6–25).§Median 4�5, IQR (2�5–10�5).
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Journal of Clinical Nursing 3
Original article Motivation and confidence in multiple medicine use
Individual perceptions
Importance of health
Wanting control of health. Individual perceptions that pre-
disposed participants to embrace positive health behaviour
related to how important they regarded health and a desire
to control their health. Such control related to their blood
pressure, blood glucose and weight:
Legs still bad – wish I had control over legs like I have over
diabetes. (Code 89, contact 5)
Alters medicine prescriptions. The most common
way these participants attempted to have control of
their health was by altering prescriptions. Most partici-
pants had limited health literacy and were unclear about
their complex health states and the purpose of their
medicines. Nevertheless, participants experimented with
their medicines without their doctors’ knowledge in an
attempt to control their health, placing medicine safety at
risk:
I experiment with tablets. I swap Diamicron [gliclazide] 80 with
Diamicron 30 MR every day. Trying to work them out… fiddle
with them… I manage medicines myself… take them when I think.
(Code 103, contact 1)
Use of complementary and alternative medicines
(CAMs). Participants attempted to have control of their
health by initiating the use of complementary medicines
such as fish oils, vitamin D and irritable bowel syndrome
support-medicine:
Will cease Ginko when finished as expensive. Trying OTCs [over
the counter medicines] to see if they make a difference [to my
health]. (Code 52, contact 1)
Perceived seriousness of disease
Thinking about mortality. Participants’ perceptions of the
seriousness of disease consisted of thinking about mortality.
Dying was a recurring theme throughout motivational
interviewing. The life goals that participants identified
almost unanimously pertained to staying alive. Three par-
ticipants had medical problems that they considered were
not going to kill them ‘just yet’:
When I have hypos [hypoglycaemia] on my own, I never know if
I will come out of it. I should be dead quite a few times. (Code
81, call 1)
Comorbidities complicate treatment. Nine participants
talked about how their other comorbidities interfered with
Table 3 Thematic analysis of motivational interviewing calls using the modified Health Belief Model (Rosenstock 1974, Becker 1976)
Individual perceptions Modifying factors Likelihood of action
Importance of health
Wanting control of health
Alters medicine prescriptions
Use of complementary and alternative
medicines
Demographic and psychosocial aspects
CALD influences
Family problems
Lack of resources
Perceived benefits of acting
Valuing medicines
Perceived seriousness of disease
Thinking about mortality
Comorbidities complicate treatment
Acute illnesses risk health
Interpersonal aspects
Partnerships with health professionals
Negotiating the healthcare maze
Difficulties with continuity of care
Perceived barriers to act
Cost of medicines
Too many medicines
No symptoms
Medicine side effects
Forgetting medicines
Actively resisting medicines
Wary of changes to medicines
Uninformed about health matters
Questioning the benefit of medicines
Targets unrealistic
Perceived threat of disease
Wishing and hoping
Denial – a cavalier approach
Looking to blame
Que sera sera
Cues to action
Learnt from prior experience
Seeking information
Self-efficacy
Positive feedback
Importance of a positive approach –
mind over matter
Likelihood of taking action
Having a supply of medicines
Support from family
Medicine reminders and routine
CALD, culturally and linguistically diverse.
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
4 Journal of Clinical Nursing
A Williams and E Manias
treatment options. For example, two participants reported
that prescribed medicines to correct one condition were
contraindicated by another. A participant with coexisting
liver disease stated:
Scared now to take iron [ferrous sulphate] tablets. They tried to
fix me up in one way and trying to kill me in another way [iron
overload]. (Code 102, contact 6)
Acute illnesses risk health. The difficulty in managing
multiple chronic illnesses was compounded when partici-
pants became acutely ill. Often, more medicines were
needed in addition to usual medicine regimens, requiring
another doctor’s visit and prescription fill:
Unable to get to the ‘phone-in bed with ‘gastro’ [gastroenteritis]
for three days. Blood pressure was high but now it has come
down. Had a very bitter taste in my mouth – was able to take
tablets – in bed for a few days – was dizzy – maybe blood pressure
was low. I couldn’t take my blood pressure when sick – it is 138/
82 today. Was too sick to have bloods taken for Hospital A clinic
coming next Wednesday. (Code 1, contact 2)
Perceived threat of disease
Wishing and hoping. Participants’ perceived threat of dis-
ease entailed wishing and hoping not to become sicker
than what they already were and looking for cures to
‘get rid of tablets’ (Code 27). Two participants enrolled
in a clinical trial in the hope of receiving a new medicine
that would control their blood pressure. Participants
wished that they had known more about the importance
of good disease control earlier on in their lives
before complications had developed, leading to feelings of
regret:
I wasn’t aware of [the dangers of] blood pressure earlier and if
I was, it would have been different. (Code 1, contact 1)
Denial – a cavalier approach. Not wanting to know
about health and denial were common features of the moti-
vational interviewing calls. Three participants did not have
functioning glucometers to test their blood glucose to direct
medicine doses. Participants commented that if they felt
reasonable within themselves, they were not overly con-
cerned about poor clinical manifestations such as high
blood pressure:
Blood pressure is 201 [systolic] – I am not overly concerned – I feel
OK. Not much point getting upset about it if I feel OK – 201 [sys-
tolic] is better than 210. Has been as low as 160/68 – I don’t know
– if it’s below 200, I feel like I have achieved something. It’s not
always high. I didn’t do anything different. (Code 16, contact 5)
Most of the participants talked about uncomfortable
symptoms dominating their health concerns, such as fati-
gue, poor vision, arthritic pain, respiratory problems and
itchy skin:
Blood pressure is alright – ‘thrush’ [vaginal candida albicans] drives
me crazy. The cream made it worse. I am still on [hormonal]
patches and have hot flushes. Could be stress, doctor says – daugh-
ter says I’m always stressed. (Code 25, contact 4)
Looking to blame: Participants searched for reasons as to
why they became ill:
Had a glucometer for 12 years before I got diabetes so that is why
I think Avapro HCT [irbesartan plus hydrochlorothiazide] caused
my diabetes – [diabetes] not in my family but I wanted to see what
my health was and then found my blood sugar 14 (mmol/L) at the
local doctors. Not a coincidence! (Code 42, contact 2)
Que sera sera. Despite wanting to be free of disease, par-
ticipants (n = 8) felt powerless to change their future and
enjoyed what life they had left to enjoy:
Whatever happens, happens – I wish I wasn’t a diabetic, have high
blood pressure, headaches, dizzy – have more confidence and
independence – be free, go to the shops. (Code 75, contact 2)
Modifying factors
Demographic and psychosocial aspects
CALD influences. The most important demographic factor
affecting motivation to take recommended health action
was whether the participant’s first language was English.
Twenty-three participants came from nonEnglish-speaking
backgrounds, placing health literacy and trust necessary for
optimal chronic disease self-management at risk. In prefer-
ence to using a hospital interpreter, participants came to the
clinic with family members who spoke English, or they found
doctors who spoke their language, resulting in additional
doctors providing care, which could lead to further problems:
I am not really very good – I still cough – he [doctor] says I have
asthma-sensitive chest and lungs – especially these tablets [perindo-
pril]. Blood test yesterday with new doctor – two bus trips and
walk. Went yesterday before it got hot… Hungarian Doctor –
[speaks] my language. (Code 62, contact 4)
Family problems. Female participants most often wanted
to talk about psychosocial concerns and emphasised ‘trying’
to take their medicines all the time. Some participants
(n = 7) had family obligations, such as caring for parents
and grandchildren, which contributed to difficulties with
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Journal of Clinical Nursing 5
Original article Motivation and confidence in multiple medicine use
self-management. Spouses often took on the role of admin-
istering medicines to lessen the stress of medicine adher-
ence. Some participants’ spouses knew more about
participants’ health than the participants themselves, who
preferred to take a passive role in managing their own
health. Alternatively, some partners worried about their
spouses’ approaches to their own health, where taking
medicines as prescribed or following doctor’s orders created
sources of conflict in the relationship:
Conflict with wife – she is disinterested and thinks I am obsessed
with my health. (Code 32, contact 1)
Becoming older was accompanied by loneliness, which
provided minimal incentive to take medicines as prescribed:
Watching TV – just me and the four walls and the TV – every day
is the same. (Code 91, contact 3)
Lack of resources. An important demographic aspect
influencing motivation and confidence to take medicines as
prescribed was a lack of resources. Limited or delays in
follow-up medical appointments and restrictions on equip-
ment, such as insulin pumps, led participants to worrying
about their deteriorating health:
Refused an insulin pump – “only for young people.” Every time I
go I start to get sick about it. They say, “I’m the doctor, not you.”
What can I do? I can’t try another doctor – [I’m in the] public health
care system. Insulin device is $6000–7000. (Code 102, contact 6)
Interpersonal aspects
Partnerships with health professionals. Interpersonal aspects
affecting motivation to take medicine as prescribed included
the critical partnership between the participant and the
healthcare provider. A few participants (n = 5) monitored
their health closely and enjoyed ‘nondictatorial’ partner-
ships with their general practitioners who they could talk
to, trusted and discussed their treatment. A participant who
instigated taking his medicines at different times of the day,
contrary to his prescription, stated:
No one is very happy with my pill change. My substitute GP
[general practitioner] is not happy. “Do it our way, we know
best.” I said, “Here’s the paper, here’s the [self-monitored blood
pressure] readings.” My GP said, “Oh, I wonder why?” I said,
“My way is working – which way should we go?” GP said, “Go
your way.” (Code 64, contact 4)
Navigating the healthcare maze. Navigating the health-
care system came with experience and a certain amount of
distrust. A lack of sensitive communication and partner-
ships between participants and the healthcare provider led
to participants to abandon health advice and ongoing refer-
rals or to submit fabricated health tests, for example ideal
blood glucose readings, so as not to be “ticked off by the
doctor.” (Code 89):
The general practitioner is for scripts only – no more than that –
he will not alter blood pressure medicines – must be at the
outpatient’s clinic. I don’t ask the pharmacy much – specialists are
my first line of knowledge. (Code 108, contact 1)
Difficulties with continuity of care. There were 20
instances relating to dissatisfaction with the quality of care
provided in the specialist outpatient clinics, affecting medi-
cine self-management. Two participants reported that if
they were not compliant with the clinic doctors’ orders, the
clinic doctors would not see them. Importantly, communi-
cation was hampered by a lack of continuity of care:
Gets mixed messages from doctors. Always different doctors in
diabetes and kidney clinics. (Code 62, contact 4)
Cues to action
Learnt from prior experience. All participants had learnt
from prior experiences that medicines had kept them alive
or had helped them to feel better when symptomatic.
Following healthy practices was also seen as advantageous:
Back on tablets and water pills and have seen GP [general practi-
tioner] – I’m feeling better. The last few days I’m back in full swing
with the tablets. One week I didn’t take any tablets. GP said I was
a naughty girl. (Code 21, contact 6)
Five participants had family members who were on dial-
ysis or had lost limbs from diabetes, a blatant reminder of
the consequences of poor disease control. One participant
was already confined to a wheelchair as an amputee. Par-
ticipants had learnt that if they complained, they drew
attention to themselves when all they wanted was to be
seen as normal:
Have many problems… can’t expect for everything to be normal at
my age. Remains motivated – it is the only thing that will help me.
(Code 1, contact 3)
Seeking information. Thirteen participants (nine men)
used information and advice from their general practitioner
and the Internet to make decisions regarding their medi-
cines. Four of these participants had concerns about high
potassium levels as a result of kidney damage, demonstrat-
ing an advanced understanding of medical information:
Avapro [irbesartan] not HCT [irbesartan plus hydrochlorothiazide]
anymore. Took my blood pressure readings to the doctor and he
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
6 Journal of Clinical Nursing
A Williams and E Manias
changed my meds [medicines] – off HCT because of potassium
research. (Code 42, contact 3)
Self-efficacy. Self-efficacy was a large component of cues
to take medicines as prescribed. Nearly all participants were
curious about their health and wanted to be well informed
and to participate in decisions regarding their care:
Breakfast automatic – pills and blood pressure – 67 years on insu-
lin. Start the increased dose of Coversyl [perindopril] today. The
only thing I have to watch out for is high potassium – it has been
6 [mmol/L]. (Code 43, contact 1)
Positive feedback. Self-efficacy was enhanced by positive
feedback, which reinforced good behaviour. Thirteen par-
ticipants reported being ‘pleased’ with good health reports,
which, in one case, initiated calling a sibling to share the
good news:
Blood pressure today was 130/70 at the doctors – I can’t believe
it – too perfect! Went and topped up scripts. (Code 3, contact 5)
Having illnesses for many years made participants critical
of health information and not wanting to ‘chop and
change’ (Code 64) their treatment:
My General Practitioner [GP] changed spiractin [spironolactone]
25 mg/day to 100 mg/day yesterday and I will start tomorrow. If I
find something wrong, I will stop it. I don’t trust GP entirely – I
like to have control. I will take it to show if there is any difference.
(Code 108, contact 4)
Importance of a positive approach – mind over matter.
An optimistic view enabled coping, which facilitated the
management of complex medicine regimens. Four
participants stated that they had no trouble taking their
medicines, where one participant stated he ‘could take 20,
no problem’ (Code 3).
Likelihood of taking positive health action
Perceived benefits of acting
Valuing medicines. The perceived benefits of taking medi-
cines related to how participants valued their medicines and
the perceived consequences of not being adherent, such as
being ‘scared not to take tablets’ (Code 88). Participants
prioritised which medicines were absolutely necessary for
their health. This necessity was dependent on the apparent
ability of the medicine to treat the condition or the conse-
quences of not taking the medicine:
Take all the medicines that I need – just not statin and aspirin –
and only take half coversyl [perindopril] as it makes me dizzy.
Prefer ramipril. Once finished coversyl, I will go back on ramipril.
(Code 62, contact 1)
Perceived barriers to act
The perceived barriers of taking medicines as prescribed
was the largest subtheme in the analysis, clearly overriding
the benefits of taking medicines as prescribed, and was
primarily related to copious amounts of medicines.
Cost of medicines. Prolific use of medicines was an added
expense for people and detrimental to quality of life, which
deterred medicine adherence. Some prescriptions provided
only 28-day supply of medicines for a calendar month. Dou-
ble-strength medicines were a way of saving on prescription
medicines by having two doses in one tablet, but some par-
ticipants reported doctors were reluctant to prescribe them:
Spends $1400 until the safety net starts [Australian Government
Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme threshold which enables medicines
to be purchased at less cost] – gets there in November now – it
used to be July. (Code 34, contact 1)
Information provided by the public hospital system
assisted patients to buy cheaper medicines, some of which
were through the hospital pharmacy.
Too many medicines. Keeping a constant supply of medi-
cines was difficult: prescriptions were lost or expired,
requiring another doctor appointment, and pharmacies did
not always stock particular medicines. Participants avoided
further medicines by not disclosing all their health problems
in medical consultations:
Dizzy – blood pressure, I suppose. Tablets, I suppose. Nearly live
at the doctors. (Code 21, contact 1)
No symptoms. The absence of symptoms provided little
incentive for people to take their medicines:
No symptoms is the problem – I never feel any different or feel
anything. Have symptoms when blood sugar low but >12–13
[mmol/L], don’t feel any different. (Code 3, contact 3)
Medicine side effects. The most common reason for par-
ticipants to stop taking their medicines was unpleasant side
effects that included hair loss, weight gain, urinary reten-
tion, fluid retention, blurred vision, diarrhoea and vomiting,
rashes, and pulmonary oedema:
Ranatidine caused headaches, tiredness and sore knees so I don’t
take it. (Code 88, contact 1)
Participants felt doctors were inclined to think side
effects were not from medicines, but ‘due to something
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Journal of Clinical Nursing 7
Original article Motivation and confidence in multiple medicine use
else’, so that their patients would continue to take the med-
icine (Code 39).
Forgetting medicines. Despite participants’ assurances of
taking medicines all the time, there were 19 instances indi-
cating that participants had forgotten to take their medi-
cines. These medicines were either taken later than required
or completely missed. Particular medicines were more likely
to be missed, such as statins, aspirin, metoclopramide, pan-
toprazole and vitamins, which were not seen as essential to
immediate well-being:
Whole life taking pills so it’s a routine. Sometimes I have forgotten
lipids [statins] at night. (Code 43, contact 2)
Five participants admitted to forgetting their insulin and
taking it later than prescribed. Forgetting to take medicines
was related to forgetting other activities of daily living,
such as forgetting to eat (Code 81) and forgetting to turn
off the oven (Code 34).
Actively resisting medicines. Eight participants disclosed
not taking their medicines because they deliberately chose
not to or were testing to see what would happen if they did
not. One participant did not take his medicines prior to see-
ing the doctor to see how he was without these medicines.
This participant was not adherent to his prescribed antihy-
pertensive medicines for many years, and when the doctor
cancelled the prescription, the person was left feeling that
he did not need them all along. A participant stated:
I’ve been taking medicines for so long I get a bit bored with it…
that’s just the way I am – for a week or so I may not take them
for a day. Occasionally I don’t take my medicines – 9/10ths of the
time I do – I like a bit of a break from them. (Code 65, contact 2)
Even participants who actively managed their illnesses
did not take their medicines all the time. A participant who
claimed to take his medicines as prescribed each day stated:
It [the medicine] does and it doesn’t [work] – my blood pressure is
up and down. The interviewer said, “Your blood pressure was high
there.” I didn’t take a pill that day. (Code 42, contact 5)
Wary of changes to medicines. Participants were wary of
changes in prescriptions which were frequent and were met
with trepidation:
They changed my meds [medicines] last week – changed my diabe-
tes med and increased dose. Diarrhoea and upset stomach. Stop
them for awhile and see how I go. (Code 25, contact 2)
Twelve participants had changes to their antihypertensive
medicines (most commonly, increased doses) during the
course of motivational interviewing. A different diuretic
may have been required because of high serum potassium.
A change in medicine brands, medicines running out at
different times and updates to insulin equipment inter-
fered with routine necessary to adhere to treatment as
prescribed.
Uninformed about health matters. Most participants
were generally uninformed about many important aspects
relating to their health, which was a barrier to taking
positive health action, for example what medicines were
prescribed for and the difference between brand and generic
medicine names.
Questioning the benefit of medicines. Nearly all partici-
pants questioned the benefit of their medicines when tests
fluctuated, and nothing else had changed in their daily
lives:
It [blood pressure] is either extremely high – 170/90 or 120/70 –
no pattern, absolutely. (Code 83, contact 4)
These fluctuations made participants dubious about under-
taking any new health initiatives, which was exacerbated by
the volume of prescribed medicines. Alternatively, partici-
pants became scared that they had run out of options to man-
age their health:
When you buy the stuff that doesn’t work, I think the worst.
(Code 25, contact 3)
Targets unrealistic. Taking medicines to reach set targets,
which were hard to achieve and seen as unrealistic, contrib-
uted to feelings of helplessness and being different to every-
one else:
A sugar of 7 [mmol/L] is hard to get – 8 is good for me. My
muscles ache from statins – will switch the meds [medicines]. Have
an appointment in a few weeks and will discuss side effect of
statins – haven’t stopped taking it yet. Plus iron levels. If something
is going to go wrong, it will with me. Everything goes wrong
with me and I don’t fit the standard norm. I am a difficult case.
(Code 39, contact 1)
Likelihood of taking action
Having a supply of medicines. Likelihood of taking action
was related to having a constant supply of prescribed
medicines:
Yeah, I’m alright. I’ve got plenty of pills. (Code 73, contact 4)
Support from family. Having someone to help participants
in taking their medicines was important for adherence:
As you know they [my medicines] are laid out for me – left to my
own devices, I don’t know how confident I’d be. I fob it off – my
wife puts them out. (Code 89, contact 2)
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
8 Journal of Clinical Nursing
A Williams and E Manias
Medicine reminders and routine. Instigation of personal
reminder systems such as automatic mobile phone
reminders (Code 42), dosette boxes (Codes 21, 52, 81)
and routines (Codes 3, 34, 43, 83) was necessary for the
confidence and motivation to take medicines as pre-
scribed.
Discussion
Motivational interviewing calls uncovered a better under-
standing of the motivation and confidence of people with
coexisting diabetes, CKD and hypertension in taking their
prescribed medicines daily. Clearly, the goal of obtaining
optimum medication adherence to produce therapeutic
medication levels (Lee et al. 2006) was a major challenge
for this group. Participants manipulated their medicines
because they believed that they knew their bodies best, and
they had the opportunity and choice to make these manipu-
lations.
The findings highlight important psychoemotional issues
at play in the self-management of chronic disease (Furler
et al. 2008): the quest for personal control of health,
fear of the future and the role of stress and gender in
disease management. Personalised approaches to enhanc-
ing and supporting motivation and self-efficacy are likely
to have more success than purely focusing on unrealistic
targets in chronic disease self-management (Walker et al.
2011).
Participants’ motivation and confidence in taking medi-
cines was thwarted by complex medicine regimens. Fluctua-
tions in health and symptomless diseases, irrespective of
their seriousness, provided minimal incentives to take medi-
cines as prescribed. Tensions arising from trying to be
normal added further complexity to these participants’ lives
where priorities were forced for some sense of quality of
life.
Most participants demonstrated poor memory and
heath literacy, affecting self-management skills. Partici-
pants were overwhelmed even though they valued the
medicines that kept them alive. Ironically, the medicines
that sustained life, for example hypoglycaemic agents,
were a constant reminder of vulnerable health predica-
ments. Serious and vulnerable health states led partici-
pants to adopt various coping strategies, such as denial
and looking to blame (Williams et al. 2009), which were
sometimes counterproductive.
Most participants wanted control over their well-being,
but their actions were sometimes misguided due to dis-
trust of the healthcare system from previous negative
experiences. Additionally, partnerships with healthcare
providers were made more difficult by multiple providers.
Yet, once participants discovered they could control
aspects of their health, positive feedback reinforced desir-
able behaviour.
The modified HBM was a useful framework to under-
stand cognitive factors that influenced motivation and confi-
dence to take medicines as prescribed, although the many
subthemes tended to fragment analysis. However, the model
highlighted perceived barriers to act – multiple prescribed
medicines, no matter how well intentioned, set people up
for nonadherence. Actions to address the overarching domi-
nance of polypharmacy in chronic disease management are
warranted.
The main limitations of this study relate to data collec-
tion. Audio-taping the motivational interviewing calls
would have captured the nurse interviewer’s dialogue to
demonstrate how motivational interviewing helped to
promote motivation and confidence in taking medicines as
prescribed. People were recruited from only one metropoli-
tan hospital, and people’s experiences in other environ-
ments, such as rural and regional hospitals, were not
captured.
Conclusion
Disease self-management is a constant vocation which has
major psychosocial implications. Participants in this study
faced a constant struggle of affording doctors’ visits and
medicines, collecting medicines, taking medicines, trying to
understand the intricacies of treatments and being normal.
Further research into nurses’ use of motivational interview-
ing in people with earlier disease states may assist in uncov-
ering cognitive factors that enable and reinforce desirable
behaviour for a lifetime. However, in the absence of a cure,
diseases progress and people will become sicker and in need
of supportive interventions to help them manage their
chronic conditions.
Relevance to clinical practice
Reducing the complexity of medicine regimens in coexis-
ting diseases is paramount. Regular follow-up and feed-
back by nurses and the health professional team are
necessary to ensure patients have sufficient knowledge
and understanding to self-manage. Motivational interview-
ing is increasingly being used by nurses as an evidence-
based approach to enhance behavioural change. Nurses
who have most contact with the patient are well placed
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Journal of Clinical Nursing 9
Original article Motivation and confidence in multiple medicine use
to use this counselling method in their daily practice. In-
dividualised psychosocial approaches that address the
emotional needs of patients delivered in naturalistic set-
tings by nurses are likely to have more success than
didactic, educational chronic disease self-management pro-
grammes.
Acknowledgement
We are indebted to the participants who freely gave their
time to participate in this research. This work was supported
by an Australian Research Council Linkage Postdoctoral Fel-
lowship grant (LP0774989).
Contributions
Study design: AW, EM; data collection and analysis: AW,
EM and manuscript preparation: AW, EM.
Conflict of interest
None.
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Journal of Clinical Nursing 11
Original article Motivation and confidence in multiple medicine use