Disease, religion and healing in Asia: Collaborations and collisions (pp. 54-68)

4 Wong Tai Sin The divine and healing in Hong Kong

Mark Greene

Hard work, success and health

The city of Hong Kong occupies a unique position in history as a crossroads between Western and Chinese cultures. It has been the haven for millions of refugees from mainland China and lays claim to be one of the greatest sources of “rags to riches” stories in the modern world. Accounts of such successes are not limited to popular icons such as Bruce Lee and Jackie Chan, but include the richest man in Asia, Sir Ka-shing Li. Hong Kong is also the wealthiest city in China. In addition, there is the story of the success of the Taoist immortal, Wong Tai Sin, whose cult of worship – although unheard of in southern China until the very end of the nineteenth century – expanded dramatically in lockstep with Hong Kong’s economic boom from the late 1950s. Today, the governing body that manages Wong Tai Sin Temple, the Sik Sik Yuen, is a pillar of the community providing education, housing, medical services and care for hundreds of thousands of residents in Hong Kong. The roots of the modern-day temple and the doctrine professed by Wong Tai Sin, “to act benevolently and to teach benevolence,” fi nd both source and target in healing illnesses.

Of note is the fact that a transformation has occurred since the late 1890s in the way that diagnosis and prescription-making is carried out in the temple grounds. In the early phase of the temple’s medical operations, a spirit-guided model was used exclusively. Nowadays, practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine in the temple’s employ examine members of the community free of charge and prescribe medicinal compounds accordingly. In the styles both of diagnosis and treatment, however, the image of this third-century Taoist saint prevails.

Most worshippers may not know the degree to which the theme of heal-ing is found in the Wong Tai Sin story. Indeed, the longstanding existence of free medical services provided by all Wong Tai Sin temples has played a major role in cementing the god’s popularity and inspiring legendary tales of healing since the inception of the fi rst temple dedicated to Wong Tai Sin in Guangdong Province just over one century ago. In addition, there are quasi-miraculous stories surrounding the god’s intercession in protecting the temple,

9781138023659c04_p54-68.indd 549781138023659c04_p54-68.indd 54 8/25/2014 6:57:53 PM8/25/2014 6:57:53 PM

Wong Tai Sin: The divine and healing in Hong Kong 55

staff and priests during the arduous three-and-a-half-year occupation by the Japanese during World War II. Today, more than 3.8 million people visit the temple annually to ask the god for blessings. Amongst this group are those seeking to avail themselves of the temple’s free medical services on the temple grounds. Queuing up as early at 5:30 a.m., 150 patients daily are granted entry to the clinic where they receive examinations by traditional Chinese doctors and are prescribed herbal remedies in pill form which have been formulated, compressed and packaged on site.

In the pilot study of the extensive research project on the temple grounds, the question asked was, “What connection, if any, does the worshipper/patient consciously make between the quality of medical assessment, diag-nosis and prescription of remedies available at the temple and his or her prevailing imagery of Wong Tai Sin, especially where the legendary healing powers and miracles attributed to the god are concerned?” The main question was phrased in this way to explore the extent of the possible intersection in the patient’s mind between religious/spiritual beliefs and positive outcomes resulting from medical interventions in this environment. Based on the suc-cess of that study, a larger research project was launched wherein 165 patients of the medical clinic were interviewed. Structured interviews were designed to explore respondents’ views on Western versus traditional medicine, and the effi cacy and imagery of the god Wong Tai Sin. All interviews were conducted in Cantonese in 2008. 1

Roughly translated as “Ask and it shall be granted,” the Cantonese expres-sion 有求必應 ( yauh kauh bit yeng ) is well known in Hong Kong to refer to the exceptional powers of Wong Tai Sin. In popular Hong Kong vernacular, this expression has evolved to describe anyone who is particularly helpful. What is it that the respondents in the sample asked of Wong Tai Sin? Among this group, requests most often made fell into fi ve categories: health (41.2 per-cent), safety (30.3 percent), career (4.2 percent), success in school for children and grandchildren (4.2 percent) and wealth (3.0 percent). Surprisingly, the immortal saint who would only need to hear one’s request before granting it receives only a small number of requests for wealth. If the numbers provide an accurate measure, it would appear, then, that worshippers feel the issues of health and safety are those that can always benefi t from heavenly intercession, while the mechanics of wealth accumulation fall primarily within the domain of hard work.

In light of the fact that the data collected for this study came from outpa-tients at a medical clinic in the temple grounds, it should not be surprising that their largest concerns are health-related. One can adopt a healthy lifestyle yet preventive measures may not always be suffi cient to ward off the fate of an individual or a city vulnerable to widespread health calamities. Indeed, since outbreaks of plague and viruses have fi gured large in Hong Kong’s his-tory – and do so to this day – it would seem logical for requests of intercession amongst the panoply of local and widely worshipped gods to include a great number of petitions for good health.


56 Mark Greene

Yet, if an individual believes it is possible to improve one’s fate through spiritual petition and is simultaneously convinced that hard work pays off, then a mild paradox emerges. One form in which this paradox appears is in the enormous attraction Wong Tai Sin’s blessings continues to provide hard-working Hong Kong residents. Pragmatism is another trait that is particularly characteristic of the Chinese so it should not be surprising that such an atti-tude would generalize into the domain of spirituality. The belief that fate and health can benefi t from spiritual intercession further reinforces what is known of traditional Chinese values. From a medical anthropological perspective, the evolution of those procedures and organizational parameters guiding the operation of the temple continue to satisfy the needs of worshippers by association with the saint even when no longer purported to be received dir-ectly from him via mediumistic spirit writing. That the effi cacy of the medical treatment has not suffered in the perception of the worshippers further sup-ports the notion of the plasticity of religious experience when juxtaposed and directly related to the mundane in the form of the health and wealth of the believers in this study.

The story of Wong Tai Sin

To do justice to what has been called the Wong Tai Sin phenomenon requires the telling of at least three stories. One is of the temple dedicated to the popular Taoist immortal, Wong Tai Sin, in present-day Hong Kong. Another is the supernaturally informed origin of the cult of worship in Guangdong Province that began around 1897 and its subsequent migration to Hong Kong in 1915. The third is the story of the medical diagnosis, treatment and healing that has occurred in the name of Wong Tai Sin at all four South China temples, including the present one, from 1897 to the present day.

These three strands intertwine to tell a remarkable tale. Among the most sali-ent details is the fact that Wong Tai Sin was virtually unknown in Guangdong Province prior to 1897. Indeed, this somewhat peculiar third-century Taoist immortal (see Figure 4.1 ) was reintroduced to Southern China through the efforts of a late Qing dynasty customs offi cial turned Taoist priest named Leung Gwan Ngam. The bubonic plague, which returned cyclically every summer for several years in the mid-1890s, brought death and wrought terror in the hearts of survivors in Guangdong Province and Hong Kong: “Neither the cause of the plague, nor its means of transmission were yet understood … the populations of Hong Kong and Guangzhou were made desperately anx-ious as the death rate increased all around them each summer … victims tried whatever medicines they could afford.” Indeed, priest Leung was inspired at this time “to return his mind to the rich tradition of Taoist religio-medical lore” of his native village that “led to his religious encounter with the god Wong Tai Sin.” 2



Through the mediumistic process of spirit writing, Leung and a group of devout followers made contact with Wong Tai Sin and sought his guidance during the diffi cult times that faced them. The messages they received – with Leung acting as medium – included prescriptions for remedies, an overall assessment of the dire situation and some serious scolding of the “people” to whom Wong Tai Sin attributed the cause of the plagues. Thousands of the god’s words were transcribed and published. These humble yet dra-matic beginnings are all the more poignant as most worshippers are not aware of the facts preceding Wong Tai Sin’s arrival in Hong Kong despite the wide acclaim, popularity and acceptance that he has received here.

Figure 4.1 Portrait of Wong Tai Sin (source: courtesy of Sik Sik Yuen, 2006 )


58 Mark Greene

Who is Wong Tai Sin?

Wong Cho-ping was born in Zhejiang Province, China in the late third cen-tury. Legend has it that under the tutelage of a mountain-dwelling Taoist deity, he mastered the alchemical process of refi ning cinnabar into a drug which when ingested conferred immortality. Although temples dedicated to Wong Tai Sin exist in Canada, the United States and mainland China, it is the Wong Tai Sin Temple in Hong Kong – after which the surround-ing neighborhood is also named – that annually attracts over 3.8 million visitors who seek the god’s blessings, proffer donations and thank him for previous kindnesses. The Cantonese pronunciation of his name is Wong Tai Sin ( 黄大仙 ) whereas in Mandarin, it is pronounced Huang Daxian. 3

The term Sin 仙 in Wong Tai Sin (the Great Immortal Sage Wong) refers to a “supernatural person who was once a human, but found a way to become immortal. The Chinese character for Sin uses the person radical, combined with the character for mountain, implying a mountain-man – that is, a hermit.” 4 The designation is an appropriate one, as evidenced by Wong Tai Sin’s autobiographical statement as received by the priest Leung and now printed on fl yers at the temple and on their website:

Autobiography of Master Wong Tai Sin As a young shepherd-boy, I spent my early childhood at Jinhua

Mountain located at the north of Jinhua City in Zhejiang Province. The mountain was said to have derived its name from Venus and Mou Nui constellation both of which were directly overhead.

Orientated at the north of Jinhua Mountain was the Hill of Red Pines where I took abode. The hill, densely forested and often hidden in clouds and fog, was seldom frequented by outsiders. Among thick natural vege-tation and interlocking peaks, there was a deep ravine named Jinhua, one of the thirty six caves of similar geological structures in the neighbouring district.

My childhood was marred by poverty and hunger, compelling me to start earning my daily bread as a shepherd-boy at the age of eight. At fi fteen I was fortunate enough to have been blessed by a fairy who led me to a stone cave where I learned the art of refi ning cinnabar nine times into an immortal drug. For forty years in succession, I lived in seclusion for the cultivation of Taoism until my brother broke this isolation. His early efforts were at fi rst futile. However, through the guidance of a Taoist fortune-teller, he located me. My brother queried me of the whereabouts of the sheep under my custody.

To this, I replied that they could be traced in the East of Jinhua Mountain. He was surprised, on arrival, to fi nd nothing but heaps of white boulders which quickly transformed into sheep at my call. Seeing this, my brother decided to follow my footsteps. He too reached enlight-enment and became an immortal.



Originally, I was named Wong Cho-ping, a subject of the Tsun Dynasty and a native of a place named Dan Qi. The derivation of my name as Red Pine Fairy was due to my meditation in Red Pine Hill. To differentiate myself from the Red Pine Fairy who was in close company of Chang Liang, I wrote this autobiography. 5

This received autobiography is the de facto statement regarding Wong Tai Sin’s origins and attributed miracle. To further unravel the Wong Tai Sin story, a special note should be made regarding spirit writing, the medium by which priest Leung and subsequent temple staff conducted all temple affairs and communication with the god up until the temple was fully opened to the public in 1956. It was at that point that the Sik Sik Yuen adopted standard boardroom voting procedures to decide on matters regarding temple management, the election of board members, chairmen and so on. An ornate bronze pavilion, located behind the administration building on the temple grounds, is where the last spirit writing was conducted at the current temple.

Spirit writing

扶乩 ( fuji or fugei ; see Figure 4.2 ) is a method for receiving supernatural guidance through a spirit-diviner. In this case, the medium was priest Leung, who used spirit writing from the inception of the cult in 1897 to receive Wong Tai Sin’s prophecies and prescriptions of herbal remedies and to aid followers in decision making. The following passage describes the method in more detail, locating the geographic domain of its practice in Southeast Asia:

Spirit writing is a popular form of divination used in Taoist temples and folk shrines located principally in Taiwan, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mainland China. The Chinese name for this traditional method is fuji ( 扶乩 ). The fuji diviner uses a stick to convey messages from a god or a spirit by drawing Chinese words in a tray of sand or on a table. Once the character has been identifi ed, a second person transcribes it for later study so that the drawing area can be swept clean to make way for the next word. Although the guiding force behind the stick’s movements is thought to be the god or spirit, the diviner participates in the process to the extent that he must be deemed deserving of the post by virtue of his good character. Spirit-writers generally appear to be in a mild trance and do not often show signs of overt spirit-possession. 6

Samples of some of these early messages from the rise of the cult of worship in Guangdong indicate a distressed and somewhat impatient god:

Today crowds of people come to the altar. Today I will have no spare time. When I see people around the altar I am really frightened. I put my head down and can’t help but cry.

Jing Mimeng ( Awake from Illusory Dreams ) I:60


60 Mark Greene

The plague is like an arrow. Once released, it cannot be held back. The plague is like a fl ood which has overfl owed the barriers. It’s hopeless to try to stop it.

Jing Mimeng ( Awake from Illusory Dreams ) II:12

Listen, disciples: I have known of these events even before they happened. Such evil will overwhelm the whole of humanity. It all comes from the wrong-doing of the people … I regret to see that the world is becoming immoral. I wonder why people still don’t know the proper way to behave. I’m giving you a message about your wrong-doing as clearly as if I were hitting you on the head with a stick, but still you’re in a daydream.

Jing Mimeng ( Awake from Illusory Dreams ) I:60–2 7

Figure 4.2 Spirit writing, or fuji ( 扶乩 ) (source: courtesy of Sik Sik Yuen, 2006 )



Mixed with his messages of salvation, Wong Tai Sin also prescribed herbal remedies that were fi rst provided free of charge at the temple in Fancun, Guangdong Province. Worshippers believed that these combinations of herbs could effectively cure their ills because the prescription was believed to have been received from the god himself. In this way, “a large follow-ing of commoners who could not afford to see a doctor when ill began to form in his name. From several reported healings, Wong Tai Sin’s reputation grew.” 8

The prescriptions were mostly issued through spirit writing at the fi rst temple between 1897 and 1900. By 1901, priest Leung had devised a pre-diction stick system in which “[n]umbered sticks in a container were shaken until one dropped on the ground. Each number corresponded to a differ-ent prescription slip, and hence the numbered stick represented the god’s prescription for the petitioner’s medical problem.” 9 Leung’s invention was practical in the sense that it addressed the needs of a growing number of worshippers.

Leung compiled a complete set of fortune-poems and of medical pre-scriptions … [so] worshippers could now obtain the god’s advice about their problems and illnesses simply by shaking out a fortune stick … Prescriptions were grouped into fi ve categories (for men; for women; for children, for eyes; and for external ills). 9

The number of plague deaths in Guangzhou numbered 80,000 by July of 1894, meaning roughly 8 percent of the city’s population had succumbed to the outbreak before the year’s end. Wong Tai Sin had already woven the mystical with the practical by providing healing prescriptions and savvy commentary on issues ranging from temple management to the political situation at the time. All of these messages were deemed to have issued from the Celestial Kingdom, a realm inhabited by Wong Tai Sin and other humans who had achieved immortality through strict Taoist practice. In the case of Wong Tai Sin, his ascendance to immortality was achieved through outer alchemy, one of the original forms taken by Chinese alchemy in the early fi rst millennium CE. By 1915, the cult of worship had already grown in sophistication, although it was still relatively young. Diffi culty maintaining the temple in Guangdong was confi rmed by spirit writing, prompting priest Leung and his son, Leung Gwan Jyun, to leave for Hong Kong.

The intersection between the pragmatic affairs of the temple and worship of the divine that characterized the cult at this early stage should be under-scored at this point. Indeed, Leung’s ingenious systematization of Wong Tai Sin’s prescriptions to a numbered series of fortune sticks illustrates this approach; this innovation met the objective of serving more worshippers while simultaneously allocating the time spent spirit writing to weightier purposes.


Mark Greene

Sticky Note

Unmarked set by Mark Greene

Mark Greene

Cross-Out

Mark Greene

Inserted Text

amounted to

62 Mark Greene

Wong Tai Sin arrives in Hong Kong

Priest Leung and his son, Leung Gwan Jyun, brought a portrait of Wong Tai Sin to Wan Chai, Hong Kong Island in 1915.

There, the portrait of the saint was enshrined and worshiped in a small building. Soon after, Leung opened a herbal shop on the ground fl oor of a nearby building. When a fi re destroyed the store, the elder Leung returned to Guangdong. His son remained in Wanchai and did his best to maintain the temple. Eventually, the son wrote the father asking him to return to Hong Kong. 10

After the elder Leung returned to Wan Chai,

[T]heir group of worshippers received guidance by means of fuji to build a new shrine near Kowloon City. In April of 1921, they were advised to “start walking from [the] Kowloon City Pier” in a northerly direction for 3,000 steps. “When they arrived at Chuk Yuen Village, they put a piece of bamboo into the ground as a mark” and then consulted Wong Tai Sin regarding the location. They learned, again through fuji , that the eventual centre of the temple needed to be moved three feet to the left and three feet backwards of the mark. It was at this point that the Sik Sik Yuen foundation was established to manage the temple. 11

The god’s power during the Japanese occupation

The people of Hong Kong suffered terribly during the Japanese occupation from late 1941 until the end of the war in August 1945. Of the estimated 600,000 who remained in the territory, many became acquainted with a number of stories concerning the Wong Tai Sin Temple and how it survived the ordeal virtually untouched. Most of these stories involved the Japanese authorities summoning, interrogating or otherwise harassing temple offi cials yet abruptly ceasing their hostile activities upon the occurrence of events which must have been interpreted by the Japanese as bad omens. For example, when the now priest Leung Gwan Jyun was ordered along with some village representatives to meet with Japanese offi cials near the Kai Tak airport to personally present their petition to be exempted from eviction,

[A] car drew up and the Japanese offi cial, on alighting from the car, slipped and fell. A second offi cial, alighting from a second car, saw that the fi rst offi cer had fallen, and went to help him, but he also fell. The Sik Sik Yuen’s account states that they injured their faces, and were covered with mud. The two offi cials were no longer interested in the villagers, and wanted only to leave as quickly as possible. They informed the vil-lagers that the matter would have to be postponed … The writer of the



account states that although the accidental falls of the two offi cials could be considered a stroke of luck, it was also evidence of the god’s spirit manifesting itself. 12

With the end of the war, Hong Kong saw its population triple in size within a span of sixteen months. This huge infl ux of immigrants consisted not only of returnees who had fl ed during the Japanese occupation but thousands of newcomers fl eeing the instability on the mainland. Most of these newcomers fi rst learned of Wong Tai Sin in Hong Kong, especially those who sought lodging in Kowloon where the Wong Tai Sin Temple is located (see Figure 4.3 ). Faced with crowded living conditions and other challenges in their daily lives, these immigrants and refugees turned to the now reputable Wong Tai Sin. As his legend grew, Wong Tai Sin became more closely associated with Hong Kong and was perceived by most people to be a local god.

Development of the Sik Sik Yuen: 1956 to the present

According to the Sik Sik Yuen, the managing organization of the Wong Tai Sin Temple:

The temple remained private until 1956 when Sik Sik Yuen successfully petitioned the Hong Kong government to allow the temple to be opened to the public on a permanent basis. As the number of pilgrims visiting the temple increased exponentially over the years, it became clear that the tem-ple needed to be rebuilt. The temple compound has grown considerably

Figure 4.3 Main altar, Wong Tai Sin Temple, Hong Kong (source: photo by Mark Greene)


64 Mark Greene

over the years and, in addition to the main altar enshrining the portrait of Wong Tai Sin, now consists of 17 principal buildings, some of which are dedicated to Kwun Yam ( Guanyin ), Confucius and the fi ve elements in Chinese culture: earth, water, metal, fi re, and wood. Furthermore, Sik Sik Yuen has grown into a formidable charitable organisation running a “wide range of welfare services that benefi t the community at large” including more than a dozen primary and secondary schools, child care centres and homes for the elderly. 13

With this background information, what has been called the Wong Tai Sin phenomenon can now be better appreciated for its unique history and character. It is within this milieu that the research was set, in the modern incarnation of the medical services unit still associated with the cult of worship of Wong Tai Sin.

Modern methods of prayer

It should be noted that the Sik Sik Yuen now provides worshippers with online access to prayer services. One need only visit the main website and click on ‘Online Prayer’ and then the Start button. A brief sequence of video clips plays, showing the point of view of a visitor entering the temple grounds in Kowloon. Some shrines and landmarks are identifi ed with English text. Finally, a screen form appears asking the user to enter their surname, name, email address and wish. The wish window has several presets available to choose from, including ‘Family happy forever’, ‘Prosper business’, ‘Academic improvement’, ‘Get well soon’, ‘Good health’ and so on. The online visitor is also free to compose their own wish, consisting of up to sixty characters. After entering other demographic information, including one’s date of birth, gender and location (‘Hong Kong, PRC or Overseas’), the user is ready to confi rm that the information has been entered correctly with one fi nal click of the mouse.

A new sequence of moving images is then launched, which begins by show-ing the arms of a priest inserting incense into a burner before the main altar. The camera follows the smoke aloft while the user sees his name along with his wish written on the screen with the promise that Taoist priests will con-duct an analogous ceremony for the blessing. Finally, one is prompted to make a suggestion, return to the main page or make a monetary donation (also online). Within a few seconds of completing the online prayer process, the user receives an email saying: “Thank you for using ‘Sik Sik Yuen Online Prayer.’ Welcome to our Temple for offering a thanksgiving to Master Wong Tai Sin in person later.” 14 That the Sik Sik Yuen provides virtual access as an alternative to concrete prayers and ceremonies is a testament to their ability to adapt to new technologies and embrace new methods of worship. At the heart of this online process, although it may strike some as being odd or detached,



one can still see that the worshipper’s intention continues to be honored with respect to their desire to receive Wong Tai Sin’s blessings. Online facilitation of prayer seems to be an excellent target for future research, especially with regards to the user’s expectations and experience of effi cacy when compared to praying in situ.

Preliminary fi ndings

As already mentioned above, the initial study asked, “What connection, if any, does the worshipper/patient consciously make between the quality of medical assessment, diagnosis and prescription of remedies available at the temple and his or her prevailing imagery of Wong Tai Sin, especially where the legendary healing powers and miracles attributed to the god are concerned?” This question, among others, comprised the research.

The demographics of the modest sample of twenty-four respondents inter-viewed at the medical clinic on the temple’s premises in the pilot study were remarkably consistent with the 165 respondents interviewed in the larger research project. The average age of respondents was sixty-three years old (range 15–90) with a female to male ratio of 2:1. Just over half called the neigh-borhood of Wong Tai Sin home while the remainder lived nearby in Kowloon or the New Territories. No patients reported Hong Kong Island as their place of residence. 34.6 percent of the larger sample either had no education or some primary schooling. 32.1 percent completed primary or had some secondary education, while 28.9 percent reported having completed secondary school. 4.4 percent reported having attended or completed tertiary education.

On average, the smaller sample reported visiting a Western doctor once every fi ve weeks over the past year (ten visits per annum). By contrast, the average number of visits to the Wong Tai Sin medical services clinic was once per week (fi fty-two visits per annum). Confi dence in the quality of medical care provided by the doctors at the clinic was rated on average at 4.62 using a Likert scale where 1 = not at all confi dent and 5 = very confi dent. Patients’ belief that the prescribed herbal treatment effectively cured their ailments was rated quite high, averaging 4.74 out of a possible 5. Finally, when each of the 165 respondents was asked to identify their religion, 40.6 percent reported having “no religious background”; 29.1 percent Taoist and folk religion; 14.5 percent Buddhist; 9.7 percent Christian; and 6.1 percent other. Within the group having no religious background, 73 percent also identifi ed them-selves as believers of Wong Tai Sin.

On the whole, participants ranked traditional Chinese medicine as more suitable than Western medicine. The main reason given was that herbal medi-cine is milder than Western medicine in the sense that participants reported fewer side effects from prescribed Chinese herbal medicine. Generally, all respondents indicated an extremely high regard for herbal medication’s effectiveness.


66 Mark Greene

Belief in Wong Tai Sin

Of the respondents in the pilot study, 90 percent reported offering incense to the god at this temple at least once during the past year. 75 percent had heard at least some of the stories and/or legends attributed to Wong Tai Sin. Only 8 percent of the respondents, however, could recall or were able to tell any such story related to Wong Tai Sin. Surprisingly, 54 percent of the participants were unable to identify the portrait of Wong Tai Sin. Still, when shown the portrait (see Figure 4.1 ), most reported feelings of “kindness, helpfulness, peaceful, nice, supportive, comfortable or relaxed.”

Attribution of effectiveness of medical treatment

54 percent of all participants in the pilot study held the belief that the positive effects of the treatment provided at the clinic were related to the god, Wong Tai Sin. 33 percent made no connection between the effects of treatment and Wong Tai Sin’s powers and 13 percent said they did not know or were unsure if any such connection existed.

Sample responses from patients

Case 1 – A forty-nine-year-old woman who came to the clinic to treat her liver identifi ed herself as a believer of Guanyin, the Buddhist bodhisattva of infi nite compassion whom the Taoists also worship. When asked about the effi cacy of the medication she received at the clinic, she replied, “I feel better after I take the medicine; if it’s meant to be, it will cure my cancer.” Regarding her attitude toward Wong Tai Sin and the temple, she added, “Sometimes I come to worship and donate.”

Case 2 – An eighty-one-year-old woman complaining of stomach ache, dizziness and general malaise noted, “Wong Tai Sin helps the poor” and “He is very rich; I hope he will bless me.”

Case 3 – A seventy-seven-year-old man complaining of constipation visited the clinic for an examination and free herbal remedies. He commented that “The spirit of Wong Tai Sin shows his power; he gives us doctors and medical care in return for our respect” and “Wong Tai Sin is my benefactor. He has granted me big favours and benefi ts others as well.”

Case 4 – A seventy-fi ve-year-old woman came to the clinic with hand pain. She said, “I come here because I have confi dence in the blessings of Wong Tai Sin; he blessed my grandchild.”

Case 5 – A woman who went the clinic complaining of “bone, hand and leg pain” held the belief that “Taking a prescription from God is helpful, I trust the doctors.” She also found the medication she received at the medical services clinic to be effective. When she viewed the portrait of Wong Tai Sin, she associated feelings of “calm, peacefulness and kindness” with it.



Follow up research, Medical Services Clinic

As stated earlier, lengthier interviews were carried out with 165 patients in the second phase of the research. Many of these questions explored perceived differences between traditional Chinese and Western styles of medical treatment. Evidence was found supporting the claim that believers of Wong Tai Sin tended to put more faith in traditional Chinese medicine than non-believers. Further, those patients who expressed positive affect when shown a picture of Wong Tai Sin showed a greater degree of confi dence in their expected cure and reported fewer side effects than those who did not experience any particular feeling when presented with the photograph.

Conclusion

By ascertaining the degree to which participants perceived they were more likely to be healed with traditional Chinese medicine and whether they were believers in Wong Tai Sin, it was shown that mental imagery of and belief in the deity function in parallel to the perceived healing process. Analysis of the data thus far shows that Wong Tai Sin performs an iconographic function in his role as saint for his worshippers. At the intersection of ethno-medicine and the psychology of religion, a case can be made here for the practical factors involved in the perception of the healing effi cacy of traditional medicine vis- à -vis Western medicine in a Southeast Asian context.

Notes 1 Greene et al. ( 2010 ). 2 Lang and Ragvald ( 1993 ), p. 12. 3 Greene ( 2009 ). 4 Lang and Ragvald ( 1993 ), p. 161. 5 Sik Sik Yuen [online]. 6 Greene ( 2009 ). 7 Lang and Ragvald ( 1993 ), p. 15. 8 Greene ( 2009 ). 9 Lang and Ragvald ( 1993 ), p. 27.

10 Greene ( 2008 ). 11 Greene ( 2008 ). 12 Lang and Ragvald ( 1993 ), p. 54. 13 Greene ( 2008 ). 14 Online Prayer from Sik Sik Yuen [online].

References

Greene , Mark ( 2008 ) The Alchemical Lore of Wong Tai Sin and the Contemporary Pursuit of Transformational Wellbeing . In 神州交流 ( Chinese Cross Current ) 5 : 4, pp. 90 –102.

Greene , Mark ( 2009 ) Spirit Writing. In Leeming , D. A. , Encyclopedia of Psychology and Religion . New York : Springer Science and Business Media .


68 Mark Greene

Greene , Mark , Yu Kai-Ching , Calvin and Wai Fu ( 2010 ) A Summary of Preliminary Findings: Pilot Study at Po Chai Hall, Medical Services Clinic at Wong Tai Sin Temple (Sik Sik Yuen), Wong Tai Sin, Kowloon . Hong Kong : Hong Kong Shue Yan University .

Lang , G. and Ragvald , L. ( 1993 ) The Rise of a Refugee God: Hong Kong’s Wong Tai Sin . Oxford : Oxford University Press .

Online Prayer from Sik Sik Yuen. Available from www.siksikyuen.org.hk/public/contents/article?ha=&wc=0&hb=&hc=&revision%5fi d=16567&item%5fi d=2015# [accessed 2011]

Sik Sik Yuen [online]. Available from www.siksikyuen.org.hk/public/main . [accessed 2010]


Disease, religion and healing in Asia: Collaborations and collisions (pp. 54-68)

Documents

Transcript of Disease, religion and healing in Asia: Collaborations and collisions (pp. 54-68)