Dialect at Himera: An Evaluation of Material and Linguistic Evidence

-1-

DIALECT AT HIMERA AN EVALUATION OF MATERIAL AND LITERARY EVIDENCE

DAN PLEKHOV

DICKINSON COLLEGE

INTRODUCTION

Thucydidesrsquo account (63-5) concerning the history of the Hellenic settlements of Sicily

is one that is more concerned with the foundations of these cities than their future roles in the

Peloponnesian War As such he provides invaluable details regarding their foundations

specifically the (relative) date of foundation the origin of the settlers and often the

circumstances under which these cities were established He is neither consistent nor exhaustive

in the details he provides for each city but nevertheless supplies important information for

understanding how these cities began Regarding the circumstances of foundation in three cases

Thucydides makes a point to clarify the institutions (νόmicroιmicroα) that were implemented at the city

labeling them by ethnic designations such as Dorian or Chalcidian These three cases are that of

Gela (643) its colony of Acragas (644) and Himera (651) It is no doubt significant that each

of these cases involve multiple groups of settlers from different and varied regions of the

Hellenic world and we must presume that it is as a result of the multi-ethnic nature of the

settlements that the ethnic institutions present in the city are clarified

Such clarification suggests that differences in ethnicity among Hellenic peoples were

tangible and salient elements of their identities and that it was important for a city as a whole to

project one of those identities The case of Himera being settled by Dorian Syracusans and

Ionian Chalcidians therefore presents a problem While Thucydides assures us that the

institutions of the city were Chalcidian he concedes that the language spoken at the city was

actually a mix of Chalcidian and Dorian He provides no details regarding the size of the

-2-

population that each ethnic group contributed nor the process by which institutions were

implemented Indeed Thucydides does not even define for us what he means when he discusses

the institutions of a city and it is unclear whether he considers the local language to be an

institution of the city

Therefore the purpose of this paper is to consider the role that language played in the

institutions of Himera We should expect that if nomima are the means by which a city projects

an ethnic affiliation as Thucydides implies dialect should be paramount among them Yet since

Thucydides tells us that the nomima of Himera was Chalcidian the fact that the dialect was

mixed requires a closer examination of the relationship between the language and institutions at

Himera

FOUNDATION STORY AND NOMIMA

Before exploring material or literary evidence a close examination of Thucydidesrsquo

account is necessary Regarding Himera he writes

καὶ Ἱmicroέρα ἀπὸ Ζάγκλης ᾠκίσθη ὑπὸ Εὐκλείδου καὶ Σίmicroου καὶ Σάκωνος καὶ Χαλκιδῆς microὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἦλθον ἐς τὴν ἀποικίαν ξυνῴκισαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐκ Συρακουσῶν φυγάδες στάσει νικηθέντες οἱ Μυλητίδαι καλούmicroενοι καὶ φωνὴ microὲν microεταξὺ τῆς τε Χαλκιδέων καὶ Δωρίδος ἐκράθη νόmicroιmicroα δὲ τὰ Χαλκιδικὰ ἐκράτησεν Himera was founded from Zancle by Euclides Simus and Sacon The greater portion were Chalcidians who went to the colony but they were accompanied by those exiles from Syracuse who had been defeated in civil war called the Myletidae The language became a mix of Chalcidian and Doric but the institutions that prevailed were the Chalcidian (651 my translation)

The first point of information he provides is that Himera was founded by Zancle a point other

sources are generally in agreement on1 Thucydides then provides us with the names of the three

oikists or founders who were responsible for leading the expedition to settle the city It is 1 The two other sources that deal with Himerarsquos foundation are Pseudo-Skymnos (285-290) and Strabo (626) 2 Domiacutenguez 2006 292 3 Castellana 1980 71-78 On the other hand Knoepfler (200095) argues that Sacon whose name is attested at

-3-

generally believed that each oikist represented a group of settlers of a specific origin or

circumstance2 Thus Antiphemus of Rhodes led the Rhodian contingent and Entimus of Crete led

the Cretan contingent that collectively settled Gela (Thuc 643) and there is a clear one-to-one

relationship between oikist and ethnic group While Thucydides does not tell us the origin of the

three oikists of Himera we can presume that one represents the Chalcidians from Zancle and one

represents the exiled Syracusans Clearly this leaves the last oikist with an unaccounted for

contingent It has been suggested that the name Sacon the third of the oikists listed by

Thucydides is indigenous in origin and therefore indicates a group of native Sicels who joined

the foundation of Himera3 Though Thucydides provides no information regarding the population

size of each group we know at least that the population of Dorian Syracusans was sizeable

enough to influence the dialect spoken at the city

The conclusion of Thucydidesrsquo account for Himera brings up several key words that must

be discussed First and most importantly the precise meaning of νόmicroιmicroα is unclear Thucydides

mentions ldquoinstitutionsrdquo (νόmicroιmicroα) in two other cases (643-4) when discussing the multi-ethnic

city of Gela and its colony Acragas He describes Gela as being established by a joint venture

from Rhodes and Crete both nominally Dorian regions and ends his description with a similarly

enigmatic statement that the institutions given it were Dorian4 Thucydidesrsquo description then

moves on to the city of Acragas founded later by Gela for which he again says that it was given

the institutions of the Geloans that is Dorian institutions5

Simon Hornblower presents several observations concerning the meaning of nomima

which Liddell and Scott translate as ldquousages or customsrdquo but is often summed up as

2 Domiacutenguez 2006 292 3 Castellana 1980 71-78 On the other hand Knoepfler (200095) argues that Sacon whose name is attested at Selinous and Gela was one of the Myletidae 4 νόmicroιmicroα δὲ Δωρικὰ ἐτέθη αὐτοῖς (Thuc 643) 5 νόmicroιmicroα δὲ τὰ Γελᾠων δόντες (Thuc 644)

-4-

ldquoinstitutionsrdquo He states that these institutions could be religious calendars and festivals the

language of official use coin andor weight standards or laws However in the case of Himera

and Gela at the time of their foundation coinage had not yet been instituted and there was no

such concept as Dorian or Ionian standards of coin and weight nor any of Dorian or Ionian law6

The institution of language is a tempting option especially as both Rhodes and Crete were

regions where the Dorian dialect would have been in use yet Thucydidesrsquo description of Himera

seems to treat language (φωνή) as being distinct from institutions (νόmicroιmicroα)7 The answer is not

clear from the text alone and Hornblower ends his commentary on these passages with a

recommendation that they deserve more attention than they have had8

John Boardman lists the institutions of a colony as the cults calendar dialect script state

offices and citizen divisions which are reproduced from those of the mother city9 However A

J Graham argues that when Thucydides says that most of the settlers were Chalcidians rather

than saying they were Zanclaean it is because he is preparing himself for his comment about the

nomima of Himera In this way the institutions of the mother-city are not as important as the

more general institutions and ethnicity of Chalcidian which Himera would adopt and project10

This interpretation is difficult to reconcile with Straborsquos account (626) of Himera in which he

says ldquothe Zanclaeans in Mylai founded Himerardquo thus using the Zanclaean ethnic name rather

than the Chalcidian11 On the other hand Strabo makes no mention of a mixed population or

dialect nor is he concerned with the institutions of the city

6 Hornblower 2010 291 For coinage see Kraay 1983 7 See Thuc 7572 for a similar dichotomy between language and institutions 8 Hornblower 2010 291 297 Gomme (1970) is notably silent on the issue entirely making only a small note referring the reader to a series of inscriptions in SGDI 3247-51 that preserve the ā 9 Boardman and Hammond 1982 153-55 10 Graham 1983 104-105 See Malkin 2011 73-74 as well 11 ὧν τὴν microὲν Ἱmicroέραν οἱ ἐν Μυλαῖς ἔκτισαν Ζαγκλαῖοι

-5-

Irad Malkin presents a more detailed interpretation for the meaning of nomima Malkin

describes the nomima of a city as the rituals and institutions set out when a city is first founded

and argues that the ldquofoundationrdquo of a city is the period between the arrival of the founder and his

death In the case of Himera where there are three oikists this period of time would not have

been definitive Malkin further argues that the means through which settlers integrated and took

on their new identities was that of the nomima which involved social divisions sacred calendars

and various legal institutions which altogether defined the social and religious nature of the

community Malkin states that ldquonomima served to assimilate all individual migrants into the new

social order so that after one generation all would become lsquoChalkidiansrsquo or lsquoPhokaiansrsquordquo12 In a

brief aside in which he specifically discusses Himera Malkin argues that the language became

mixed there because it was ldquoneutral not an object of symbolic and formal decisionrdquo Yet because

the city required common nomima from the beginning and could not wait for an ldquoevolutionist

mixture to emergerdquo as happened with the language the Chalcidian nomima were deliberately

chosen13 Therefore Malkin views language as being a ldquoneutralrdquo element of a cityrsquos character

and does not include it among the possible nomima of a city Hornblower Boardman and

Graham do include language as an element of a cityrsquos nomima though Hornblower admits that in

the case of Himera Thucydides seems to make a distinction

Further analysis of Thucydidesrsquo account shows that whatever role language played in the

institutions of Himera it may not have begun smoothly Thucydides uses different verbs to

describe the way the institutions were implemented at the various cities For Gela and Acragas

the verbs are ἐτέθη (was established) and δόντες (having given) respectively while for Himera

the verb is ἐκράτησεν (they prevailed) The sense between the two cases is markedly different

12 Malkin 2011 23 55 Malkinrsquos view is supported by Pindar Pyth 164 where he equates Dorian laws with the retention of Dorian ethnic identity (Nisetich 1980153-159) See also Brugnone 1997 77 13 Malkin 2011 192

-6-

Simon Hornblowerrsquos commentary on these sections suggests that the implications of the verbs

used for Gela and Himera indicate a ldquodefinite and single-moment imposition of institutionsrdquo

which is what one may perhaps suspect from a city founded by two groups of colonists who

shared the same ethnic identity14 But regarding Himera Hornblower suggests that the sense of

Himerarsquos establishment according to the verb choice implies ldquosomething less than impositionrdquo

as compared to that of Gela and Acragas In other words perhaps because of the mixed origins

of Himera the establishment of institutions there had a different nature than at Gela where both

founding parties were Dorian15 The sense of ldquoprevailedrdquo almost implies some kind of conflict or

struggle of which we have no evidence but it certainly indicates that the foundation of Himera

was not as straightforward as at Gela and we are left to suspect that ethnic differences may have

been the cause

Finally it is important to note that Thucydides has a particular agenda and bias in

composing his History of the Peloponnesian War The conflict is portrayed largely as an ethnic

confrontation between Dorians and Ionians16 and though his subject of the foundation of Sicilian

settlements predates the conflict his account must nevertheless be seen as influenced by his

overall theme It is therefore not surprising that later historical accounts make no mention of

nomima or ethnic affiliations even if they were as important as Thucydides makes them to be

Yet his comment about the language of the city even if inaccurate must have some

nucleus of truth Indeed the first century BC Alexandrian grammarian Tryphon is known to have

written a treatise on dialect called On the Dialect of Greeks and of Argos Himera Rhegium the

Dorians and Syracuse (Περὶ τῆς Ἑλλήνων διαλέκτου καὶ Ἀργείων καὶ Ἱmicroεραίων καὶ Ῥηγίνων

14 Hornblower 2010 290 15 Hornblower 2010 297 16 This is best demonstrated by the speech Thucydides provides for Hermocrates (680) when addressing the neutral Camarinaeans during the Athenian invasion of Sicily as well as later when he distinguishes combatants who fought for Athens or Sparta by ethnic group (757)

-7-

καὶ Δωριέων καὶ Συρακουσίων) which unfortunately does not survive Nevertheless his

inclusion of Himera in a study of Greek dialect suggests that its dialect was truly in some way

noteworthy In examining the archaeology and literary evidence from Himera the role the dialect

played at Himera may be elucidated

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

I first present briefly an overview of archaeological evidence for several institutions and

cultural elements of the city that do not normally involve writing or language The purpose of

doing so is to compare those institutions that involve language to those that do not to better

evaluate the role language played in the nomima of the city Beginning with ceramics Euboean

wares are certainly present from the earliest strata though they are even there mixed with a high

frequency of proto-Corinthian and Corinthian type amphorae as well as many non-Greek wares

that indicate an immediate and robust connection with wider Mediterranean trade networks17

Though the presence of Euboean ceramics is indicative of Chalcidian influences the presence of

other ceramics both Greek and non-Greek undermines the importance of this connection and

rather indicates strong commercial activity at Himera

Regarding religious institutions Diodorus (53) writes that the city of Himera was sacred

to Athena Archaeological excavation has uncovered evidence of such a connection in the

northeastern section of the upper city where there was a large temple complex the so-called

temenos of Athena The discovery of a bronze statue of Athena and a dedicatory inscription is

compelling evidence that temples A and B were in fact dedicated to Athena The Temple of

Victory constructed after the Battle of Himera in 480 may also have been dedicated to Athena

17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-

though this has not been confirmed18 Diodorus (53) also writes that there was a cult of Heracles

at Himera As support of this connection the metopes of Temple B show the various labors of

Heracles Various clay figurines of Heracles have also been found in domestic contexts and a

relief of Heracles bathing at a foundation (a reference to the thermal waters of Himera) is also

attested from Himerarsquos hinterland These lines of evidence are strong support for the presence of

a cult of Heracles at Himera19 Other archaeological remains hint at the presence of a cult to

Demeter though this interpretation is speculative20

Regarding burials three necropoleis are known for the city of Himera the east

necropolis west necropolis and south necropolis From the western necropolis more than 9000

burials have been excavated dating throughout the 240 years of Himerarsquos existence

Enchytrismos child burials those of children or infants buried within storage vessels are highly

attested though often within Corinthian amphorae Adult inhumations are extremely common

(88 of total burials) varying in form as simple pit graves (40 of inhumations) a cappuccino

(19 of inhumation) or enchytrismos (41 of burials) Cremations are also present at Himera

though they make up only about 12 of the total burials These burial practice and percentages

are consistent with what is found at other Sicilian Greek settlements regardless of Dorian or

Chalcidian ethnic affiliations21

Overall the archaeological record for the city shows intensive trade contacts with other

Greek parts of the Mediterranean as well as substantial trade with Phoenician Etruscan and

indigenous centers Himerarsquos unique position as one of two Greek settlements on the north coast

of Sicily the other being Mylai ensured that it would grow prosperous in trade However there

18 Vassallo 200567 19 Vassallo 2005 68 2012 3 20 Fischer-Hansen 1996 341 Vassallo 2005 70 21 Vassallo and Valentino 2012

-9-

is no evidence of specifically Chalcidian influences in the religious institutions of the city or the

burials The material remains are also diverse and varied enough so as to imply wide spread

contacts rather than specific Zanclaean or Chalcidian ones

COINAGE

The coinage of Himera is notable if for no other reason than that the amount that was

produced by the city greatly exceeded that of other minting cities in Sicily The preserved

volume exceeds even that of Zancle the mother-colony of Himera and Naxos the oldest Ionian

city in Sicily At Zancle sixty-one drachmae obverse dies are known while at Naxos there are

nineteen drachmae obverse dies From Himera by contrast are known 149 drachmae obverse

dies indicating not only a significantly greater production output but also greater diversity22

Himerarsquos unique position in northern Sicily was likely a contributing factor to why it began

minting currency so early likely drawing in Spanish silver from its trade connections23

The collection is divided into two major phases based on the presence or absence of a

hen on the reverse The hen and rooster which is on the obverse are believed to have

symbolized ldquohemerardquo as the rooster would announce the new day and the Greek word (ἡmicroέρα)

was close to the city name24 These phases are further divided into eight groups based on die

sequences (the pairing of obverse to reverse dies) Kraay infers from the complex die sequences

in many of the groups that there were short periods of intense production rather than a consistent

22 Kraay postulates further that the access to Spanish silver would have been necessary in order for Himera to produce the quantity of coin it did and as one of the closest cities to Carthaginian territory Himera likely would have had close relations with the Carthaginians to access the silver they controlled in Spain (Kraay 1983 11-14) 23 Boardman and Hammond 1982 431 Holloway 1991122 24 Holloway 1991 123

-10-

rate of production25 The chronology for the archaic coinage of Himera begins around 550 BC

with Group I and ends with the political takeover of Theron in 484 BC with Group VIII

A notable occurrence is the presence of an open heta in the full ethnic (HIMERAION) of

some coins in Group I which if truly dated to the mid-sixth century would be one of the earliest

attestations of this form especially in the West26 Later ethnics in Group III and IV are

abbreviated (eg Ηι) before the hen is added on the reverse to balance the rooster on the obverse

The script throughout these groups is entirely Chalcidian and there is no trace of Doric features

in the script or language

Aside from the script the weight of the coins falls within the range of weights for coins

from Zancle and Naxos suggesting that the Chalcidian cities had similar standards for minting27

It is therefore all the more striking when after Himera was conquered by Theron of Acragas and

much of the population massacred and replaced with Dorians in 476 BC the ethnics on the coins

immediately changed (eg HIMERA) to reflect Doric forms a Doric script and a different

weight standard28 Such a systematic and profound change to Dorian standards serves to

emphasize how non-Doric the coinage of Himera was prior to 476 BC and we can thus conclude

that the coinage of Archaic Himera indicates a strong Chalcidian influence both in language and

in standard

EPIGRAPHY

25 For example in sequence IVb ten obverse dies are paired with seven reverse dies of which five obverse dies are paired with only two of the seven reverse dies Altogether there are 154 reverse dies and 151 obverse dies present in the archaic coinage of Himera (Kraay 1983 13) 26 Kraay 1983 16 Jeffery 1990 245-246 27 Kraay 1983 19 28 Jeffery 1990 246

-11-

Some of the most extensive surviving inscriptions from Himera are in bronze This is

fortunate as many of these are official inscriptions that provide hints as to the institutions of the

city Thus we examine a rectangular bronze tablet found at Himera (SEG 531002SEG 451364)

which bears a boustrophedon29 inscription written in the Chalcidian alphabet and dated to the

mid-sixth century Antonietta Brugnone has compared this inscription to that of a Chalcidian

homicide law found at Monte San Mauro (SEG 464 SEG 36824) positing a possible

connection between the two Chalcidian sites regarding their legal structure30 Another bronze

tablet (SEG 471427 cf SEG 53983) dating to the early fifth century concerns the

redistribution of land and is also written in the Chalcidian alphabet

[-4-5 -]εντōν h εmicroίσχοι[νον] [ṓ]microατο[ς] ε[]ε[1-2]ειε micro⟨ο⟩ῖρ- [ ]εδε τον [οἰ]οπέδōν [1-2]- [α ]ιε κακε[ ] ἀγαθε[ ἐ]- λα δανκλαῖα ποιεσαι ἀ[]- 12 ν τοι αὐτο⟨ι⟩ αὐτὸν ἔχε[σ]- 4 αρεmiddot hαὶ φρατρίαι ἀ[ν]έδειξα- θαι ἐν hοιπερ h[ο microε] λ- ν τὰ καταγεγραmicro⟨micro⟩ένα middot ἰ- [αχō]ν γέες ἀναδαιθmicroο ὰν [δέ τι]ς πὰρ τὸ χάλϙōmicroα microνεσεται περὶ δ[ὲ] τ- ἐργάσδεται ε τὸ [χ]ά[λϙ]- 16 ο [ν] δεχο[microέν]ōν κατὰ τ- 8 [ōmicro]α [ἀφ]ανὲς ποιεσει ε θ[έλ]- ὸ χά[λ]ϙōmicroα καρτ- [ει λ]αθ[εν τ]ὶ περὶ το χα[λϙ]- ερο[]εντα [- - - - - - - - - - - -]

Antonietta Brugnone has also extensively studied this inscription She cites φρατρίαι (4) as

referring to the basis for civic divisions at Himera a traditionally Chalcidian institution31 In

regards to the alphabet and dialect the text is almost entirely Chalcidian especially with the

presence of koppas Notable forms here are ἐργάσδεται (7) which is a hapax and γέες

ἀναδαιθmicroός (14) instead of γῆς ἀναδασmicroός Another inscription on a stone base found in the

temenos of Athena dated to the fifth century reads ΕΥΚΛΕΙ As such it is tentatively offered as

29 The practice of alternating the direction of writing between lines 30 Brugnone 1997 84 31 Brugnone 2003 Vysokii 2013 43

-12-

evidence of a founderrsquos cult to Euclides still in practice by the fifth century32 If Euclides was the

leader of the Chalcidian contingent which we have no way of proving the presence of a

founderrsquos cult dedicated to him would be clear evidence of a Chalcidian institution

Recorded as well are a series of smaller private inscriptions One such inscription (CEG

392) was found in the area of Temple D at Himera on the foot of an Attic black-glazed vessel

dated to the sixth century The inscription reads

Ζενὸς ἐριγδούποιο κόρει γλαυκοπῑ Ἀθενει Θρίπυλος εὐξάmicroενος τενδrsquo ἀνέθεκε θεᾶι

The text is notable because the first hemistich matches that of Homeric Hymn 12 to Hera which

reads Ζηνὸς ἐριγδούποιο κασιγνήτην ἄλοχόν τε Though it is unlikely that the Homeric Hymns

were actually written by Homer their classification as such speaks to the epic style of their meter

and phrasing33 In this inscription however κόρει is a non-Homeric form but is rather attested in

Euboea Furthermore the Homericepic dative should be γλαυκώπιδι but instead is here

γλαυκοπῑ34 This inscription thus indicates that epic and Homer were known at Himera while

also providing a clear connection to the cityrsquos Chalcidian roots35 Another inscription on the foot

of an Attic kylix dated to the end of the sixth century reads Κριmicroνο καλε Τεισικλε[λ]ι δοκει The

script is also Chalcidian36

Important observations can be made from these inscriptions First those inscriptions

related to legal institutions at the city those inscribed on the bronze tablets reveal institutions

present at the city that have strong Chalcidian influences Furthermore the language these laws

were written in is wholly Chalcidian both in dialect and script The private inscriptions also

32 Vassallo 200520 33 See Thuc 3104 34 Dubois 1989 12 Arena 1994 56 35 Compare here as well Nestorrsquos Cup found at Pithekoussai another early colonial instance of Homeric allusion 36 Vassallo and Brugnone 1998 323-326

-13-

show little Doric influence but instead contain elements that can be related specifically to

Euboea

STESICHORUS A PROXY FOR MIXED-DIALECT

A useful line of evidence for studying Himera may be the works of Stesichorus an early

Archaic poet from Himera He is considered one of the early creators of the choral lyric genre in

Greek poetry a genre that is generally associated with the Doric dialect The benefit of studying

the works of Stesichorus is that they may provide a unique insight into the ldquovernacularrdquo dialect

spoken at Himera regardless of the relationship between the dialect and institutions We are

fortunate then to have a well-known poet from the Archaic period who is from Himera and

(most fortunate of all) some of whose work survives Making interpretations of vernacular

dialect from poetic dialect is problematic however as literary dialects often do not reflect the

dialect of the poet but rather the genre Transmission and preservation of works must also be

taken into consideration as emendation by later authors is not unheard of The interpretation

offered here is therefore tentative and serves to provide an additional perspective on language at

Himera

The Suda explicitly describes Stesichorusrsquo poems as being Doric as one would expect

from a lyric poet and indeed that seems to be the case37 His work is characterized by many

Doric elements present in the work of Alcman perhaps the first lyric poet and certainly the most

conservative of the poets in his use of Doric Similarities with Alcman are demonstrated by the

Doric retention of -ᾱ- such as in νᾶσον (Ion νῆσον S82) microατέρα (Ion microητέρα S176) and

Ἀθάνας (Ion Ἀθήνης 2099)38 While Stesichorusrsquo works contains many other such classical

37 καί ἐστιν αὐτοῦ τὰ ποιήmicroατα Δωρίδι διαλέκτῳ (Sud Σ 1095) 38 Felsenthal 1980 55-56 73

-14-

elements of the Doric dialect he is also well-known for his strong connection to the Epic genre

traditionally a mix of Ionic and Aeolic Greek and is often called the ldquomost Homeric of poetsrdquo

due to the epic nature and style of his poems39 Examples of this are the contraction -εε- for

which Stesichorus uses the Epic ndashει- instead of the Doric ndashη- such as in κείνα (Dor τῆνος

2233) Infinitives are also unique in their use such as εἶmicroεν (Dor ἦmicroεν S1025) and εἶν

(S15i7) the latter only known in inscriptions from Euboea This last form εἶν seems the

strongest connection between the language of Stesichorus and what we can expect to be at

Himera based on its Chalcidian roots40

While the dialect used by Stesichorus is not the mixed-dialect we would expect what

Doric he does use in his poetry implies that there may in fact have been more Doric in the dialect

of Himera than the inscriptions and coinage would suggest At the very least Stesichorusrsquo work

shows that Himera was a place in which Dorian and Ionian literary influences could be equally

felt and we have no reason to doubt that a mixed-dialect did in fact exist there

CONCLUSION

A more general question that may have been asked regarding Himera is whether the

institutions of the city can truly be described as Chalcidian The mortuary record is highly varied

and there is no burial practice that can definitively be shown to be indicative of Chalcidian

influences Furthermore the ratio of inhumations to cremations is consistent with that at other

Sicilian sites and not even burial goods provide any definitive links Though funerary practices

may not be considered institutions of a city we can nevertheless say that the burials at Himera

show no sign of an overarching Chalcidian influence The same can be said of the ceramic 39 Longinus Subl 133 See Barbantani 2010 23-41 for a lengthy discussion of the parallels later authors made between Homer and Stesichorus as well as possible Pythagorean connections 40 Felsenthal 1980 56-72

-15-

record which again is highly varied and reflects more the mercantile nature of Himera rather

than a specific cultural link to Zancle or other Chalcidian sites The religious institutions of

Himera also bear no clear Chalcidian influences Though there may have been a specific cult of

Athena worshipped at Himera we are not aware of one and Athena alone does not connect

Himera to Chalcidian institutions41 While most scholars would agree that religious institutions

are included in nomima there does not appear to be compelling evidence of specifically

Chalcidian religious institutions at Himera

Coinage on the other hand is an institution at Himera that we can very comfortably

describe as Chalcidian Not only do the weight standards of the currency conform with coinage

at other Chalcidian cities in Sicily but the script and dialect on the coins themselves is clearly

Chalcidian The inscriptions presented here also bear evidence of pronounced Chalcidian

influences in the legal and governing system of Himera which again is paralleled by the clearly

Chalcidian script and dialect in which they are written The use of the Chalcidian language

alongside such clear manifestation of Chalcidian institutions suggests that it some kind of

ldquoofficialrdquo language of the city In this regard language is in fact an integral part of the

institutions of the city if not an institution itself Though the city may not have thought of it in

these modern terms the ldquoofficialrdquo language of Himera based on the coins and inscriptions from

legal codes was no doubt Chalcidian

There is no reason however to doubt the presence of a mixed-dialect at Himera even if

the official dialect was Chalcidian In support I offer Stesichorus here as tentative evidence of

Doric influences in the ldquovernacularrdquo dialect of Himera though as always there is danger in

drawing conclusions from poetic dialects and literary works It is then significant however that

41 The cult of Athena Lindia was well established at Gela a Dorian city and was a clear reflection of Gelarsquos Lindian roots (Fischer-Hansen 1996 321-323)

-16-

the inscriptions and coinage are primarily institutional media and reflect the Chalcidian nomima

as we would expect while the works of Stesichorus a more private and personal medium reflect

far more what can be interpreted as the presence of a mixed-dialect at Himera The mortuary

record as well reflects this vagueness such that personal manifestations of identity do not have to

conform to the overarching identity projected by the nomima In that regard language in its

official capacity is an integral part of the institutions of a city but at the same time is separate

and distinct from them among the population

In reinterpreting Thucydidesrsquo account a more nuanced translation may be appropriate If

we translate φωνή with the sense of ldquovernacularrdquo language we can still allow for the ldquoofficialrdquo

language to be grouped under nomima By that interpretation the translation would read the

language of the people became a mix of Chalcidian and Doric but the institutions that prevailed

(including the official language) were nevertheless Chalcidian The extension from this is that

language could operate on multiple levels to define and emphasize identities Thus at Himera the

language served in its official capacity to affirm the historic roots of the city while in its

vernacular embracing the multi-ethnic nature of the city

-17-

Works Cited

Arena Renato Iscrizioni Greche Arcaiche di Sicilia e Magna Grecia Iscrizioni delle Colonie Euboiche Pisa Nistri Lischi 1994

Barbantani Silvia Three Burials (Ibycus Stesichorus Simonides) Facts and fiction about lyric

poets in Magna Graecia in the epigrams of the Greek Anthology Alessandria Edizioni dellOrso 2010

Brugnone Antonietta ldquoLegge di Himera sulla ridistribuzione della terrardquo PP 52 (1997) 262-305 --- ldquoNomima chalkidika Una laminetta iscritta da Himerardquo Atti delle Quarte Giornate Internazionali di Studi sullrsquoarea elima (2003) 77-89 Boardman John and Hammond N G L The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 3 Part 3

The Expansion of the Greek World Eighth to Sixth Centuries BC Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1982

Castellana G ldquoIndigeni ad Himerardquo Sicilia Archeologica 13(1980) 71-76 Domiacutenguez Adolfo J ldquoGreeks in Sicilyrdquo In Greek Colonisation An Account of Greek Colonies

and Other Settlements Overseas Volume 1 edited by Gocha R Tsetskhladdze 253-357 Leiden Brill 2006

Dubois Laurent Inscriptions Grecques Dialectales de Sicile Contribution a lrsquoetude du

vocabulaire grec colonial Rome Ecole Francaise de Rome 1989 Felsenthal Richard Albert ldquoThe Language of Greek choral lyric Alcman Stesichorus Ibycus

and Simonidesrdquo PhD diss University of Wisconsin-Madison 1980 Fischer-Hansen Tobias ldquoThe Earliest Town-Planning of the Western Greek Colonies with

special regard to Sicilyrdquo In Introduction to an Inventory of Poleis edited by Mogens Herman Hansen 317-373 Copenhagen The Royal Danish Academy of Science and Letters 1996

Gomme A W An Historical Commentary on Thucydides Books V(25)-VII Oxford Oxford

University Press 1970 Graham A J Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece Chicago Ares Publishers 1983 Hansen Mogens Herman and Thomas Heine Nielsen eds An Inventory of Archaic and

Classical Poleis New York Oxford University Press 2004 Holloway R Ross The Archaeology of Ancient Sicily New York Routledge 1991

-18-

Hornblower Simon A Commentary on Thucydides Volume III Books 525-8109 Oxford Oxford University Press 2010

Jeffery L H The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece A Study of the Greek Alphabet and its

Development from the Eighth to the Fifth centuries BC Revised by A W Johnston Oxford Clarendon Press 1990

Knoepfler Denis ldquoOropodoros Anthroponomy Geography Historyrdquo In Greek Personal

Names Their Value as Evidence edited by Simon Hornblower and Elaine Matthews 81-98 New York Oxford University Press for the British Academy 2000

Kraay Colin M The Archaic Coinage of Himera Naples Arte Tipographica 1983 Malkin Irad A Small Greek World Networks in the Ancient Mediterranean New York Oxford

University Press 2011 Nisetich Frank Pindarrsquos Victory Songs Baltimore John Hopkins University Press 1980 Vassallo Stefano ldquoIndagini in un quartiere della cittagrave bassa di Himerardquo In Wohnbauforschung

in Zentral- und Westsizilien Sicilia Occidentale e Centro-Meridionale Ricerche archeologiche nellrsquoabitato edited by HP Isler et al 81-90 Zurich Archaumlologisches Institut der Universitaumlt 1997

--- Himera cittagrave Greca Guida alla storia e ai monumenti Palermo Regione siciliana

Assessorato dei beni culturali e ambientali e della pubblica istruzione 2005 --- ldquoHimera Ricerche sullrsquourbanistica arcaica della citta bassardquo In La Sicilia in etagrave arcaica

dalle apoikiai al 480 aC edited by Rosalba Panvini and Lavinia Sole 196-200 Palermo Centro regionale per linventario la catalogazione e la documentazione 2009

--- ldquoLa colonia dorico-calcidese di HimeraDai dati storici di Tucididee di Diodoro Siculo

allrsquoarcheologiardquo Atti del VII convegno di Studi ndash Sicilia Antica (2012) 1-10 Vassallo Stefano and Antonietta Brugnone ldquoIl ricordo della bella krimno in uniscrizione di

Himerardquo Annali della Scuolo Normale Superiore di Pisa (1998) 323-326 Vassallo Stefano and Matteo Valentino ldquoScavi nella necropoli occidentale di Himera il

paesaggio e le tipologie funeraryrdquo In Sicilia occidentale Studi rassegne ricerche edited by Carmine Ampolo 49-71 Pisa Edizioni della Normale 2012

Vysokii Mikhail F ldquoAncient Greek Legislation on Sicily The Laws of Charondasrdquo In Ruthenia

Classica Aetatis Novae A Collection of Works by Russian Scholars in Ancient Greek and Roman History edited by Andreas Mehl Alexander Makhlayuk and Oleg Gabelko 31-43 Stuttgart Franz Steiner Verlag 2013

-2-

population that each ethnic group contributed nor the process by which institutions were

implemented Indeed Thucydides does not even define for us what he means when he discusses

the institutions of a city and it is unclear whether he considers the local language to be an

institution of the city

Therefore the purpose of this paper is to consider the role that language played in the

institutions of Himera We should expect that if nomima are the means by which a city projects

an ethnic affiliation as Thucydides implies dialect should be paramount among them Yet since

Thucydides tells us that the nomima of Himera was Chalcidian the fact that the dialect was

mixed requires a closer examination of the relationship between the language and institutions at

Himera

FOUNDATION STORY AND NOMIMA

Before exploring material or literary evidence a close examination of Thucydidesrsquo

account is necessary Regarding Himera he writes

καὶ Ἱmicroέρα ἀπὸ Ζάγκλης ᾠκίσθη ὑπὸ Εὐκλείδου καὶ Σίmicroου καὶ Σάκωνος καὶ Χαλκιδῆς microὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἦλθον ἐς τὴν ἀποικίαν ξυνῴκισαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἐκ Συρακουσῶν φυγάδες στάσει νικηθέντες οἱ Μυλητίδαι καλούmicroενοι καὶ φωνὴ microὲν microεταξὺ τῆς τε Χαλκιδέων καὶ Δωρίδος ἐκράθη νόmicroιmicroα δὲ τὰ Χαλκιδικὰ ἐκράτησεν Himera was founded from Zancle by Euclides Simus and Sacon The greater portion were Chalcidians who went to the colony but they were accompanied by those exiles from Syracuse who had been defeated in civil war called the Myletidae The language became a mix of Chalcidian and Doric but the institutions that prevailed were the Chalcidian (651 my translation)

The first point of information he provides is that Himera was founded by Zancle a point other

sources are generally in agreement on1 Thucydides then provides us with the names of the three

oikists or founders who were responsible for leading the expedition to settle the city It is 1 The two other sources that deal with Himerarsquos foundation are Pseudo-Skymnos (285-290) and Strabo (626) 2 Domiacutenguez 2006 292 3 Castellana 1980 71-78 On the other hand Knoepfler (200095) argues that Sacon whose name is attested at

-3-























-4-





















-5-
























-6-











been the cause












-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-3-























-4-





















-5-
























-6-











been the cause












-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-4-





















-5-
























-6-











been the cause












-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-5-
























-6-











been the cause












-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-6-











been the cause












-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-7-






















17 Vassallo 1997 89-90

-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-8-























-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-9-




COINAGE
















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-10-

















in standard

EPIGRAPHY


-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-11-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-12-






















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-13-


Euboea













Himera








-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-14-














CONCLUSION








-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-15-
























-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-16-
















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-17-

Works Cited















-18-


















-18-


















Dialect at Himera: An Evaluation of Material and Linguistic Evidence

Documents

Transcript of Dialect at Himera: An Evaluation of Material and Linguistic Evidence