DEMAND FOR MASS MEDIA IN FINLAND IN THE 1980'S

Mirja Liikkanen

Structural Change In The Communication System

The 1980's were a period of structural change in the field of electronic communication both internationally and nationally. It has become customary to characterize the change in terms of the concepts of Umberto Eco (1985) as a transition from "paleotelevision" to "neotelevision." During the period of paleotelevision, one publicly controlled transmission was intended for viewing by all at the same time, and indeed people did watch it at the same time. During the period of neotelevision, the supply of programs has become decentral- ized and privatized and audiences have differentiated. In practice, in most Western European countries the change has meant that private cable television companies, commercial national or regional television companies and private local radio companies have been set up alongside the public broadcasting company.

The transition has been further promoted by satellite programs, videos and remote control units. In Finland, too, private local radio stations have been established alongside YLE (Finnish Broadcasting Company) and cable television operations have expanded, notably the relaying of satellite programs. On the one hand, YLE has increased its own program supply; on the other hand, it has increased cooperation with the commercial television company, MTV Finland, by setting up the commercially sponsored Oy Kolmostelevisio Ab (Channel Three). In addition, TV 4 has been set up for the transmission of Sweden's television programs to parts of southern Finland.

The operations of the majority of the new units in radio and television broadcasting rely on advertising income. From the viewer's point of view, the change has involved at least a quantitative increase

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in supply and choice. At the same time, it has marked a shift to more entertainment in the overall structure of program supply. The sovereignty and possibility of viewers to choose their viewing times and viewing and listening channels has been augmented by the increase in video equipment and remote control units. With the aid of videos, it is possible to postpone viewing until the most suitable time, while a remote control unit makes it easy to skip from one channel to another.

At the same time, regional differences in the volume of supply have widened. In many sparsely populated areas, only the programs of YLE and MTV can be heard and seen, whereas the cable network areas of the largest cities offer Channel Three, several satellite channels, local cable television programs and program~ from neighboring countries. On the radio side, there is a choice of perhaps several local radio stations in addition to YLE's three channels.

For example, in the cable network areas of Helsinki, the supply of television programs amounted to 133 hours on an average November day in 1987. Of this, the share of cable television was 82 per cent, the share of TV 1 six per cent and the share of TV 2 five per cent. The shares of Channel Three and MTV were five per cent and two per cent respectively (T'tihonen, 1988). Since then, the programx of TV 4 have become available. In the Greater Helsinki area, depending on the location, it is today possible to listen to as many as seven private local radio stations.

The quantity of programs has also increased in areas dependent on the program supply of YLE and MTV, as YIE in particular has increased its program supply in response to the competitive situation in the 1980's. The biggest increases have taken place in YLE's regional program% which have increased nearly six times in terms of broadcast- ing hours in a period of eight years, from just under 4 000 hours in the financial year 1980/81 to just under 22 000 hours in the financial year 1988/89. Short-wave broadcasts have increased by more than 40 per cent, and nationwide radio broadcasts by about one quarter. During this period, YLE's television broadcasting hours have grown by about 30 per cent and MTV's by 10 per cent.

A Variety Of Monitoring Data

In Finland, audience studies for different media have mainly been carried out or commissioned by the research departments of the respective communication companies. The far-reaching changes in the communication field in the 1980's have induced both new and old

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communication companies to enhance the efficiency of studies con- cerning both their own audiences and those of their competitors.

Quantitative studies have become more accurate and concise. YLE, MTV and the Finnish Association of Advertising Agencies started a meter study of television audiences, in which television view- ins is studied with the aid of a device attached to the TV set. The study produces monitoring data for every day of the year and every hour of the day. YLE's Research Department also monitors radio listening. Private local radio stations and newspapers and periodicals commis- sion studies of their own. In addition, some commercial research institutes carry out studies of their own concerning the use of various media.

Communication companies carry out audience studies for the purpose of program policy planning. At the same time, they serve as market research. They can be used to monitor changes in the competi- tive situation, and they are also meant to be publicized. The research results create a picture of the different communication companies, their characteristics and competitive positions. As developments in mass communication are a socially interesting phenomenon and as communication companies are interested in both themselves and others, research results easily receive publicity. But, since studies are carried out using a variety of methods and samples, the public in recent years has been offered an array of competing figures concerning the differences in popularity between different communication companies and types of companies.

Common to all the various types of research mentioned above is that they seek to find out how many people follow the media, what they follow, who follows, for how long and when. The structural change in the communication system and the complexity of the competitive environment combined with other factors connected with change in society have given rise to the need for deeper analyses of the use of the media. Answers have also been sought to questions such as why the media are followed, how the media are connected with other structures of everyday life, what significance following the media has and what is created thereby.

Leisure Time And The Mass Media

Watching television, listening to the radio and reading newspapers are generally regarded as leisure time activities. Leisure can be defined in different ways depending on one's point of view. Leisure time can

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be regarded as time outside paid employment, freedom from family obligations, one's own time, or it can consist of certain activities defined as leisure time.

Changes in leisure time have been monitored, inter alia, by means of the Time Use Study of the Central Statistical Office. In thi.% leisure time is defined as a residual concept: leisure time is that time of the day which is left over after deducting the time used for sleeping, eating and other physical needs, paid employment, housework and full-time studying (Niemi and Pkknen, 1989). This definition differs from the definitions in everyday language. For example, dining in restaurants is included in physical needs, but mere drinking in leisure time.

The time spent on mass media is included in leisure time. The figures in the Time Use Study do not include media use during working hours, such as reading newspapers and books, listening to the radio, etc. According to the Time Use Study, the population of 10-64 years of age had an average of 41 hours of leisure per week in 1987. Men had 43 hours of leisure time, whereas women had three hours less, about 40 hours per week. Compared with the study undertaken in 1979, men's leisure time has remained unchanged. By contrast, women's leisure time has increased by about two hours per week. People under 15 years of age have the most leisure time and those in the 24-44 year age group the least (ibid., p. 42).

Nearly a half of leisure time was devoted to full-time following of mass media in 1987, or two hours 46 minutes a day on average. The time spent on following mass media has increased by about 25 minutes since 1979.

Television Viewing

Most of the increase in the time spent on mass media use is due to the fact that television is watched more than earlier. According to the Time Use Study, an average of one hour and 41 minutes a day was used for full-time television viewing in 1987; this is 23 minutes more than at the end of the 1970's. According to YLE's meter study, the average time spent on watching television in the financial year 1987/88 was one hour and 48 minutes a day (Kalkkinen, 1988, p. 22). The data in the Time Use Study are based on viewing in October/November while YLE's figure is the average for the entire year.

According to the Time Use Study, 80 per cent of the population watches television on an average day. Television viewing here also includes video. Recorded video programs were watched by seven per

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cent of the population on an average day, and rented cassettes by 1.5 per cent. At weekends, the share of video in total television viewing is larger than on weekdays. (Time Use Study, 1987, unpublished tables.)

Men continue to watch television more than women. Men spend one hour and 51 minutes on average watching television and women one hour and 31 minutes. Men have increased their viewing slightly more than women.

The time spent watching television is appreciably longer at weekends than on weekdays. Weekend viewing has increased especial- ly among men. On Sundays in particular, men watch television more than earfier, the rise from 1979 amounting to 34 minutes. On weekdays, viewing by women and men has increased by an equal amount (23 minutes). (Time Use Study, 1987, unpublished tables.)

Television viewing is strongly structured according to a daily pat- tern (Barwise and Ehrenberg, 1988, p. 17). The peak viewing time - prime time - is focused on certain hours in the evening. Hellman and Sauri (1988, p. 15) define prime time as those hours of the evening "when work has been done and the night has not yet begun ". It has been forecast that the emergence of neotelevision would be associated with a weakening or even a breakdown of the basic pattern of time used for TV viewing. However, this has not happened as regards television viewing in Finland. On the contrary, prime time appears to have strengthened, i.e. television attracts an increasingly large proportion of the population at roughly the same time of the evening. For example, the peak audience for YLE's main news broadcast was considerably higher in 1987 than at the end of the 1970's.

Some changes in viewing habits have nevertheless taken place as compared with the late 1970s. The most conspicuous change is that television viewing continues longer into the night than before, both on weekdays and at weekends. On weekdays, the peak viewing time still begins around seven o'clock in the evening but now goes on till about eleven. Day-time viewing, especially in the afternoon, has also in- creased somewhat.

The sharpest increase in late-night viewing has taken place on Saturdays, when 16.5 per cent of the population under 64 years of age are still watching television just before midnight.

By contrast, daytime viewing has increased on Sundays. The prime viewing time in the early evening has remained roughly unchanged, i.e.

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it starts a little earlier than on weekdays and ends slightly earlier than on week nights on average.

The daily viewing habits of women and men differ from one another to some extent. Most of the differences are probably due to the fact that women generally watch television less than men. At prime viewing time, a dearly smaller share of women than of men watch television. For example, the main television news broadcast on Sundays is watched by 65 per cent of men but only by 40 per cent of women. Mainly because of household work, women start their television view- ing slightly later in the evening on average than men, and they also finish viewing a little later.

Changes In TV Viewing In Different Population Groups

Television is watched the most by those whose everyday life is not built on the alternation of gainful employment and leisure time. Such groups include pensioners and the unemployed, who spend consider- ably more time on television viewing than other groups, well over two hours a day on average. Television viewing among these groups has also increased the most. These groups also spent the most time on concentrated radio listening. (Time Use Study, 1987, unpublished tables.)

Among the economically active population by socioeconomic groups, there are slight differences in the changes in television viewing between men and women. Economically active women have increased their television viewing. The biggest increase has taken place among manual workers and upper administrative and clerical workers and the smallest among employers and own-account workers. Among working women, upper administrative and clerical workers continue to watch television the least, though the difference has diminished. Television is watched the most by manual workers and lower administrative and clerical workers. Considered by socioeconomic groups, the differences in time spent watching television appeared to be smaller among women than among working men.

Among economically active men, television viewing increased the most among upper administrative and clerical workers. Next came lower administrative and clerical workers, manual workers and farmers. In contrast to other men, employers and own-account workers reduced the time they spent watching television. Among men, too, manual workers and lower administrative and clerical workers spent the most time watching television.

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This development seems to suggest that upper adminiqrative and clerical workers are changing their attitude towards television viewing. Those with a university degree also spent considerably more money than others on the purchase of electronic media equipment, such as color TV sets and video equipment, in the 1980's. Analyzed by age, those in the 34-44 age group watched television the least, and those over 55 years of age the most. The largest increase in television viewing took place among those over 55 years and in the 20-24 age group.

Neo Television?

One of the key characteristics used to describe "neotelevision" has been the dispersion of the audience of a single publicly controlled channel/channels into a set of different audiences which watch one or more of a number of different channels functioning on different prin- ciples. An accurate picture of these developments in Finland does not yet exist, though some studies have been carried out. T'fihonen (1988) studied television viewing in Helsinki in autumn 1987. In the study, a comparison was made between four groups formed on the basis of program supply. The public broadcasting population included, on the one hand, (a) those who could only watch the nationwide programs of YLE and MTV and, on the other hand, (b) those who in addition to these were able to watch Channel Three. By contrast, the cable popula- tion comprised those who, in addition to the above programs, could watch the programs of Helsinki Television Ltd.. The cable population was divided into two groups according to whether the viewers made use (c) only of free cable services or (d) also subscribed to pay-TV services.

The results indicated that viewing time was clearly the lowest among that part of the public broadcasting population which could not receive Channel Three. On the other hand, that part of the public broadcasting population which could watch Channel Three and the entire cable population had roughly the same viewing time on average. It emerged from the study that with the advent of new channels, on old channels lose viewers. However, the reduction depends on the nature of the new supply. For example, watching the new Channel Three has reduced the watching of nationwide channels. At the same time, total viewing time has increased somewhat.

On the other hand, the availability of free cable television services reduced the watching of other channels relatively little. In fact, that

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part of the cable television population that only made use of free services had the longest total viewing time.

Subscription to pay-TV services appears to influence the watching of other channels the most. Total viewing time in this group was no longer than in other groups, but pay-TV channels were watched at the expense of other channels. Both the nationwide channels and the programs of Channel Three were watched clearly the least in this group.

According to Tiihonen, there are more men than women in the cable television audience; more young and middle-aged viewers than elderly; more workers, students and school pupils than middle-class viewers or pensioners. It was pointed out in the study, however, that although in some groups cable television is clearly watched at the expense of other channels and cable television is the most watched "channeP, cable television accounts for no more than just over one- third of total viewing time at the most. It would thus seem that relatively little fragmentation into a cable audience and a public broadcasting audience had occurred by the year under study.

Neo Radio?

The developments taking place in radio broadcasting in the 1980's have resembled those in television. One can, with justification, also speak of the birth of "neoradio". Private local radio operations have quickly established their position, and new licenses are being issued all the time.

More often than not, radio is listened to simultaneously with other work or activities. For this reason, the Time Use Study, which only measures full-time listening in leisure time, does not describe radio listening in a very interesting fashion. In the following, radio listening is examined mainly on the basis of YLE's diary studies.

The population reached by national radio broadcasts has diminished markedly in the 1980's. Whereas nationwide radio broad- casts were listened to by nearly 80 per cent of the population on an average day in the early 1980's, these broadcasts reached no more than 60 per cent of the population in 1988. The biggest fall in the number of listeners has occurred in the Radio 1 network (Erholm, 1989).

According to studies carried out by YLE, the time spent listening to national radio broadcasts has not changed very much during the past ten years. National radio broadcasts are listened to somewhat more

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than two hours a day on average. National radio broadcasts are listened to most by farmers, housewives and pensioners, and least by full-time students. Young people in general listen to national radio programs far less today than earlier.

YLE's local radio network was listened to for 13 minutes a day on average in 1988. It was listened to most by farmers and lower ad- mlnlstrative and clerical workers. It reaches people in the 25-44 age group the best. Private local radio, in turn, was listened to for 26 minutes a day on average. It reaches the population aged between 15 and 35 years the best. Analyzed by occupation, private local radio is listened to most by employers and own-account workers and lower administrative and clerical workers. Local radio is listened to least by pensioners.

YLE's monitoring data cover the entire population. According to a study commissioned by private local radio stations on their reception areas (Radio Facts, 1989), the stations reach the public in these areas fairly well. According to the study, private local radio stations are mainly listened to on weekdays, when they reach an audience even bigger than that of YLE's most popular channel. Programs broadcast by private local stations are listened to for 135 minutes on average weekdays.

Radio listening can be said to have undergone something of a renaissance in the 1980's, at the same time as the field of radio has changed. Program supply has increased, and total listening time has grown. Young people in particular have discovered the private local radio, the programs of which consist for the most part of mnsic favored by the young.

The fact that music listening is especially a pastime of the young is also evident in the fact that the majority of them also actively listens to music on records, tapes etc. Records, tapes etc. had been listened to by 72 per cent of 15-24 year-olds during the week studied in spring 1989. Among those under 15 years of age, the corresponding proportion was one-third. In the other age groups, the listening percentages ranged from 3 to 17.

Cinema Going Cinemas and cinema going have experienced a serious crisis in the

1980's. Throughout the first half of the decade, attendance figures fell, reaching their lowest level in 1986. Since then, cinema attendance has been on a slight upward trend. There have certainly been many factors

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behind the fall in cinema attendance. The structural change which the entire communication system has undergone has been of key impor- tance. The supply of films on television has grown manyfold in the course of the 1980's. The breakthrough of color television has perhaps increased the attractiveness of television further. Moreover, video and the expansion in video rentals are obvious rivals of the cinema.

The cinema going population appears to have decreased in the 1980's. According to the Cultural Interest Study of 1981, nearly half the population had been to the cinema in the course of the year, whereas according to the Living Conditions Survey the share was just over 40 per cent in 1986. As previously, a slightly larger proportion of men than of women goes to the cinema. Among all age groups and both sexes, the share of those who had not been to the cinema at all during the year increased. In relative terms, the biggest reduction in cinema going has, however, taken place among the age groups that have traditionally been frequent visitors to the cinema, i.e. among young people and young adults.

The Outlook For Reading

Television viewing and reading are frequently contrasted in cul- tural policy discussion. Traditionally, reading stands for virtue, civiliza- tion, mental activity and high culture. In contrast, television viewing is easily conceived of as passive consumption of entertainment. It is feared that reading will fare badly as visual culture expands. The Finns have the reputation of being among the world's most avid readers. In this kind of context, however, there is seldom any mention of the content of reading, reading habits or the meanings attached to reading.

Among the entire population of 10-64 years of age, the average time spent on reading has remained the same from the end of the 1970s to 1987. An average of 49 minutes a day is spent on reading, about two-thirds of it on reading newspapers and one-third on reading books. Comparatively, men and women spend roughly the same amount of time on reading. However, this is distributed in different ways among them. Women spend more time on reading books than men do and have increased their reading of both newspapers and books to some extent. On the other hand, men read more newspapers than women. Compared to 1979, men have increased their reading of newspapers and reduced their reading of books. According to the Time Use Study, young people spend far less time on reading than earlier.

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All in all, persons under 35 years of age have reduced the time they spend on reading. The sharpest fall has taken place in the 20-24 age group (Niemi and Pkknen, p. 49). This is also the only age group in which reading of books has clearly decreased. Otherwise in all age groups, the reduction in the time devoted to reading has involved a reduction in the reading of newspapers and periodicals. When analyzed according to sex, it appears that young men in particular have reduced the time they spend reading books. On the other hand, persons over 35 years of age spend more time on reading than earlier. The greatest increase is in the oldest age group, those between 55 and 64 years of age. People in their early middle age, 35-44 years of age, have increased the time they spend reading books, while older people have increased the time they spend reading newspapers and periodicals.

Although reading is part of the everyday life of the majority of the population, it is particularly the highly educated population groups, in addition to women, that maintain the tradition of reading. This appears particularly well if we examine the amount of money spent on the purchase of books. Those with a university degree spent considerably more money, both in absolute and in relative terms, on the purchase of books than other groups in 1985.

Uses Of The Media And Everyday Life

The above examination of the consumption of mass media leaves many questions unanswered. It did not deal with such matters as contents, uses, the meaning of consumption for the consumer, the connection of mass media with everyday life and social relations, etc. In the study of mass media use, a need has arisen in recent years to expand and deepen the research methods.

In Finland, one of the most interesting attempts to deepen analysis to include questions like these was initiated by YLE. The aim was to apply life style and biography research to the examination of the uses of television in the new competitive environment. The project has so far resulted in two publications (Kymmenen esseet elmntavasta {Ten Essays on Life Style } 1986, Elm kuvavirrassa { Life in a Flow of Images } 1989).

According to J.P. Roos (1989), one of the researchers taking part in the project, use of the media as part of the life style is specially important as a means of indicating distinctions between life styles. Using "theme" interviews, Roos has studied families belonging to a generation of Finns which is often referred to as the generation of the

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Great Change. The interviewees had the following features in common: age about 30-40 years, married/cohabiting, 1-2 children, working in "modern" occupations. They differed from one another in terms of education, socioeconomic status and place of residence.

Roos discovered three ways of watching television, which accord- hag to him define the hierarchy of tastes between classes in the same way as the Frenchman Pierre Bourdieu's classification of tastes into the "choice of the necessary", " cultural goodwill" and the "sense of distinction" (Roos, 1989, and Bourdieu, 1979). He emphasizes, how- ever, that television viewing "tastes" are not pure. Roos links the ways of watching television he discovered to the different social strata as follows:

1) Typical of the working class is "acceptance of television as it is offered to us: as entertainment, a pastime, a provider of experiences and even of information'. According to Roos, such a straightforward attitude towards television which is free of critical distance and inter- pretation stems from a lack of cultural capital, from a sense of not experiencing any affinity to the field of culture.

2) Typical of the middle classes' attitude to television is "concern, anxiety, fear". Television is experienced as threatening one's control of one's own life; it is feared that television makes one passive, neglectful of much more useful things. Television is comparable to "bad com- pany".

3) Analysis of society and its distinction mechanisms through television, formation of rules for interpreting television and television viewing. "Television is experienced as an interesting and harmless medium". Features of this way of thinking were found by Roos among the so-called new cultural middle class and the culturally dominant class.

Roos summarizes his most important findings as follows: "In Fin- nish society, the naive attitude to television, i.e. watching all that is offered during prime viewing time, is becoming increasingly rare" (ibid., p. 89). According to Roos, more and more people carefully choose the television programs they watch. Their choices are based on cultural and social regularities which Roos characterizes as control of life. The worst threat to this control of life is represented by unlimited and undifferentiated television viewing. Roos makes the assumption that an increasing number of families are moving into a situation where

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television both governs life and is experienced as a threat and is used as a means of distinction.

Another way of extending the study of media consumption has been the attempt to link media use to other everyday activities and the family. In Finland, the interaction between family and television has been studied by 3uhani Ihanus (1989), among others. Internationally, this orientation has been represented especially by studies on women and by qualitatively oriented researchers.

One of the best known students of the family and television is David Morley (1986, 1988). According to Morley, a student of television viewing needs to develop a "double focus" which will enable him to study television viewing simultaneously as a ritual structuring domestic life and as an active way of consuming and producing (Mor- ley, 1988, p. 25). In his opinion, television viewing cannot be studied separately from other everyday life activities. The use of television is connected both to the internal communication and power relationships within the family and to the meeting of the private and the public.

Conclusions

Major changes took place in mass communication technology and in the mass communication system over the 1980% and ever more radical changes are expected in the future. But are these upheavals visible in our everyday life? Perhaps much less so than the talk of the communication revolution would lead us to believe. Everyday life changes slowly. The structure of everyday life is to a large extent determlned by the external conditions of life: working hours, organiTa- tion of paid work, children's day-care arrangements, travel to and from work, etc. For the majority of the population, the external order of the day is much the same.

The order in everyday life is also maintained by rituals, some of which are connected with the use of mass media. They structure the day and create a common time schedule. It is difficult to break the Finnish custom of reading the newspaper in the morning or after coming home from work, or of enhancing the feeling of security by listening to the news on the radio in the morning and watching the news on television in the evening, or of turning on the TV set when it is time for relaxation. The relation of periodicals, books and f'dms to everyday life is looser. Radio, especially the flow of local radio programs con- sisting mainly of music, fits in well with everyday life. No concentration

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is needed to listen to the radio; one can listen to it on the way to work, while working or while doing household chores.

It would be rash on the basis of the research results presented above to put forward very far-going conclusious concerning changes in the habits related to television viewing, reading, or media use in general. Some trends are nevertheless discernible. Although the com- munication system has indeed become fragmented in the 1980's, no particularly dramatic decline has taken place in the use of the tradi- tional media and channels. Television viewing has nevertheless in- creased. In Finland, men continue to watch television more than women. In many other countries, for example in the United Kingdom, the situation is the opposite (Barwise and Erhenberg, 1988). In part, this may be linked to the fact that an exceptionally large number of women are in full-time employment in Finland. It can be assumed that the use of mass media, especially by women, is linked to other factors defining the structure of daily life, such as paid employment, household work and the social relations and power structures within the family. Moreover, women in Finland are more oriented to literature and culture than men (see e.g. L'fikkanen, 1984) and also function, at least according to Roos, as controllers of television viewing by husbands and children.

Highly educated population groups in Finland have traditionally concerned themselves with literary and high culture. They have taken a negative attitude towards television, for instance, and have used television less than the other population groups. Now, it appears that their attitudes to visual and electronic communication are changing and becoming more open and less moralistic. Upper administrative and clerical workers have increased their television viewing consider- ably and spend more money than others on the acquisition of visual equipment. On the other hand, they are not giving up literary culture either; they are the most avid readers of books and spend the most money on purchasing them.

The greatest changes in attitudes to the different media and their consumption can be expected to take place among the youngest age groups. They have grown up in the conditions of fragmented com- munication and have learned to control and use the new communica- tion technologies. They are unlikely to have the same kind of commit- ments to the older media than the older generations.

Some symptoms of change are in fact already discernible. Young people read less than before. Generally, the reduction has taken place

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in the reading of newspapers and periodicals, but also in the reading of books in the 20-24 age group. Young listeners have left the national radio channels in favor of local radio stations. They go to the cinema less frequently than before, have increased television viewing the most and are active users of video. Young people also watch cable television where it is available.

Central Statistical Office of Finland

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