Being Nice or Being Scared? Personality Traits, Beliefs and ...
Contribution of visual art-making to the subjective well-being of women living with cancer: A...
-
Upload
independent -
Category
Documents
-
view
3 -
download
0
Transcript of Contribution of visual art-making to the subjective well-being of women living with cancer: A...
CONTRIBUTION OF VISUAL ART-MAKING TO THE SUBJECTIVE WELL-
BEING OF WOMEN LIVING WITH CANCER: A QUALITATIVE STUDY.
Abstract
This qualitative study examined accounts of women
diagnosed with cancer who engaged regularly in art as a
leisure activity. The objective was to explore
participants’ experiences of cancer and their views about
the contribution of art-making to their subjective well-
being. The study was based on the principles of
interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). A
convenience sample of twelve women aged between 23-74
years participated in semi-structured interviews, and
their accounts were analysed thematically. Participants
described a range of ongoing difficulties associated with
cancer such as fear for the future, pain, sleeplessness,
role loss, activity restriction, reduced self-confidence
and altered social relationships. They described art-
making as supporting subjective well-being in four major
ways. Creative activities helped participants to focus
outwards on positive life experiences relieving
1
debilitating preoccupation with illness. Art-making
enhanced self-worth and identity through providing
opportunities to demonstrate continuity, challenge and
achievement. It also enabled participants to maintain a
social identity that resisted definition by cancer. For a
minority, art enabled symbolic expression of feelings,
especially during chemotherapy. The findings supplement
previous case studies and suggest that meaningful
creative activity may provide psychosocial resources for
living with cancer.
186 words.
Keywords: Cancer, well-being, identity, art, creativity,
leisure
CONTRIBUTION OF VISUAL ART-MAKING TO THE SUBJECTIVE WELL-
BEING OF WOMEN LIVING WITH CANCER: A QUALITATIVE STUDY.
INTRODUCTION
The meaning of leisure activity for people with cancer
may at first sight seem to be a trivial issue, given the
degree of stress that is associated with this illness.
2
Perhaps reflecting such an attitude, there has been
little research from a social science perspective. Yet
more than a decade ago, Lahey (1993), a recreation
specialist, suggested that “Since the threat of death
poses the greatest possible challenge to one’s sense of
identity, those leisure pursuits which have contributed
powerfully to self-identification will be particularly
meaningful at this time” (p. xvi). This study explored
the meanings of art-making for women who were living with
cancer, to gain insights into the influence of creative
leisure activity on subjective well-being. It is
increasingly recognised that many people with cancer need
to draw upon psychosocial resources such as positive
attitudes, spiritual beliefs, information and support in
order to cope with their condition (e.g. Jenkins &
Pargament 1995; Dunn et al 2003). A better understanding
of the role of meaningful leisure activity in promoting
well-being may also help to inform professional
interventions and people’s own strategies for coping with
cancer.
3
Cancer can be profoundly disruptive of personal and
social identity (e.g. Carpenter et al. 1999; Mathieson &
Stam 1995). Stressful features of cancer such as pain,
potentially arduous and disfiguring treatments, and a
future perceived as highly uncertain all tend to
challenge the previously taken-for-granted relationship
with the self. Many describe cancer as bringing about a
profound loss of subjective control (Taylor 1983). In
addition to imposing a cognitive and emotional burden,
cancer poses threats to subjective well-being through
undermining everyday lifestyle and social relationships.
About 40% of number of people report losing their job or
taking early retirement after cancer diagnosis and
treatment (Spelten et al. 2002). Cancer still carries
stigma, and from a sociological view imposes an all-
defining ‘master status’ upon the person (Charmaz 1991;
Mathieson & Stam 1995). The person may yearn to establish
a sense of normality and an identity that is not totally
defined by cancer (Lam & Fielding 2003; Landmark & Wahl
2002; Shannon & Shaw 2005).
4
Some people respond to cancer by placing more emphasis on
personally enriching activities (e.g. Arman et al. 2001;
Arman & Rehnsfeldt 2002). Yet relatively few studies
have enquired in depth into the meanings of specific
leisure activities for people living with cancer. One
exception is the study by Tocher (2002). She interviewed
22 women with breast cancer who participated with other
survivors in dragon boat racing. Participants regarded
their leisure activity as enabling them to ‘live well’
rather than merely ‘coping’ with cancer. Shannon and Shaw
(2005) detected a similar theme in the interviews of
women with breast cancer. They found that participants
had re-appraised their leisure habits as they now ‘wanted
to be actively living and making the most of life’
(p207). Such re-appraisal may occur soon after a cancer
diagnosis. Landmark and Wahl (2002) interviewed women
recently diagnosed with breast cancer who reflected on
their need to engage with meaningful activities, to
provide evidence of their mental and physical strength,
to stay actively engaged in daily life, and to distract
their thoughts away from cancer.
5
Link et al. (2004) found that 11% of participants who tried
to control the psychological impact of their cancer in
daily life turned to creative activities such as painting
and writing. However, they did not examine in depth how
such activities enhanced participants’ subjective well-
being. Reynolds & Prior (2003) offered some insights
into this issue, albeit from interviews with women who
were living with both malignant and non-malignant
illnesses. They explored the meanings of art-making
guided by the principles of interpretative
phenomenological analysis (IPA) as described by Smith et al.
(1999). Participants’ accounts suggested that art-making
offered a way of managing many aspects of long-term
illness ranging from unpleasant physical symptoms to loss
of roles. Immersion in artistic activities helped to ward
off cognitive preoccupation with illness. The
participants’ accounts did not focus solely upon coping
with the restrictions of illness. They also revealed a
more positive project of re-engaging with ‘normal’ life.
As one participant explained: ‘Art blocks out sad thoughts or
6
frightening thoughts and scary bits…but it also moves you on.’ (Reynolds
& Prior 2003; p. 792). Art-making provided some
participants with new relationships and generally
restored feelings of competence and self-esteem. Present-
moment awareness was enhanced, enriching perceptual
experiences. Some appreciated that their illness had
catalysed a more positive lifestyle. Of the 35 women
participating in the study, six were living with cancer.
A more detailed examination of the role of art-making in
coping with life-threatening illness was recommended. In
response, a recent paper has presented three case studies
of people living with cancer to explore in detail the
role of art as a leisure activity in maintaining a
familiar, positive identity (Author, in press).
The purpose of this study was to supplement the findings
from individual case studies, and to identify recurring
themes in the accounts of a larger sample of women living
with cancer. The study sought to understand how visual
art-making as a leisure activity contributed to their
subjective well-being. An inclusive definition of ‘art-
7
making’ was used, to encompass the practice of any form
of visual art or craft resulting in a visible end-
product, whether at an amateur or advanced level of
expertise.
METHOD
Methodology:
This research aimed to gather rich ‘insider’ descriptions
of the creative process, and was guided by the principles
of interpretative phenomenological analysis, IPA (Smith et
al. 1999).
Ethical approval
The interviews were carried out following ethical
approval by the University Research Ethics Committee.
Participants were recruited through invitations placed in
national UK arts magazines. Those expressing interest
were given full information including the main interview
questions prior to giving consent. They were assured of
confidentiality and their right to withdraw from the
8
study at any time. In the quotations below, participants
are identified by pseudonyms.
Sample
Twelve women participated. The age range was 23-74 years,
with the majority aged in their late 40’s to 50’s. They
resided in many areas of England. All were White. Nine had
a professional work background but had discontinued
regular paid work since becoming ill. The others had
mainly been homemakers. Ten disclosed that they were
married or living with partners and most of these had
adult children living away from home. Participants had all
lived with cancer for at least a year, therefore gaining
some emotional distance from the initial trauma of
diagnosis. Six had been diagnosed with breast cancer and
the remaining participants reported other types of
cancer. Seven were currently receiving treatment for
cancer. Participants varied in time since diagnosis. Five
considered that they were facing terminal illness, five
expressed uncertainty and two were optimistic about their
longer-term health. It was considered acceptable to
9
include women living at different stages of the cancer
trajectory in this exploratory study. This is because the
stress of cancer is not confined to those engaged in
medical treatment. Long after treatment has ended, people
report remaining vigilant and fearful about recurrence or
metastasis (Bower et al. 2005.).
Procedure
Semi-structured interviews lasted between 1 to 2 hours.
All were carried out by the first author, audiotaped and
fully transcribed. Ten interviews were carried out in
participants’ homes, and two were conducted by telephone
according to participants’ preferences. Participants
reflected on their experience of cancer, initial reasons
for taking up art-making, and the ways in which visual
art-making as a leisure occupation contributed to their
subjective well-being. In relation to the last topic,
questions included:
1. Can you describe what is satisfying about creative
activity?
2. Do you think that your artwork has helped you to
10
express your feelings about your illness - or not?
3. In what ways has your artistic work helped you to
manage/ live with your health problems?
These questions were not asked in a rigid way but were
modified and probed, as needed, to guide a flowing
conversation.
Data analysis
Data analysis was carried out jointly with the second
author, focusing on the meanings of engaging in the
process of art-making (rather than interpreting content
or imagery). The authors’ different professional
backgrounds in psychology and occupational therapy helped
to limit the influence of a priori concepts upon the data
analysis. The authors spent a considerable period of
immersion in the transcripts. Based on the guidelines for
IPA (Smith et al., 1999), one lengthy interview transcript
was initially coded for microthemes. This list expanded
as subsequent transcripts were analysed. Gradually, the
‘micro-themes’ initially identified were clustered into
larger meaningful themes as the process of analysis
11
unfolded, aided by concepts recorded in a memo book and
discussion between the authors. The focus of this paper
is on the major recurring themes in participants’
accounts. An audit trail supported the confirmability,
and hence rigour, of the analysis.
FINDINGS:
Summarising the stressful aspects of cancer
Before examining the contribution of art-making to well-
being, it is important to acknowledge that participants
had faced many cancer-related problems. Indeed, they
referred to most of the stressful experiences that have
been reported in previous qualitative research (e.g.
Mathieson & Stam 1995). There is insufficient space to
give details but their descriptions included the initial
shock of diagnosis, the discomforts of treatment, feeling
out of control, fears for the future, negative changes in
some of their social relationships, early retirement from
work, and loss of self or identity. One participant
(Jean, aged 50) summed up her difficulties after
diagnosis of breast cancer: “That was a horrendous year.
12
Mastectomy, chemotherapy, radiotherapy…that was months of treatment. At
that stage I was feeling really battered”.
Patterns of art-making: brief outline
Most participants had engaged in considerable lifestyle
change since the beginnings of their illness. Half of the
sample had taken up art after their cancer diagnosis,
generally during the crisis of initial treatment; five of
the others had substantially intensified their
involvement. Only the youngest participant, a student
aged 23 years, had enjoyed creative art as a leisure
activity quite steadily throughout her life. Participants
engaged in many different types of visual art, including
textile art, card-making, collage, watercolour and
acrylic painting, and pottery.
Art and subjective well-being: Themes within the
interview data
Whilst the rich interview data provided testament to a
wide variety of subjective benefits of engaging in art
after cancer diagnosis, these were clustered into four
13
distinct themes, reported in Table 1. One theme was only
seen in the interview data of five participants. However,
because of its subjective importance for this group it is
included here. The remaining three major themes were
present in all of the interview data.
Insert Table 1 here************************
Although presented in linear fashion, it is important to
emphasise that the subjective benefits of art-making were
highly interconnected. For example, with the achievement
of better self-worth, participants described feeling more
confident in social relationships. Reciprocating care
(through hand-made gifts, for example) had individual and
social benefits, in building self-esteem, and warding off
pity from others. When participants focused attention
upon planning or creating artwork rather than dwelling on
their worries about cancer, they re-connected with a
familiar self-image as an effective, capable person.
Participants also felt that their social interactions
were normalised rather than dominated by the stigma of
cancer and ‘cancer talk’.
14
Art symbolised the cancer experience
Five of the twelve participants described their art-
making as enabling symbolic self-expression. However,
only one or two pieces of their artwork had this
function. Four of the five referred to a ‘chemotherapy
piece’, which generally had a symbolism that was
perceived only at a later stage. One participant (Carol,
aged 57, with breast cancer) recollected her first piece
of art: “I did a sort of collage …a deep dark ravine, all greens and dark
colours…the dark ravine was obviously where I was…that was the only one
that seemed to be symbolic. And I threw it away.” Symbolic expression
was not confined to fear or grief. Another participant
(Jean) interpreted some of her early artwork as obliquely
expressing her psychological strength during treatment
for breast cancer: “[The art] was something I could manage, I was
sure to get it right, right enough to say ‘I’ve done that, that’s fine, I’ll frame it’.
It stands for something in my life now …I keep it somewhere and I think it
says ‘that’s a stage in my life that I went through’”.
15
Although infrequently constructed, symbolic pieces
appeared to have great psychological significance,
enabling participants to express feelings about the
cancer, including hopes and vulnerability, that were
almost out of reach of conscious awareness at that
particular time.
Art-making focused attention on life experiences other
than cancer
Art-making was highly valued by all participants for
providing a strong cognitive and emotional involvement
with aspects of life other than cancer, thereby relieving
some of the stress associated with the condition. Deep
immersion in art-making was described as reducing
perceptions of pain, alleviating ruminations and worry
about cancer. For two participants whose pain was
difficult to control, art-making helped participants to
cope with long sleepless nights. Many participants
considered that their time-consuming projects had a wider
benefit, in helping them to retain positive plans and
hope for the future, even within the context of life-
16
limiting disease. These different sub-themes will be
further explored with selected quotations.
Many participants spent a substantial part of the
interview reflecting on their inspirations for artwork,
including the work of recognised artists, and the natural
and man-made environment. This emphasised their outwards
focus. For example, Marie (aged 55, with a life-limiting
blood condition) constructed fragile textiles out of silk
thread that she dyed herself. She explained how was one
piece was developed ‘from a combination of inspirations. I went to
Venice and was totally struck by the verdigris on the bellies of the horses in St
Mark’s Square... the fabulous, fabulous greeny gold rivulets going down the
belly of the horse…The other thing that struck me was all sorts of old doors
around the fish market. They were kind of really beaten up …it was so
textural.” With this degree of attention to her
surroundings, Marie felt able to give less attention to
her life-limiting illness. She explained: “I suppose my whole
approach to the whole problem with my health is put it on one side and do
the best I can with it. Otherwise, it can consume you. And it will”. This
strategy of re-focusing did not seem to reflect denial or
17
other defensive strategies. Rather, re-focusing outwards
enhanced the quality of subjective experience and reduced
unproductive and emotionally debilitating rumination upon
illness.
Many other participants referred to their outward focus
on art-making and the benefits of this strategy for
living with cancer. One participant (Carol, 57 with
breast cancer and lung disease) explained: “Four or five hours
can go by without your realising. It’s wonderful. You thought of nothing else. I
mean that’s the beauty of it”. Such complete mental absorption was
seen as helpful for managing the discomforts of treatment
and illness.
As well as reducing preoccupation with illness, art
(including the focus on outside inspirations, design,
texture, colour and the process of making) offered a
coping strategy for pain, nausea and sleeplessness.
Several had discovered that the more they focused upon
their bodies, the more unpleasant their symptoms became.
They had learned to break what they regarded as a vicious
18
circle. One participant described coping with pain during
sleepless nights: “It might sound strange, but it [art] is a way of… not
thinking of the pain. Or at least you’re thinking of something to take the pain
away, rather than the pain itself. So you’re not getting into a vicious circle of
saying, ‘I’ve got pain, I must be getting worse’ and then the next minute it is
worse.”
In most cases, participants’ outward focus also included
planning many future art projects. This strategy helped
to ward off negative preoccupations with mortality, and
maintained hope. Jessica (47, with breast cancer) was
perhaps the most articulate about this strategy: “I’ve got
notebooks of things that I want to do. If I lived until I was 107, I wouldn’t
finish everything and I think that’s a good thing. I mean especially when
you’re looking at a shorter life span, rather than concentrate on that, you
think, I’ve got to get this finished, I’ve got to do this and that, I think that
helps a lot”. Louise, aged 66 and currently receiving
treatment for breast cancer, was also adamant about the
subjective importance of having future goals: “While you’re
doing something, you’re not dying. Literally”.
19
Art-making maintained personal identity and self-worth
Physical and functional losses have deleterious effects
on self-worth and identity, and so do social role
changes. Participants described many ways in which art-
making was helping them to maintain or restore a positive
sense of identity, and to resist being overly defined by
cancer. Feelings of accomplishment through meeting the
challenges involved, ongoing learning and personal
growth, experiencing continuity through involvement in
long-standing interests, and enhanced choice and control
were all important benefits derived from creative
activity that helped to sustain identity and thereby
helped participants to live more positively with cancer.
Most participants used the word ‘challenge’ at least once
during the interview. One participant (Dorothy, aged 74),
who was paraplegic from a spinal tumour, welcomed the
challenges inherent in her art-making, explaining: “ I
haven’t got many challenges, so doing a difficult piece of [art]work is helpful”.
Another (Marie) enrolled on a City and Guilds textile art
course after her early retirement. “It was a massive learning
20
curve, but very challenging, which was just great…You know, unless you shift
your comfort zone, you just carry on being what you are”. She considered
that her new-found lifestyle helped to provide the level
of challenge and on-going development that she used to
enjoy in her former academic work.
Participants did not necessarily require the challenge of
an advanced course to feel achievement. For example,
Louise (aged 66, with breast cancer) enjoyed making hand-
made cards. “It’s a sense of achievement, you know. It beats anything. For
me, anyway”. That this could be helpful for living with
cancer became very clear later in her interview: “I don’t see
the sense of sort of going to bed and waiting to die, or sitting in a chair and
waiting. I would rather be doing something that I enjoyed and have
something at the end to show for it… It’s the sense of achievement more than
anything”.
During interviews, many participants focused at length
upon their inspirations, courses, internet contacts and
other sources of learning and skill development.
Participants emphasised the enjoyment and personal growth
21
associated with gaining new skills. They referred to
themselves as “blossoming” and “having something to knock me off
course”. As well as developing new skills, art during
leisure time also afforded opportunities for participants
to express some of their pre-cancer interests, even
within a context of diminishing physical function. This
outcome also can be interpreted as helping to maintain
personal, or biographical, continuity. For example, Eve
(48, with metastasised breast cancer) emphasised how
continuity of creative interests contributed to
‘normality’ within her life, and hence subjective well-
being: “Well, I think really it’s [important] doing normal things … Obviously
with all these sort of toxic drugs some days are less normal than others and
some days are more normal than others…I think really that by doing these
things [arts and crafts], I’m doing the things that I always did do, so those
always were my hobbies and I suppose I’ve just added a new interest or, like,
taken the interest into a different dimension”.
In many ways, participants had suffered a profound loss
of control over their lives. Some recounted difficulties
in gaining a correct diagnosis, and their sense of
22
vulnerability in entrusting their lives to medical
practitioners. Treatments sometimes had unexpected side-
effects, and the progress of the illness continued, for
many, to be uncertain. As disabled people, some faced
barriers to accessing taken-for-granted resources such as
transport and so on. Whilst many difficulties remained in
relation to cancer treatment and prognosis, art-making
was experienced as a haven of choice and control in
everyday life. Marie made this point clearly: “It is quite
hard to discover that you’re not going to live forever and your body’s gone a
bit cranky…Having a disorder of some sort makes you very aware of your own
vulnerability, you know. You used to be immortal and now you’re not, and if
you do creative things, they’re entirely within your control and it gives you a
sense of something that you can do something about. Because it’s coming
from within you and then you’re expressing it outwardly and you know, you’re
not vulnerable. You’re growing a little bit.”
Another participant (Jill, aged 50, who had finished
treatment for a pituitary tumour) agreed that art-making
gave her more power in relation to her cancer: “I don’t feel
I’ve been defeated…if I can do things like this”.
23
Art-making preserved an ‘able’ social identity
As discussed in the introduction, cancer tends to have a
powerful ‘master status’ that can radically re-shape
social relationships and interactions. Several
participants had suffered social difficulties as a result
of their illness. Louise recounted: “That’s the saddest part
about it. I had a friend, a really close friend, we worked together for years…I
tried to meet up with her but as soon as I mentioned the word that I’d got
cancer, I haven’t heard from her anymore. I’ve not heard from her since that
day.”
Jessica’s experience was similar: “I’ve known people hide…
because they don’t know what to say to you and you get comments. Someone
came up to me and said, ‘Oh, if I had to have a mastectomy, I’d kill myself.’
Very helpful! And what I actually said is, ‘Oh, it’s a good job I don’t feel like
that, isn’t it?’ But people are ridiculous about what they say and I think that’s
another reason for doing something that they can talk to you about, that’s
not cancer, because people are scared of cancer, aren’t they?”
24
Art-making provided a shared interest with others that
had nothing to do with cancer. With the cancer rendered
less dominant, a better quality of social life was
achieved, and stigma was resisted. Participants felt able
to retain active roles in their social circles rather
than feeling totally defined by the cancer diagnosis or
pitied as a ‘tragic victim’.
Art-making also provided a shared focus of social
activity for many participants. Those who joined courses
or set up arts and crafts groups of their own (e.g. for
painting, cross-stitch, patchwork, or charity fund-
raising) belonged on their own terms, rather than being
defined by their illness. Jessica said: “I think one of the
biggest factors in that is that your disability or your ill health or whatever isn’t
the most important thing in your life. I don’t think about it when I’m out and
about at all. I keep that for family. I think it’s boring listening to someone
else’s health problems and I think by having the art and the craft and
everything, it gives you that interest that you can talk about. I mean what do
people talk about? They talk about their work, their family, their hobbies, their
health”.
25
Some participants regarded their art-making as helping
family and friends to feel less concern about their well-
being. For example, Jean described wishing to protect
her young adult children from distress by having a
positive focus in her life during treatment for breast
cancer: “I’d still got three kids at home, early 20’s, old enough to be helpful
but in other ways I needed to protect them a bit. I wanted something so they’d
feel their mum was riding above this…so I joined the Embroiders’ Guild”.
Eve described sometimes sparing her friends details about
her breast cancer treatment. With her hand-made cards,
she took care to avoid focusing on her illness or
treatment: “If you sometimes include nice photos or you send a [pink]
ribbon or whatever and maybe that’s not so depressing for the people
receiving. Better than saying ‘Oh, this week I’ve been to the hospital again and
I’ve had another scan’ …Because people have been very good and they do
want to know what’s going on, but I don’t always want to be the bearer of bad
tidings. It’s nice sometimes to send something just a bit more cheerful”. She
not only exercised control over disclosure of her
illness; she also maintained her status as an equal
26
partner in her social relationships, giving as well as
receiving emotional care.
Making hand-made gifts was popular among the
participants. As well as spending enjoyable time in
making the gift, the act of giving also helped to
maintain or restore the status of the person with cancer.
Gifts helped to reciprocate care. The youngest
participant (Susie, aged 23, who was receiving treatment
for a brain tumour) explained: “I like to make things for people
who have done stuff for me or looked after me or been kind to me”.
Participants appreciated that hand-made gifts also
encouraged others focus on their positive talents, not
simply their cancer diagnosis. Gifts were sometimes given
as a strategy to ward off pity and to emphasise
personhood instead of cancer. For example, one
participant (Carol) returned to work after weeks of
chemotherapy with a set of embroidered waistcoats that
she had made for all of her colleagues.
27
For some participants with life-limiting illness, gifts
were viewed as a legacy, helping to preserve their
memory. Louise thought that she was unlikely to live long
enough to see her young grand-daughters marry, yet she
described embroidering wedding presents, ‘something to
remember me by’.
DISCUSSION
None of the participants ascribed any mystical healing
powers to their creative activities. Although art
therapists emphasis the symbolic functions of art (e.g.
Minar, 1999), art as a leisure activity rather rarely had
this purpose. Nevertheless, the artwork that did
communicate fear and hope in the early stages of
treatment had great psychological significance. Art-
making generally provided other sources of well-being.
Participants emphasised that they gained a sense of
vitality from ongoing engagement with the beauty and
creative inspirations of the physical environment;
participation in active planning and problem-solving; and
28
from observing development of their own artistic skills.
Art-making also offered opportunities to re-focus
attention away from distressing symptoms. Art-making also
offered a means of preserving a familiar personal and
social identity, maintaining personal continuity, control
and reciprocal relationships, in face of the physically
and social disruptive nature of cancer.
The themes that emerged were broadly consistent with the
themes derived from a wider sample of people living with
chronic illness (Reynolds & Prior 2003). However, the
intensity of emotional turmoil, awareness of limited
time, and degree of physical pain among participants with
cancer may have been responsible for the greater emphasis
reported here on managing the negative aspects of
illness. Compared with the previous study, participants
with cancer made fewer references to art as a catalyst
for other positive lifestyle choices (such as travel,
exhibitions, or courses). Art-making provided
opportunities to experience continuity, agency and self-
esteem, recognised as defining features of identity which
29
are readily threatened by cancer (Gillies & Johnston
2004). Art-making also helped participants to move beyond
preoccupations with self and mortality. It offered a re-
vitalising experience, preserving a healthy and vigorous
engagement with life. For at least short periods,
participants were able to escape from the liminal zone
between life and death that has been described by Sibbett
(2005).
Previous research has found that social support and
spiritual beliefs provide resources for living with
cancer (e.g. Gall and Cornblat, 2002). This study
provides fresh insights by revealing how a personally
meaningful leisure activity such as art-making helps to
re-establish a familiar, ‘normal’ and positive identity
during cancer and a sense of re-engagement with life.
Findings are consistent with previously reviewed evidence
about people’s needs to preserve an able social identity,
free from the labelling imposed by cancer.
30
The findings support previous qualitative research (e.g.
Luoma & Hakamies-Blomqvist , 2004; Luker et al., 1996) that
has documented how some people cope with cancer by
getting on with their lives (‘living well’) rather than
dwelling on their illness. However, Luoma & Hakamies-
Blomqvist (2004) interpreted participants’ desire to
focus on experiences other than cancer as a form of
conscious denial or reality distortion. They used this
term to describe participants’ strategy of trying not to
think about their illness, instead seeking absorbing
pastimes such as watching films. Yet denial occurs when
people reduce their anxieties by refusing, consciously or
unconsciously, to accept or believe a threatening event.
In the current study, there was no evidence of denial, as
participants were quite open about their fears for the
future and they talked quite explicitly about their
harrowing experiences of diagnosis and treatment. Yet
when engaged in creative activity, they were able to
withdraw attention from their cancer. Such a strategy can
be understood as emotion-focused in relieving
participants from worry and stress at least temporarily
31
during creative activity, or as problem-focused in
managing the intrusive cognitive burden of cancer. This
strategy of deliberate immersion in activity may be a
form of self-distraction, a strategy that was noted by
Kershaw et al (2004) to be unrelated either to avoidant or
active coping. Its relationship with subjective well-
being requires further examination.
Previous research (e.g. by Tocher, 2002) has focused on
the meanings of physical leisure activity for breast
cancer survivors. In this study, participants’ accounts
of art-making emphasised certain similar psychological
and social benefits. These included enhanced control, the
experience of living more intensely in the present
moment, a commitment to future projects and making use of
precious time, as well as social relationships built upon
shared leisure interests rather than cancer.
Participants, through their art-making, appeared to be
practising a form of resistance to the all-defining power
of cancer. Narratives have been understood as a means of
32
resistance to the life disruption that cancer brings
about (Dreifuss-Kattan, 1990; Mathieson & Stam 1995).
This study seems to demonstrate many ways in which
creative leisure activities confer psychological
resistance to the potentially overwhelming psychological
and social power of this condition. Other studies have
emphasised that cancer disrupts identity (e.g. Gillies &
Johnston 2004). This study has revealed that personally
meaningful creative activity can offer a powerful means
of maintaining identity and therefore subjective well-
being during and after cancer treatment.
From a critical perspective, this qualitative study has a
number of limitations. In interview-based research, there
is inevitable doubt as to whether the interviewer is
gaining a transparent window on to participants’ thoughts
and feelings, or is faced with complex strategies of
self-presentation, or social ‘masks’. People with cancer
are bombarded with exhortations to be ‘positive’ and
these may influence their decisions to volunteer for
research and also encourage ‘heroic’ accounts during an
33
interview (Wilkinson & Kitzinger 2000). Such social norms
cannot be discounted in the present study. Yet on
balance, we argue that the interviewees’ responses should
not be treated simply as artificially positive self-
presentational strategies. Participants clearly engaged
in art-making outside of the interview and had certain
reasons for choosing creative activity, even if they
could not fully articulate their motives in the
interview.
The sample size was small though typical for a
phenomenological study using IPA, but transferability of
the findings remains debateable. Culture influences the
cancer experience (Lam & Fielding 2003), but this could
not be explored as all participants were White. The
sample was diverse in terms of diagnosis. A few regarded
themselves as cancer ‘survivors’; some were uncertain
about future health, and some regarded themselves as
terminally ill. For an exploratory study it was
considered helpful to have participants in various stages
of the cancer trajectory. It should be noted that more
34
than a year had elapsed since diagnosis. Participants’
concerns would possibly have been different had the
interview taken place earlier in the process of emotional
adjustment.
CONCLUSION:
This phenomenological study sought to understand how
visual art-making, as a leisure pursuit rather than as
psychotherapy, contributed to the subjective well-being
of people living with cancer. Participants described many
stressful experiences associated with cancer and its
treatment. Emotional turmoil and/or early retirement from
work had led most participants to take up or intensify an
interest in art after diagnosis. Art-making provided
participants with a positive outwards focus, limiting
their preoccupation with cancer-related fears and
physical discomfort. Their art-making helped to support
continuity of personal identity, an ‘able’ self-image and
equality within social relationships, thereby
counteracting the ‘master status’ that cancer tends to
confer. For a minority, art enabled expression of
35
feelings about cancer in symbolic or implicit terms,
especially in the early stages after initial diagnosis or
recurrence. Participants continued to face distressing
experiences in relation to their illness, yet art-making
during leisure time offered an important resource for
enhancing subjective well-being. Helen (50 years old,
who had completed treatment for non-Hodgkins lymphoma),
explained: “You eventually carry on but in a way, the living afterwards is
more of a challenge than actually just getting through your treatment -
although you don't realise it at the time. And to actually live it positively”.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors would like to thank participants for sharing
their experiences and the Arts & Humanities Research
Council (UK) for its financial support.
REFERENCES
Arman M. & Rehnsfeldt A. (2002) Living with breast
cancer: a challenge to expansive and creative forces.
European Journal of Cancer Care, 11, 290- 296.
36
Arman M., Rehnsfeldt A., Carlsson M. & Hamrin E. (2001)
Indications of changes in life perspective among
women with breast cancer admitted to complementary
care. European Journal of Cancer Care, 10, 192-200.
Author (in press) The role of art-making in identity
maintenance: case studies of people living with cancer.
European Journal of Cancer Care
Bower J., Meyerowitz B., Desmond K., Bernaards C.,
Rowland J. & Gantz P. (2005) Perceptions of positive
meaning and vulnerability following breast cancer:
Predictors and outcomes among long-term breast cancer
survivors. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 29, 236-245.
Carpenter J., Brockopp D. & Andrykowski M. (1999) Self-
transformation as a factor in the self-esteem and
well-being of breast cancer survivors. Journal of
Advanced Nursing, 29, 1402-1411.
Charmaz K. (1991). Good Days, Bad Days: The Self in Chronic Illness and
Time. Rutgers University Press: New Brunswick, NJ..
Dreifuss-Kattan E. (1990). Cancer Stories: Creativity and Self-
Repair. The Analytic Press: Hove.
37
Dunn J., Steginga S., Rosoman N. & Millichap, D. (2003) A
review of peer support in the context of cancer.
Journal of Psychosocial Oncology, 21, 55-67.
Gall T. & Cornblat M. (2002) Breast cancer survivors give
voice: A qualitative analysis of spiritual factors
in long-term adjustment. Psycho-Oncology, 11, 524-535.
Gillies B. & Johnston G. (2004) Identity loss and
maintenance: commonality of experience in cancer and
dementia. European Journal of Cancer Care, 13, 436-442.
Jenkins R. & Pargament K. (1995) Religion and
spirituality as resources for coping with cancer.
Journal of Psychosocial Oncology, 13, 51-74.
Kershaw T., Northouse L., Kritpracha C., Schafenacker A.
& Mood, D. (2004) Coping strategies and quality of
life in women with advanced breast cancer and their
family caregivers. Psychology and Health, 19, 139-155.
Lahey, M. (1993). Preface. In: Recreation, leisure and chronic
illness: Therapeutic rehabilitation as intervention in health care (eds
Lahey M., Kunstler R., Grossman A., Daly F., Waldman
S. & Schwartz F.) ppxi-xvii. The Haworth Press: New
York.
38
Lam W. & Fielding R. (2003) The evolving experience of
illness for Chinese women with breast cancer: A
qualitative study. Psycho-Oncology, 12, 127-140.
Landmark B.& Wahl A. (2002) Living with newly diagnosed
breast cancer: A qualitative study of 10 women with
newly diagnosed breast cancer. Journal of Advanced Nursing,
40, 112-121.
Link L., Robbins L., Mancuso C. & Charlson M. (2004) How
do cancer patients who try to take control of their
disease differ from those who do not? European Journal
of Cancer Care, 13, 219-226.
Luker K., Beaver K., Leinster S. & Owens R. (1996)
Meaning of illness for women with breast cancer.
Journal of Advanced Nursing, 23, 1194-1201.
Luoma M. & Hakamies-Blomqvist L. (2004) The meaning of
quality of life in patients being treated for
advanced breast cancer: A qualitative study. Psycho-
Oncology, 13, 729-739.
Mathieson C. & Stam H. (1995) Renegotiating identity:
Cancer narratives. Sociology of Health and Illness, 17, 283-306.
39
Minar V. (1999) Art therapy and cancer: Images of the
hurter and healer. In: Medical Art Therapy with Adults (ed
Malchiodi C.), pp 227-242. Jessica Kingsley
Publishers: London.
Reynolds F. & Prior S. (2003) 'A lifestyle coat-hanger':
A phenomenological study of the meanings of artwork
for women coping with chronic illness and
disability. Disability and Rehabilitation, 25, 785-794.
Sanders C., Donovan J. & Dieppe P. (2002) The
significance and consequences of having painful and
disabled joints in older age: co-existing accounts
of normal and disrupted biographies. Sociology of Health
& Illness, 24, 227-253.
Shannon C. & Shaw S. (2005) ‘If the dishes don’t get done
today, they’ll get done tomorrow’: A breast cancer
experience as a catalyst for changes to women’s
leisure. Journal of Leisure Research, 37, 195-215.
Sibbett C. (2005) An art therapist’s experience of having
cancer: Living and dying with the tiger. In: Art
therapy and cancer care (eds Waller D & Sibbett C), pp
223-247. Open University Press: Maidenhead.
40
Smith J.A., Osborn M. & Jarman M. (1999) Doing
interpretative phenomenological analysis: In:
Qualitative Health Psychology: Theories and Methods. (eds Murray M
& Chamberlain K), pp 218-240. Sage Publications:
London.
Spelten E., Spranger M. & Verbeek J. (2002) Factors
reported to influence the return to work of cancer
survivors: A literature review. Psycho-Oncology, 11, 124-
131.
Taylor S.E. (1983) Adjustment to threatening events: A
theory of cognitive adaptation. American Psychologist, 38,
1161-1173.
Tocher M. (2002) How to ride a dragon: Women with breast cancer tell
their stories. Key Porter Books: Toronto, Ontario.
Wilkinson S. & Kitzinger C. (2000) Thinking differently
about thinking positive: A discursive approach to
cancer patients’ talk. Social Science & Medicine, 50, 797-
811.
Table 1: How did art-making enhance participants’
subjective well-being after a cancer diagnosis?
1. Art symbolised the cancer experience
41
Fear and grief
Hope and strength
2. Art-making focused attention on life experiences
other than cancer
Encouraged an outwards focus
Relieved worry, pain, sleeplessness
Provided a future hopeful orientation
3. Art-making maintained personal identity and self-
worth
Provided experiences of challenge and
achievement
Promoted learning and self-development
Enabled expression of self-defining interests
Increased subjective control
4. Art-making preserved an ‘able’ social identity
Offered a mutual social interest unrelated to
cancer
Provided a non-cancer source of social identity
Relieved family from concerns about well-being
Enabled reciprocal care through hand-made gifts
Provided a legacy or memorial
42