Coinage and Economy in Cyprus in the Age of Transition (c. 600-850 A.D.)

BİLDİRİLER PROCEEDINGS

ANTALYA

BİRİNCİ ULUSLARARASI ANADOLU PARA TARİHİ VE

NUMİSMATİK KONGRESİ25-28 ŞUBAT 2013

FIRST INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE ANATOLIAN MONETARY HISTORY AND NUMISMATICS25-28 FEBRUARY 2013

OFFPRINT / AYRIBASIM

Editörler / Editors

Kayhan DÖRTLÜKOğuz TEKİN

Remziye BOYRAZ SEYHAN

Editörler / Editors

Kayhan DÖRTLÜKOğuz TEKİN

Remziye BOYRAZ SEYHAN

Suna – İnan Kıraç Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Araştırma EnstitüsüSuna & İnan Kıraç Research Institute on Mediterranean Civilizations

BİLDİRİLER PROCEEDINGS

ANTALYA

BİRİNCİ ULUSLARARASI ANADOLU PARA TARİHİ VE

NUMİSMATİK KONGRESİ25-28 ŞUBAT 2013

FIRST INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF THE ANATOLIAN MONETARY HISTORY AND NUMISMATICS25-28 FEBRUARY 2013

SUNA – İNAN KIRAÇ AKDENİZ MEDENİYETLERİ ARAŞTIRMA ENSTİTÜSÜSUNA & İNAN KIRAÇ RESEARCH INSTITUTE ON MEDITERRANEAN CIVILIZATIONS

Kongre, Sempozyum, Seminer Dizisi: 4 / Congress, Symposium, Seminar Series: 4

Birinci Uluslararası Anadolu Para Tarihi ve Numismatik Kongresi - Bildiriler

First International Congress of the Anatolian Monetary History and Numismatics - Proceedings

Editörler / EditorsKayhan DÖRTLÜK

Oğuz TEKİNRemziye BOYRAZ SEYHAN

İngilizce Editörü / English EditorMark WILSON

ISBN 978-605-4018-21-5

© Suna – ‹nan K›raç Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Araşt›rma Enstitüsü, 2014

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İçindekiler / Contents

Sunuş / Preface

Bildiriler (Alfabetik isim sırasına göre) / Proceedings (Names in alphabetical order)

ALTINOLUK Sencan 1 A Miracle Told by Pausanias and a Unique Coin of Hypaipa

AMANDRY Michel 7 Monnayages civiques de Cilicie frappés sous Hadrien

ARSLAN Melih 13 Iuliopolis Nekropolü Kharon Sikkeleri

ASHTON Richard H. J. 25 The Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Bronze Coinage of Kyme in Aiolis: A Sketch

BARBARA Sébastien 49 An Anepigraphic Bronze Close to the Pergamene Issue with Types Athena/Coiled Snake

BODZEK Jarosław 59 Achaemenid Asia Minor: Coins of the Satraps and of the Great King

BULUT Süleyman 79 2009-2012 Yılları Andriake Kazı Sikkeleri ve ŞENGÜL Mehmet Yerleşim Tarihine Katkıları

BUTCHER Kevin 111 Lycian Drachms and the Monetary System of the Roman Empire

CALLATAŸ François de 117 Revisiting a Numismatic Corpus: The Case of Eupator, Last King of Pontus

CACCAMO CALTABIANO Maria 139 The Coins and the Relational Network of Kyme:CARROCCIO Benedetto Evidence from the Italian ExcavationsPUGLISI Mariangela

CHAMEROY Jérémie 157 Frappes et trouvailles de monnaies civiques sous l’Empire romain : une confrontation

ÇİZMELİ ÖĞÜN Zeynep 171 “Smintheion Definesi” ve Alexandria Troas Sikkelerinin Akdeniz Havzasındaki Dolaşımı

DELRIEUX Fabrice 197 Les alexandres municipaux tardifs de Carie (fin IIIe-début IIe siècle av. J.-C.)

Notes sur les ateliers d’Eurômos et Mylasa d’après le trésor de “Démétrios Ier”

DEVECİOĞLU Ülkü 219 Roma İmparatorluğu Dönemi’nde Iuliopolis Sikkeleri

DÖNMEZ-ÖZTÜRK Filiz 231 İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri’nde Bulunan Bir Grup Termessos Sikkesi


EROL-ÖZDİZBAY Aliye 245 Edirne (Hadrianopolis) Kalesi Zindanaltı Kazılarında Bulunan Sikkeler

GÜNEY Hâle 281 Nikomedeia Kent Sikkelerinin Dolaşımı

HEUCHERT Volker 297 A Tooled Coin and a Forgery of the “Koinon of the Thirteen Cities”

HOWGEGO Christopher 307 Questions of Coin Circulation in the Roman Period

KARWIESE Stefan 319 Some New Evidence on Early Electron Coinage

KELEŞ Vedat 333 Parion Sikkelerinin Sirkülasyonu Işığında Parion’un Bölgesel Konumu

KÖKER Hüseyin 345 Roma İmparatorluk Dönemi Komama Sikkeleri

KUCUR Sadi S. 361 Türkiye Selçukluları Sikkelerinde Unvan, Lâkab ve Künyeler

LESCHHORN Wolfgang 369 Die hellenistischen Drachmen der Stadt Side in Pamphylien

MARINESCU Constantin A. 383 Byzantium’s Early Coinage in the Name of King Lysimachus: Problems and New Attributions

MARKOU Evangeline 397 Symbols on the Archaic and Classical Cypriot Coinage: Influences, Duration and Diffusion

MEADOWS Andrew 409 Imitative Coinage in First-Century Pamphylia

NOLLÉ Johannes 423 Greek Imperials and Mythical Tales

ÖZBİL Canan 429 Nysa Kazısı Sikke Buluntuları (1992-2012)

ÖZTOPBAŞ Sedat 437 İstanbul Marmaray Yenikapı Kazılarından Toplu Sikke Buluntusu ve I. Anastasius’un Düğün Solidusu

PAKSOY İsmail Günay 443 Osman Gazi’nin Şimdiye Kadar Yayımlanmış Tek Gümüş Sikkesi Üzerine Düşünceler

PAUNOV Evgeni I. 457 The Coinage of the Thracian King Mostis: Recent Finds, Chronology, Distribution and Localisation

PETER Ulrike 481 The Numismatic Web Portal for Ancient Coins of Thrace: http://www.corpus-nummorum.eu

PFEIFFER-TAŞ Şule 489 New Remarks Regarding Ottoman Monetary History in Light of the Akçe-Coins of Murad III.

POLOSA Annalisa 509 Coin Production and Coin Circulation in Elaiussa Sebaste (Cilicia)

SANCAKTAR Hacer 515 Antiokheia (Pisidia) Kazısı Sikkeleri: 2008-2012

SCHACHINGER Ursula 525 The Coin Finds from the Theatre in Ephesus and Some Remarks on Coin Circulation in Ephesus

STROOBANTS Fran 541 The Production of Civic Coins in Third-century Pisidia and Pamphylia: Mapping Regional Trends and Urban Deviations

TEKİN Oğuz 559 More Coins of Agathocles, Son of Lysimachus: A Reattribution


TEOMAN Gültekin 575 Batı Anadolu Beylik Mangırları

TÜRKOĞLU İnci 589 The Civic Coinage of Calchedon

ÜNAL Ceren 607 “Tralles Definesi”: Bizans İmparatoru III. Leon (717-741) Dönemine Ait Altın Sikkeler

ÜNAL Erdal 619 Hellenistik Dönem Eumeneia Sikkeleri

VAN ALFEN Peter 631 Metoikêsis and Archaic Monetary Coordination: Teos-Abdera and Phokaia-Velia

WEISSER Bernhard 653 Die Fundmünzen aus dem Felsheiligtum Ost in Priene

YAĞIZ Oya 669 Les monnaies de bronze de Lysimachie de la collection des monnaies grecques du Musée Archéologique de Tekirdağ

YALÇIN D. Özlem 685 Limes Euphraticus’un Numismatik Değerlendirmesi: Defineler

YOUNIS Mohammad 703 The Seljūqs of Rum and the Ayyubids; Political Relations and Intermarriage, through Coinage

ZAVAGNO Luca 715 Coinage and Economy in Cyprus in the Age of Transition (c. 600-850 A.D.)

KURULLAR / BOARDS

Şeref Kurulu / Honorary BoardSuna Kıraç (AKMED Kurucusu / Founder of AKMED)İnan Kıraç (AKMED Kurucusu / Founder of AKMED)

Düzenleme Kurulu / Organizing BoardKayhan Dörtlük

Oğuz Tekin

Bilim Kurulu / Academic BoardMichel AmandryKevin ButcherEdhem Eldem

Christopher HowgegoLutz Ilisch

Andrew MeadowsJohannes Nollé

Oğuz TekinBernhard Weisser

Koordinasyon Kurulu / Coordination BoardRemziye Boyraz Seyhan

Süleyman BulutAliye Erol-Özdizbay

Tuba ErtekinMustafa İncebacak

Tarkan KahyaHüseyin Köker

Dinçer Savaş Lenger

SUNUŞ

Taşınır kültür mirasıyla ilgili resmi istatistik rakamları, Türkiye müzelerindeki en geniş koleksiyonların giderek artış gösteren büyük bir farkla sikkelerden oluştuğunu göstermektedir. Oysa, sikkeyi icat etme onurunu da taşıyan bu ayrıcalıklı topraklar üzerinde numismatik bilimi, her birinin adını saygıyla, şükranla andığımız bireysel sınırlı çabaların ötesinde akademik anlamda arzu edilen düzeyde gelişememiş ve kurumsallaşamamıştır. Buna bağlı olarak, müzelerde çoğu kez basit bir tasnif ya da envanter bilgisi ile saklanan bu zenginlikler, tarihe ışık tutma görevlerini yeterince yerine getiremeyerek salt “obje” gibi algılanmanın mahsunluğu ve mahcupluğu içindedirler.

Artık bu bakış açısında son yıllarda olumlu değişimler olmaktadır. Bazı üniversitelerin ilgili bölümlerinde antik numismatik eğitimi verilmekte, araştıran, yazan, meraklı genç bilimciler yetiştirilmektedir.

Suna - İnan Kıraç Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Araştırma Enstitüsü, görev ve amaçları doğrultusunda eskiçağ bilimlerine yönelik kütüphanesini oluştururken numismatiğe farklı bir öncelik tanımıştır. Temel hedef, yerli-yabancı araştırmacıların ilk tercihleri olabilecek nitelikte bir kütüphane üzerine programlıdır.

Donanımlı numismatların yetişmesine katkı sağlamak bir diğer misyonumuzdur. Düzenlenen Uluslararası Birinci Anadolu Para Tarihi ve Numismatik Kongresi dünyada bu alanın otoritesi olan seçkin bilginler ile gençleri bir araya getirmeye muvaffak olmuş, sunulan birbirinden ilginç ve düzeyli 55 bildiri bizleri numismatik adına yeni ufuklara, yeni dostluklara, yeni umutlara taşımıştır.

2. Anadolu Para Tarihi ve Numismatik Kongresi’nde çok daha kalabalık bir bilim grubuyla birlikte olmak dileğiyle, tek tek tüm katılımcılara, Düzenleme, Bilim, Koordinasyon kurullarının üyelerine bir kez daha teşekkür ediyoruz. Bize bu imkanı sağlayan Kongre Şeref başkanları Suna ve İnan Kıraç’a şükranlarımızı sunuyoruz.

Kayhan Dörtlük

Antalya, 2014

PREFACE

Official statistics regarding portable cultural assets at Turkish museums indicate that the largest collections are of coins, and that they are constantly growing, thus increasing the gap with the other materials. However, the science of numismatics has not developed enough academically nor is it institutionalised, beyond individual efforts each one of which is remembered with deference and gratitude. This is unfortunate, especially in the land that has the honour of being the place where coinage was invented. Accordingly, this wealth is usually kept at the museums with simple classification or inventory information, diffident and languishing with limited perception as mere “objects” instead of casting stronger light on numismatic history.

Nevertheless, recent years have witnessed positive changes regarding this perspective. Some universities now provide numismatic training in related departments, thereby raising up an inquisitive generation of young scholars that is investigating and writing on the subject.

In the course of building a library on antiquity in conformity with the scope of its foundation, the Suna & İnan Kıraç Research Institute on Mediterranean Civilizations has given special priority to numismatics. The main goal is to create a collection that will be preferred as the first choice by both local and foreign scholars.

Contributing to the training of well-equipped numismatists is another one of our missions. The First International Congress on Anatolian Monetary History and Numismatics that AKMED organised succeeded in bringing together select leading scholars in the field as well as young numismatists. A total of 55 papers of high academic level and interest were presented that conveyed new horizons, fostered new friendships, and created new hopes on behalf of numismatics.

We would like to express our gratitude once again to all the delegates as well as the members of the Organizing, Academic and Coordinating Boards with the wish that at the Second International Congress on Anatolian Monetary History and Numismatics an even larger group of academics can gather. Additional thanks are certainly due to Suna and İnan Kıraç for providing us with this opportunity.

Kayhan Dörtlük

Antalya, 2014

Coinage and Economy in Cyprus in the Age of Transition (c. 600-850 A.D.)

Luca ZAVAGNO*

Numismatic evidence has always played an important role to analyse and discuss the fate of Cyprus in the transition from Late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages (i.e. from the late 6th to the 8th centuries A.D.). More often than not, however, coins and coinage have been used to strengthen a picture heavily dependent on primary sources. In fact, the historiography of Medi-eval Cyprus has regarded the period under consideration as an age of swift decline and impover-ishment, a sort of parenthesis between the great prosperity of the 4th and 5th centuries and the gradual recovery following the return of the Byzantines to the island in the 10th century1. As I have already hinted elsewhere2, this, in turn, has brought about a drive to prove the catastrophic impact of the Arab invasions and, more importantly, an almost endless debate on the nature and origins of the treaty between the Umayyads and the Byzantines, which in 686-88 A.D. stated that “they would share in equal parts the tax revenue of Cyprus, Armenia and Iberia”3. Within this historiographic framework, numismatic evidence has been interpreted as further proof of a catastrophic flip that from 691 to 1025 A.D., as Dikigoropoulos pointed out, brought about “the virtual disappearance of a monetary economy”4. Indeed scholars like Pitsillides, Metcalf and Rau-tmann5, among others, followed in Dikigoropoulos’s footsteps by enhancing the scarcity of coins circulating in the island in the 8th and 9th century as also “the absence of any pattern of recovery for the next four centuries was specific to Cyprus”6. In other words, if monetary circulation was really intense during the reign of Heraclius and Constans II, the impact of the Arab raids and tax division (and eventually the transfer of part of the Cypriot population to Nea Justinianoupolis on the Hellespont in 691 A.D.7), caused a dramatic diminution of coins finds in the island from the 680s onwards, which signalled the irreversible decline of the Cypriot economy for almost three centuries8.

* Assist. Prof. Luca Zavagno, Eastern Mediterranean University Department of Arts, Social Sciences and Humanities Faculty of Arts and Science, Via Mersin 10, (Turkey) Famagusta-Northern Cyprus. E-mail: [email protected]

1 Zavagno 2013, 121-127.2 Indeed this contribution partially overlaps with my recent article: Zavagno 2011, 448-483. 3 Theophanes 1997, 506 (hereafter Theophanes). 4 Dikigoropoulos 1961, 30.5 Metcalf – Pitsillides 1995, 1-13; Metcalf – Pitsillides 1997, 1-7; Kyrris 1997, 668-669; Yannopoulos 1983, 69-77; Metcalf 2003b;

Metcalf 2009, 141-213; Rautman et al. 2003, 157-159.6 Metcalf – Pitsillides 1995, 1.7 Theophanes 509; for the so-called “Nea Justinianoupolis parenthesis” see mainly Stewart 2008, 78-82 and Englezakis 1990,

with further bibliography.8 Pitsillides – Metcalf 1995, 7.

Anadolu Para Tarihi ve Numismatik Kongresi / Congress of the Anatolian Monetary History and Numismatics716

I need to stress from the start that I am not an expert in numismatics, but I believe it is time to nuance, and possibly partially reverse, the traditional narrative by proposing a different ap-proach to the numismatic evidence. In particular, I would like to pair briefly a detailed presenta-tion of the patterns of coin circulation and distribution on the island with archaeology as well as the analysis of different material sources such as seals and ceramics. I shall do so through a sketchy comparison with the neighbouring regions of the eastern and western Mediterranean (Syria, Palestine and Sicily), for similarities and differences should help us to shed some light on the role of Cyprus as an important hub within the regional and sub-regional Mediterranean exchange systems as they developed in the 7th and 8th centuries.

Some preliminary methodological caveats are needed though. First, I will focus on bronze petty coinage because, although “deliberately curtailed in weight and nominal value from 658 A.D. onwards”9, it is related to both political and military vicissitudes of the Byzantine Empire and the probable internal restructuring of tax collection (i.e. the way the army was paid and supplied), while also reflecting the nature of commercial and exchange relations10. Second, my chronology inevitably takes off from the early 7th century, that is, from the reigns of Heraclius and Constans II since they provide us with an abundance of identifiable copper coins, both stray finds and hoards (Fig. 1)11. This is without considering the decline in coins minted post-700 A.D.

9 Haldon 2012, 108; Morrisson 2007, 929.10 Haldon 2012, 109.11 Indeed, I am perfectly aware that “hoards are more amenable as they the concentration of coins in the years leading up to

the terminus post narrows the likely date of concealment. Only hoards can show us how long a particular variety of coinage remained in circulation (although it goes without saying that hoards preserved the best available coinage as carefully chosen); on the contrary, stray finds obey to different historical laws reflecting activity in monetary economy and that ideally we would need [to analyze] an assemblage of single finds from controlled excavations in different sites to establish a long term trend in monetary affairs” (Metcalf 2009, 145).

Kyrenia

Ayos Philon

Kornos Cave643 A.D.

Kenchra648-9 A.D.

“Warren Hoard”Larnaca(Later than 652 A.D.)

UNDERLINED FINDS IN ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXTSIN BLACK HOARDS

Lemessos (Neapolis)

Soloi651-2 A.D.

Paphos/SarandaKolones

Kourion

Salamis-Constantia

Khloraka

Fig. 1 Location of the copper coins hoards found in Cyprus

Coinage and Economy in Cyprus in the Age of Transition (c. 600-850 A.D.) 717

as tantamount to the collapse of local economy and prosperity12. Quite the opposite, I will try to focus on the role of Arab-Byzantine and post-reform copper coins, as circulating alongside Byzantine specimens on the island, to point to a common Byzantine and Arab frequentation of Cyprus13 and the important role the island played in linking the regional economies of Syria, Palestine14, Southern Anatolia and the Aegean from the late 7th well into the 8th century. Fi-nally, I am perfectly aware of the limitations imposed upon us by the current political status quo as archaeological excavations have not taken place in the northern part of Cyprus since the events of 1974, and therefore, analysis of numismatic evidence is restricted to findings yielded in the southern half of the island. Indeed publications of coinage recovered from excavations of urban sites like Salamis-Constantia15, Soloi, Kyrenia16, and Polis-Arsinoe17 and rural sites like the churches of the Karpaz peninsula18 located in the north are almost non-existent or, at best, limited to those specimens revealed by pre-1974 excavations.

As Grierson pointed out, the first occasion when a mint was active in Cyprus during the Byzantine period, possibly in the capital of the island Salamis-Constantia, was the so-called Inter-regnum (608-610 A.D.), that is, the revolt led by the north African exarch Heraclius the elder and his son Heraclius the younger19 against Emperor Phocas. Heraclius the younger led a fleet to seize Constantinople. The naval force first stopped in and took control Cyprus in 609 A.D. as the island was indeed a vital strategic stepping stone to secure control of the maritime routes leading to the Aegean and the capital of the empire, which he finally besieged and conquered in 610 A.D.20. As mentioned above, Heraclius enhanced the importance of Cyprus by endowing the island with one of the three mints (the others being Carthage and Alexandretta), which issued copper coins struck in the joint name of the two leaders21 and were used to pay the rebel troops. In fact, upon seizing the throne, Heraclius focused on further strengthening the military impor-tance of Cyprus as a stronghold along the naval routes to Syria and Palestine, which had been invaded by the Persians22. As a consequence of its significance, Cyprus boasted a large quantity of copper coins as yielded by the excavations at Paphos-Saranda Kolones23, Kourion (basilica)24 and Salamis-Constantia25, a large amount of stray finds like those coming from Khlorakas26 and the different hoards discovered on the island between the 19th and 20th centuries27. Among

12 Hendy 2007, 403.13 Dikigoropoulos 1961, 670.14 Foss 2008; Walmsley 2010, 21-44.15 Callot 2004.16 On these two sites see Zavagno 2013, with further bibliography.17 Papalexandrou – Caraher 2012, 262-282.18 Stewart 2008; also Stewart 2010, 162-189.19 DOC II, 208.20 On Heraclius see mainly Kaegi 2007.21 Metcalf 2009, 159-162. Characteristically, the Cypriot coinage of the revolt included different denominations, which still

remain partially obscure as the recent discovery of a two-nummia piece from the Cypriot mint has pointed out. See Bendall 1986, 223.

22 Whittow 1996, 72-75.23 Metcalf 2009, 284 ff.; also Metcalf 2003a, 205-226.24 Megaw 2007.25 Callot 2004.26 Metcalf 2004, 59-61.27 For a catalogue of these hoards see mainly Metcalf 2009, 190 ff. with further bibliography.


the specimens dated to this period, a series of folles seems particularly important28 as it bears on the obverse the standing figure of Heraclius flanked by his son Heraclius Constantine and Mar-tina29 (his niece whom he married in 613/14 A.D. after the death of his first wife) and, on the reverse, the M mark value, with KVPR on the exergue. It dates to the years 17-19 of Heraclius’ reign (626-29 A.D.; Fig. 2)30. These coins were, in all probability, struck as “military issues, indi-cating that an army was formed in Cyprus preparatory to recovering the eastern provinces from Persia”31. Indeed the military importance of Cyprus32 could also be inferred from the analysis of some seals found across the island, which bear, unusual among the Cypriot finds, the titles primicerius and cubicularius, offices of the central administration. These specimens show a mono-gram on the obverse interpreted as Heraclian but most probably only dated to his reign, and indeed boast a pair of titles, office, rank or double offices, which led Metcalf to regard them as contemporary with the above-mentioned copper coins33. In all evidence, the seals point to the persistence of the redistributive fiscal role of the Byzantine state34 as paired with “the impact of a relatively high degree of militarization of the provincial fiscal system organized around the supply and maintenance of soldiers”35. The latter mirrors in the numismatic evidence as so-called “military issues” have been found on the island in two types36: one round and well struck and the other roughly struck on oval flans. The latter most certainly belongs to a series of imitations pro-duced in Syria in 638-47 A.D. which, as will be seen, should be regarded as the earliest examples of Arab-Byzantine coinage. Moreover, the evidence provided by Cypriot hoards and stray finds

28 Metcalf 2009, 163-164.29 According to Wroth’s description (BMC I, 222), each figure wears a crown and cross (Martina’s crown is distinguished by

two hoops or arches) a long robes and holds in the right hand the globus crucigerus. Heraclius has a close beard whereas the hair of Martina falls in two long tresses.

30 DOC II, 62 ff.; BMC I, 222; BNC I, 291. 31 Foss 2008, 17. Alternatively Pottier – Schultze 2008, 80-149 suggest that these coins were of a piece with a bribe paid to the

Persian general in Syria. 32 And possibly its significance as main source of raw copper; see Metcalf 2009, 163.33 Metcalf 2004, 72-73.34 Haldon 1999, 224.35 Haldon 2012, 100.36 Foss 2008, 17.

Fig. 2 Follis (DOC 185.I)Obv.: Heraclius, Heraclius Constantine and Martina standing facing; Rev.: M, + above,

G below; ANNO/XIIII; in ex., KVPR (with permission Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection)

Fig. 3 Provenance of copper coins dated to the Reign of Heraclius

[D.O.C. Type 1-4 (Year 610-619 A.D.)] Found in Cyprus (HoardsH + Excavations)

NICOMEDIA, 6%KYZIKOS

ALEXANDRIA, 6%

THESSALONIKI, 5%

CYPRUS, 1%

SELEUCIA

CONSTANTINOPLE, 77%

COUNTERMARKED COINS, 3%


yielded by excavations have also revealed that copper coins (Fig. 3) reached Cyprus as struck by different Byzantine mints like Thessalonica, Cyzicus, Nicomedia, Alexandria and, naturally, Constantinople. Among the different denominations which these coins show, I would like here to highlight the twelve nummia specimens struck in Alexandria and found in different Cypriot sites and hoards. These seem to point to the important role played by the harbours and coves of the southern coast of the island like Coral Bay/Agios Georgios along the annona shipping routes from Egypt to Constantinople37.

Furthermore, also some small and light coins dating to the last years of Heraclius reached Syria and Palestine from Constantinople possibly via Cyprus. Among these, it is worth mention-ing the so-called “enigmatic folles” minted between 634-636 A.D. (regnal years 25 or 26) that bear the intriguing mint-mark NEA on the exergue38. As Foss notes, “Since they are occasion-ally found in Cyprus, where a town with that name existed (modern Limassol), a mint there is a possibility; [however] the balance of probability suggests these coins were struck at Neapolis in Palestine (Nablus)”39. Again it is possible that these were wartime issues40 point to a regular movement of troops between the coast of the Levant and Cyprus in the first year of the Muslim invasions, as further demonstrated by the appearance of another class of copper coins (folles and half-folles) in different sites of the island like Kourion, Salamis and Nea-Paphos41. The latter class bears a Syrian countermark boasting monograms of Heraclius and in all probability was issued at Caesarea Maritima42. Although the reading of the monogram as Heraclius and the dating of these specimens have been much debated, a recent detailed analysis of the host coins (folles and half-folles of year 20 of Heraclius’ reign) and the distribution of countermarks allow us to propose a date between 633 and 636 A.D.43.

To sum up, in the first half of the 7th century Cyprus was regarded as of a piece with the struc-tures of Byzantine power. This conclusion is enhanced by the numismatic evidence presented above, which allows us to assert the military relevance of the island, the role it played in the fiscal Byzantine network and its importance as a strategic hub along the interregional shipping routes, especially those linking Syria-Palestine and Egypt with Constantinople44. These might be paired with the results from the excavation in the capital of the island, Salamis-Constantia, which in this period was “the centre of an acute imperial interest”45. Indeed here Emperor Heraclius spon-sored together with two local archbishops the rebuilding of aqueducts abutting into the colossal cistern called Vouta46 (Fig. 4). The local church was also wealthy enough to support a series of

37 Megaw 1986, 505-519; Bakirtzis 1995, 247-253; also Rautman et al. 2003, 159 ff. and Bowersock 2000, 18.38 Foss 2008, 14-17.39 Foss 2008, 15.40 Metcalf 2009, 164.41 On Kourion see Hendy 2007 and Metcalf 2009, 155-157; on Salamis Callot 2004; on Paphos see Maier – Karageorghis et al.

1984; Nicolaou 1990 and Metcalf 2009, 159-161.42 Foss 2008, 16 states that “the accepted date for the fall of the city is late 640, but one source at least (Baladhuri 219) gives

early 641 as an alternative, in which case Caesarea was still under Byzantine control”.43 Foss 2008, 14.44 Here it is worth mentioning the five gold hoards found on the island (Metcalf 2009, 167) and dated to the period 632-653

These seem to point to the flight of some well-to-do merchants or aristocrats from Alexandria to Cyprus after the final occupation of Egypt by the Arabs in 642 A.D. However, one should also keep in mind that, although this event affected the so-called Constantinopolitan tax-spine (Wickham 2005, 626; Wickham 2008, 260), Alexandria was “not forbidden to Christians in the second half of the seventh century for the Archbishop of Crete paid a visit to the city in 656 A.D.” (Metcalf 2009, 167). The 7th-century pilgrim Arculf got there a ship to travel to Constantinople (McCormick 2001, 174).

45 Stewart 2008, 68 ff.46 Sodini 1998, 619-634.


works in the western atrium of the so-called Basilica of Campa-nopetra, where a hoard of 6th and early-7th century lead seals point to the continuous activity of the ecclesiastical administra-tion47. Private buildings were also refurbished as excavations at the so-called “Huilerie” (Fig. 5) show how this complex – a urban Roman villa first built in the 3rd century – underwent a phase of restoration dated to the early 7th century, which brought about the end of its previous public character for a more utilitarian and commer-cial purpose48.

After Heraclius died in 641 A.D. and his son Constans II inherited the throne, the Byz-antines were ousted from Syria and Palestine by the irresistible advance of the Arabs49 who also staged two naval raids against Cyprus in 649 A.D. and in 654 A.D.50 and settled a garrison in Paphos where a mosque was erected51. However, the Arab presence in Cyprus did not prevent Byzantine coin-age from circulating52. Indeed numismatic evidence points to the strategic role played by the island as counterattacks were

staged by the Byzantines along the Levantine coast against the invaders. On the one hand, regular copper coins struck by the mint of Constantinople during the whole regnal period of Constans II reached the island including folles of 11 different types according to Grierson’s typology, most of

47 Roux 1998, 32.48 Argoud et al. 1980, 51.49 Kaegi 1995. 50 On the Arab invasions of Cyprus see mainly Beihammer 2001, 157-166; Beihammer 2002, 44-61; Lounghis 2010; also Metcalf

2009, 395-418 with further and updated bibliography on the status questionis.51 Baladhuri Amad bn. Yahya bn. Jabir Kitâb Futûh al-Buldân does mention the garrison but not its exact location on the

island; see Hitti – Murgotten 1916-1924, 236.52 Cameron 1996, 42.

Fig. 4 Salamis-Constantia: the so-called “Vouta” cistern

Fig. 5 “Hulierie” complex


them bearing the inscription EN TOUTO NIKA53. On the other hand, large amounts of folles of Constans II bearing the inscription INPER CONST, with the crowned facing bust of the emperor with no beard on the obverse and the mark value M with officina mark and mint provenance on the exergue, have been found in Cyprus. “These are specimens struck on the last light issues of Heraclius and issued only in 643/4 A.D. They could be associated with the increased importance of Cyprus as Byzantine military base after the loss of Egypt”54. It must also be stressed that these coins also reached Syria where they circulated between 641-58 A.D.55 and so might be possibly as-sociated with Byzantine raids on the coast or with a deliberate propagandistic intent pointing to the role of Cyprus in funnelling Byzantine copper coinage into the regions of the Levant under Arab control. Indeed the analysis of hoards and finds yielded in excavated contexts revealed that regular denominations of Constans II’s reign circulated on the Syrian coast and beyond until 659 A.D. when they started tailing off whereas in Cyprus they continued until 668 A.D.56. In fact, the distributive pattern of these official Constantinopolitan issues pairs with that of a type of follis (yet with the inscription INPER CONST but with the bust of a bearded emperor) minted in Con-stantinople in 651/2 A.D allowed them to be found in Cyprus as well as in different Syrian sites like Apamea, Dehes and Hama57. Here again the role Cyprus played in channelling Byzantine currency into Syria and Palestine can hardly go unnoticed, a role that wed with the function of the island at the opposite end of the “coin sea-route to Syria-Palestine”58. Indeed, as mentioned above, a peculiar type of Arab-Byzantine coins dated to 638-47 A.D. called Cyprus imitation circu-lated in Syria-Palestine. According to Foss59, their peculiar minting technique identifies them as a coherent group produced by a single Syrian atelier or mint. The “Cyprus imitative coins” can be regarded as the first specimens issued by the new Muslim administration in Syria and seem to have been imported to Cyprus possibly by the Arab garrison in Paphos where some later counter-marked examples have been found60. The latter have been dated to the period 660-673 A.D. and point to the validation of what appeared to be an “irregular coinage” circulating in the areas of the island under Arab occupation61. I will return to this in a moment.

Indeed it also seems useful to me to stress the curious presence of both copper coins issued by the Sicilian mint and a seal of the Kommerkion of Sicily62 hinting at the “persistence of longer distance exchange although patchy and limited in intensity”63 (Fig. 6). This should be paired with the analysis of ceramics found on the island, which reveal that Cyprus remained a major producer and exporter of table kitchen wares and amphorae (LRA 1) well into the 8th century and possibly even further fitting in the continuities in smaller scale productions elsewhere in the Byzantine world, both in the Aegean and along the southern coast of Anatolia64. In other

53 DOC II, 53 ff.54 DOC II, 67.55 Indeed they have been found at Apamea, Hama, Resafa, Bethlehem, Caesarea, Shiloh and Jerash; see Foss 2008, 20-21.56 Metcalf 2009, 169-171.57 Foss 2008, 20.58 Foss 2008, 20.59 Foss 2008, 22-24.60 Foss 2008, 22-24; also Metcalf 2009, 171-175.61 Foss 2008, 23.62 See on this Zavagno 2013, 126 with further bibliography. For the Kommerkion and Kommerkiari see Haldon 2012, with

further bibliography.63 Haldon 2012, 111.64 Haldon 2012, 104-117.


words, Cyprus seems to have retained po-litical and economic links with both the so-called Byzantine heartland65 and Islamic Syria and Palestine as further enhanced by the appearance of locally countermarked copper coins of the reign of Constantine IV (668-685 A.D.) yielded to the excavators in Salamis-Constantia, Saranda Kolones (Paphos) and Kourion66. The counter-marking practice was virtually limited to the folles emitted by Emperor Constans II

but occasionally found on Cypriot folles of Heraclius of years 17-18, and took the form of an impe-rial monogram impressed on the face of the coin with a circular or slightly oval die67. It goes with-out saying that this process could have different political and economic purposes68, but it is plau-sible that its function was to reinforce the local acceptability of Byzantine coins for Arab-Byzantine coinage was circulating in Cyprus in the last decades of the 7th century69. Ceramics again contrib-ute to better define the picture (Fig. 7): in late 7th-early 8th centuries Constantinopolitan Glazed White Wares were imported into the island. Cypriot wares were exported to the Anatolian coast in particular Lymira in Cilicia and post-LR 2 type amphorae with Arabic inscriptions (but with close parallels in Byzantine Aegean and even Sicily) were traded into Paphos70. In other words, the mili-tary, administrative and fiscal role Cyprus contin-ued to play as part of the Byzantine Empire tallied with both its importance as a hub in the diminished but still persisting trans-Mediterranean shipping routes leading to the West (Crete and Sicily) and with the vitality of commercial relations with the Islamic Levant71. This, in turn, mirrors in the sequence of coins found at Kourion

65 Wickham 2005, 29-32.66 Metcalf 2009, 174; Dikigoropoulos 1961, 24; Rautmann et al. 2003, 159.67 DOC II, 53 ff.; Metcalf 2009, 173.68 Metcalf 2009, 173-175.69 Goodwin 2004, 27-29; Metcalf 2009, 175-176.70 Zavagno 2013.71 Haldon 2012, 108 ff.

Fig. 6 Copper coins found in Cyprus, Sicily and Crete

Fig. 7 Exchange pattern of fine wares, coarse wares and amphoras from and to Cyprus in the 7th and 8th centuries

10000

1000

100

10

610-641641-668

668-691692-711

Crete

Sicily

Cyprus1

Gaza LR3Amphoras

Caesarea Type 3

Amphoras

LR1 AmphorasLR1 Amphoras Syria

Egypt

CRSW (Cyprus Red Slip Ware

Cooking Pots

Cooking Pots

From Carthage

Egyptian LR7/EgyptiianA Finewares

To CarthageTo Carthage

Dhiorios Cooking Wares

Glazed White Wares


To Dalmatia


Constantinople

Palestine LR5 Bag

Shaped Amphoras


and Salamis-Constantia, which places these two Cypriot cities alongside Constantinople and Sic-ily and in contrast to those from major Balkan and Anatolian sites72.

Furthermore, one should also consider that, like in Syria and Palestine, continuous level of wealth could be sourced from and expressed within different lifestyles on the part of local elites73. In Cyprus this is shown by the large number of rural and urban churches rebuilt and decorated in the first half of the 8th century74, the importance of the local pilgrimage centres like Paphos and Salamis-Constantia continuously attracting visitors in the 7th, 8th and 9th centuries75 and the persistence of state officials and members of the high clergy, revealed by the large amount of lead-seals found on the island, who must have underpinned a good level of continuity of the ur-ban economic functions, as enhanced by the 8th century artisanal quarters built in Salamis-Con-stantia (Huilerie) and Polis-Arsinoe76. Finally, we must consider the role of Cyprus as exporter as well as a net importer of amphoras and pottery from the neighbouring regions, although the scale and frequency of such connections is difficult to assess77. Indeed ceramic evidence suggest-ing that intra-regional commerce used Cyprus and its harbours as convenient hub78 couples with both the coinage record including specimens issued by Byzantine Imperial authority (dated to the reigns of Justinian II, Leontios and Tiberios III79) and late-7th and early 8th century Arab-Byzantine coins and Islamic post-reform coins as yielded by excavations in Salamis-Constantia and elsewhere in Cyprus80.

In particular, I would like here to stress that, as already mentioned, Arab-Byzantine copper coins (Fig. 8) issued at Homs, Damascus and Tiberias were found at Saranda Kolones (four specimens), Salamis-Constantia (six specimens) and Kourion (one specimen)81. Furthermore,

72 Haldon 2012, 109. See also Morrison 2001, 911-915.73 Walmsey 2010, 43.74 Stewart 2010. 75 Wilkinson 2002; Brubaker – Haldon 2010, 322.76 Papalexandrou – Caraher 2012, 274-282.77 Haldon 2012, 100.78 Armstrong 2009, 157-178.79 Metcalf 2003, 36; Metcalf 2009, 177; Kyrris 1997, 682 ff.; Metcalf – Pitsillides 1995, 5-11.80 Zavagno 2010, 469-476.81 Metcalf 2009, 456.

Fig. 8 Arab-Byzantine coins found in Salamis-Constantia, Paphos and Kourion

SALAMIS-CONSTANTIA PAPHOS (SARANDA KOLONES) KOURION

13 Specimens(Imitative or Derivative; poorly struck) -660 c.a.

2 Specimens

- Follis of Constans II- 20 Nummia

Pseudo–ByzantineCoins

4 Specimens- Mint of Damascus- Mint of Ba’lbeek- Mint of Homs (with countermark tayyib-good)- Mint of Tiberias

1 Specimen- Mint of Damascus (Standing emperor type; countermarked jayyid-excellent; very unusual for the Um.Im.Im. Coinage.

1 Specimen- Mint of Ba’lbeek

Bilingual Series

6 Specimens- Mint of Damascus- Mint of Homs- Mint of Tiberias

4 Specimens- Mint of Tiberias

6 Specimens- 1 Gold Dinar (720-1)- 5 copper coins

Post-Reform(end of the seventh-beginning eighth century)


excavations at the so-called Basilica in Kourion unearthed six post-reform coins, including a gold dinar (dated to 720-721) and silver dirham82, whereas in Salamis-Constantia there is a phase when early- to mid-8th century Islamic fulus seem to have been a significant element in local petty coinage83. Although the circulation of coins seems to have been very limited on the island, Islamic coinage including 37 specimens some dated to late 7th-early 8th centuries of unknown provenance84 point to a trans-regional and trans-cultural acceptance of different monetary units, Byzantine and Umayyad, which should owe to the peculiar political status of the island paying tribute to both the empires.

To conclude, numismatic evidence combined with other types of evidence seems to point to a different interpretative scheme than the one adopted to interpret the fate of Cyprus after the Muslim raids and the Arab occupation of Syria and Palestine. Indeed, as Morrisson writes regarding the reigns of Heraclius and Constans II, “the existence of regular follis as well as countermarks with Heraclius’ monogram applied in Syria and Palestine all witness the vitality of money circulation and demand. It is not impossible that these requirements were met, succes-sively or alternatively first by Byzantine authorities and then –after the Arab conquest– by other administrative bodies through Arab-Byzantine bilingual coinage and later by post reform Islamic coins”85. In other words, one may not assert that the Cypriot urban centres were wiped out by the invaders, the local population left the coasts to find shelter in the mainland and that the treaty was in truth a ratification of a status of no-man’s land. Cyprus preserved a variable but still trace-able degree of monetary economy, which included Byzantine emissions and Arab specimens, implying the maintenance of political, commercial and cultural relations between Constantino-ple and Damascus. In fact, coins and coinage tally with other kinds of material and documentary evidence to prove a level of economic activities, at least partially, comparable to Syria, Palestine and possibly Sicily. Thus Cyprus comes more and more clearly to be seen as an integral part of the certainly looser communication and exchange networks of the post-Arab conquests Byzan-tine Empire and Umayyad Levant86.

82 Dikigoropoulos 1961, 76; Brown 2007, 422-423.83 Metcalf 2009, 177-178.84 Kyrris 1997, 670.85 Morrisson 2007, 913.86 Haldon 2012.


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Byzantine Trade 4th-12th centuries. The Archaeology of Local, Regional and International Exchange. Papers of the Thirty-eight Symposium of Byzantine Studies, St. John’s College, University of Oxford, March 2004 (2009) 157-178.

Argoud et al. 1980 G. Argoud et al., Une Résidence Byzantine “l’Huilerie”. Salamine de Chypre XI (1980).

Bakirtzis 1995 Ch. Bakirtzis, “The Role of Cyprus in the Grain Supply of Constantinople in the Early Christian Period”, in: V. Karagheorgis – D. Michaelides (eds.), Cyprus and the Sea (1995) 247-253.

Beihammer 2001 A. Beihammer, “<<Audiatur et altera pars>> H Byzantino-Arabikh Sugkyriarxia sthn Kypro upo to prisma ton Arabikon Phgon”, Kypriakai spoudai 64-65, 2001, 157-166.

Beihammer 2002 A. Beihammer, “Zypern und die Byzantinisch-Arabische Seepolitik vom 8. Bis zum begin des 10. Jahrhunderts”, in: Y. al-Hijji – V. Christides (eds.), Aspects of Arab Seafaring. An Attempt to Fill the Gaps of Maritime History (2002) 44-61.

Bendall 1986 S. Bendall, “A New Coin of the Revolt of Heraclius”, Numismatica 94, 1986, 223.

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BNC C. Morrisson, Catalogue des monnaies byzantines de la Bibliothèque nationale 1, D’Anastase Ier à Justinien II (491-711); 2, De Philippicus à Alexis III (711-1204) (1970).

Bowersock 2000 G. W. Bowersock, The International Role of Late Antique Cyprus (2000).

Brown 2007 H. Brown, “Islamic Coins”, in: A. H. S. Megaw (ed.), Kourion. Excavations in the Episcopal Precinct (2007) 422-423.

Brubaker – Haldon 2010 L. Brubaker – J. Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era. History (2010).

Callot 2004 O. Callot, Salamine de Chypre, XVI, Les monnaies. Fouilles de la ville, 1964-1974 (2004).

Cameron 1996 A. Cameron, Changing Cultures in Early Byzantium (1996).

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DOC I A. R. Bellinger, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, 1: Anastasius I to Maurice, 491-602 (1965).

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Englezakis 1990 P. Englezakis, Cyprus. Nea Justinianoupolis (1990).

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Coinage and Economy in Cyprus in the Age of Transition (c. 600-850 A.D.)

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