THE "FIRST" BATTLE OF BOONVILLE, COOPER COUNTY, MISSOURI, JUNE 17,

1861: ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INVESTIGATIONS

Prepared by

Douglas D. Scott

Thomas D. Thiessen

And

Steve J. Dasovich

Heritage Identification and Preservation Foundation

For

Missouri’s Civil War Heritage Foundation

St. Louis, Missouri

December, 2009

i

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………………. v

Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………. 1

The Battle of Boonville, a Short History………………………………………………………. 2

A Note on the Missouri State Guard…………………………………………………… 4

A Note on the Sources………………………………………………………………….. 5

Union Soldier Accounts………………………………………………………………… 6

State Guard Accounts…………………………………………………………………… 7

Civilian Accounts………………………………………………………………………. 9

Prelude to Boonville……………………………………………………………………..11

Lyon's Advance……………………………………………………………………….... 21

The Battle………………………………………………………………………………..23

State Guardsmen Recall the Battle………………………………………………………31

The Aftermath…………………………………………………………………………...34

Epilogue…………………………………………………………………………………46

Archaeological Investigations…………………………………………………………………...48

Project Area Description………………………………………………………………...50

Project Area Soils………………………………………………………………………..56

Inventory Project Methods……………………………………………………………... 57

Metal Detected Artifacts………………………………………………………………………...58

Recovered Artifact Descriptions………………………………………………………...59

Relic Collections from Boonville……………………………………...………………...63

ii

Interpreting the Data…………………………………………………………………………..64

Firearms Types………………………………………………………………………...64

Interpreting the Artifact Distribution………………………………………………….68

Conclusions……………………………………………………………………………………72

References Cited………………………………………………………………………………75

Appendix:

Selected Accounts of the First Battle of Boonville……………………………………………82

iii

List of Tables

1 Estimates of Missouri State Guard strength at Boonville…………………………………… 17

2 Reported casualties in the First Battle of Boonville……………… ………………………….. 36

3 Estimates of numbers of Missouri State Guardsmen taken prisoner………………………….45

iv

List of Figures

1. An idealized representation of the Battle of Boonville……………………………………………… 3

2. Pro-southern Missouri Govenor Claiborne Fox Jackson……………………………………………. 4

3. Brig. Gen. Nathaniel Lyons…………………………………………………………………………. 6

4. Maj. Gen. Sterling Price………………………………………………………………………. 13

5. Col. John S. Marmaduke……………………………………………………………………… 15

6. The steamboat Iatan………………………………………………………………………… 22

7. A sketch of the Battle of Boonville from the Federal side………………………………………….. 24

8. USGS topographic map showing areas inventoried………………………………………………… 49

9. Distribution of artifacts found during the Boonville battlefield archaeological investigations…….. 50

10. Artifacts from the McGuire property……………………………………………………… 51

11. Artifacts from the Brian Gaub property…………………………………………………………… 51

12. Artifacts from the Dr. Willard Avery property……………………………………………………..52

13. Bullets found on the Jim Loesing property…………………………………………………………52

14. Artifact distribution map of Jim Loesing property…………………………………………………53

15. Lead bullets found on the Clarence Loesing property…………………………………………….. 54

16. Deformed lead bullets from the Clarence Loesing property………………………………………..54

17. Miscellaneous artifacts associated with a possible mid-19th century structure……………………. 55

18. Metal detecting and recovery operations………………………………………………………….. 57

19. Lead bullets, iron canister ball, and iron artillery shell fragment found by collectors …………….64

20. Some collector found artifacts from the Brian Gaub property…………………………………. 65

21. Interpretation of the Union and Missouri State Guard positions………………………………….. 73

v

Acknowledgements

The Boonville battle investigations could not have taken place nor been as successful as they

were without Greg Wolk, Missouri’s Civil War Heritage Foundation, and his staff who worked

diligently to set up the project. The Boonville Chamber of Commerce and many local citizens

aided our endeavor by arranging accommodations for the volunteer crew. We are grateful to one

and all for their efforts.

We are especially grateful to the volunteers who metal detected and recovered the artifacts: Mark

Billings, Jack Chance, Mary and Mike Duncan, Tom and Kyle Gersbeck, Bill Herder, Roger

Horren, Jim Lee, Kip Lindberg, Bill Mathews, Sandy Wells, and Greg Wolk. We are also

extremely grateful to the landowners who graciously allowed us access to their properties: Megan

McGuire, Brian Gaub, Dr. Willard Avery, James Loesing, Clarence Loesing, the Walter Trust,

David Bishop, and the Jean Reynolds Trust.

The individual land owners maintain ownership of the artifacts found on their lands. The

recovered artifacts were returned to the appropriate landowners at the project’s conclusion.

1

Introduction

Early in the morning of June 17, 1861, several thousand men fought a brief battle a few miles

east of Boonville, Missouri, that resulted in strategic consequences far beyond the scale of the

engagement or its resultant low cost in human life and blood. The First Battle of Boonville, as it

has been called, pitted a force of about 1,700 Union soldiers against as few as 600 or perhaps as

many as 4,000 men of the newly-formed Missouri State Guard; the estimates of the strength of

the Guard vary widely. The Union force was commanded by an energetic and capable officer,

Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon, who was given command of Union forces in Missouri shortly

after the outbreak of the Civil War. The Missouri State Guard's commander, Major General

Sterling Price, was ill at the time and so was not present at the scene. However, Missouri's pro-

secession governor, Claiborne F. Jackson, was at hand and ordered the State Guardsmen to

confront Lyon's approaching force.

The purpose of this report is to review some of the many historical sources that bear on the

events of June 17, 1861, near Boonville, and to describe the methods and results of

archaeological investigations of the battlefield that took place in 2007 at the request of the

Missouri’s Civil War Heritage Foundation. The Missouri’s Civil War Heritage Foundation is

planning to interpretively link this site to other significant Civil War locales in mid-Missouri that

can be visited by persons with an interest in that state's rich Civil War heritage. It is hoped that

by reviewing the state of knowledge of the battle and confirming the location of the battlefield

through archaeological evidence, further preservation of the battlefield will be better understood.

If history turns pages, then archaeology turns the ground; historical archaeology, as the name

implies, does both. Records and documents are essential ingredients in historical archaeology

but no more so than the knowledge gleaned from artifacts left behind by participants in the event.

Thus, historical archaeologists weave the strands of history with clues painstakingly sifted from

the earth to form a fabric unlike that attainable through history or archaeology alone.

The basic premise is that the modern study of a battlefield requires a combination of historical

sources and archaeological data. In solving a crime, police rely upon two very different types of

evidence. Detectives interview witnesses while other investigators gather fingerprints, blood

samples, and other physical evidence. These investigators address different types of evidence

using unique methods. Evaluated together, this partnership enhances the likelihood of solving

the crime; likewise, the documentary sources and physical evidence of historical archaeology

partner to gain a greater and more complete understanding of past events.

The records and documents that historical archaeologists utilize, especially first-hand accounts of

historical events, are tantamount to eyewitness testimony. They provide the material for

generating hypotheses that can be tested in the archaeological record. They also furnish the basis

by which archaeologically observed patterns can be assigned historically meaningful identities.

The archaeological record contains historical clues in the form of physical remains, including

artifacts, and their contextual relationships. These relationships, which include distributions and

spatial associations of various types of artifacts, can reveal a great deal about the activities that

2

were carried out at a site. The historical archaeologist continually compares both sets of data as

work progresses in order to eventually better explain the events under scrutiny, allowing more

complete approaches to understanding historical events and the cultural milieu within which they

transpired.

Battlefields represent the most violent expressions of human behavior, and the premise of

battlefield archaeology is that physical evidence of violent behavioral is patterned and the

patterns are likely to remain (Fox and Scott 1987). Warfare has special rules by which it is

practiced. Within our own culture this may be seen in the preparation and training given

members of the military. This training is given, and such was true in 1861, to insure that those

engaged in battle will perform their duties based on their training and respond to orders without

dwelling on the consequences (Dyer 1985). That is patterned behavior.

The archaeological tenet argues that artifacts, the leavings of behavioral acts, will occur in

recognizable and interpretable patterns. Battlefields provide a unique opportunity to study the

material by-products of human conflict. Just as the written word or oral testimony can be

assessed and analyzed, the meaning of artifacts and their context can be understood and

interpreted.

The analysis of the artifacts recovered in an archaeological investigation can take a myriad of

forms. It can be simple inductive reasoning or it can be hypothetical and deductive. The process

followed here is the deductive approach based on the development of research questions that

guided the recovery of information and the analysis of the data. It is with these conceptual tools

that the reassessment of the historical sources and the archaeological investigations of the

Boonville battlefield were developed, and are here reported.

The Battle of Boonville, a Short History

The battle of Boonville (Figure 1) has often been characterized as a skirmish by historians

(McElroy 1913:107; Barnes 1929:601; Brownlee 1958:15; Catton 1961:387; Parrish 1973:24;

Rorvig 1992:127; Brooksher 1995:90; Piston and Hatcher 2000:47, 76, 179, 233). The

engagement was brief, estimated at from twenty minutes (Knox 1969:48; T. Knox in the New

York Herald, June 23, 1861; L. Barnes in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21,

1861, and the New York Tribune and The New-York Times, both June 24, 1861; the Ripley Bee,

Ripley, Ohio, June 27, 1861; The Louisville Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861;

Moore 1862:69) to one hour and ten minutes (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24,

1861). With light casualties on both sides, the poorly equipped and largely untrained State Guard

was routed. The disorganized retreat back to Boonville and beyond was sometimes sarcastically

labeled "the Boonville Races" by later commentators.1 The First Battle of Boonville is

1 An example of this label appears in an early history of nearby Saline County (Anonymous

1881:280). A humorous perspective on the battle of Boonville can also be found in the adventures of

"Johnny Whistletrigger," a satirical character created in the early twentieth century by Marshall Ignatius

Boarman, a Jesuit priest who wrote under the penname of "Martique" ("Martique" 1995:10; see also Paillou

3

Figure 1. An idealized representation of the Battle of Boonville (Harpers Weekly, July 13, 1861).

sometimes regarded as the first land battle of the Civil War to take place in Missouri, if not the

entire United States (Barnes 1929:601).2

The battle resulted in a Union victory which left control of the Missouri River in Northern hands

for the remainder of the Civil War, thus denying to the Confederacy the wealth and manpower of

the northern part of Missouri, especially the wealthy "Little Dixie" counties along the river where

pro-South sentiment was strong. It also resulted in Governor Jackson's (Figure 2) cabinet

becoming a government in exile, forced to flee the state of Missouri to the relative safety of

1926:21-22 and Thoma 2006:15-17). Whistletrigger's fictitious participation in the battle was related in the

Boonville Weekly Advertiser, August 11, 1905 (see also ibid.). The lyrics for a song titled "Johnny

Whistletrigger" were composed by Boonville historian Robert L. Dyer and set to a traditional tune in 1993

and published in audio tape and compact disc formats that year. After the war, even State Guard veterans of

the fighting at Boonville could occasionally see humor in the situation they faced. It is related that J.C.

Walden, a former State Guardsman, was asked if he killed anyone in the battle (Melton 1937:80):

"Yes," he said.

"Where did you hit him?"

"Oh, I didn't shoot the enemy, but I ran several to death while I was retreating."

2 The spelling, "Booneville," sometimes appears in contemporary sources. The modern spelling of

"Boonville" is preferred for this work, although "Booneville" is retained in quotations, when appropriate.

4

Arkansas, which had seceded from the Union on the preceding May 6. As the noted Civil War

historian, Bruce Catton (1961:387) succinctly stated:

This fight at Boonville, the slightest of skirmishes by later standards, was in fact a very

consequential victory for the Federal government. Governor Jackson had been knocked loose

from the control of his state, and the chance that Missouri could be carried bodily into the

Southern Confederacy had gone glimmering. Jackson's administration was now, in effect, a

government-in-exile, fleeing down the roads towards the Arkansas border...

Figure 2. Pro-southern Missouri Govenor Claiborne Fox Jackson, from a contemporary sketch.

A Note on the Missouri State Guard

On May 11, 1861, the day following the Camp Jackson "Massacre" (see below), Missouri's state

legislature passed what was called the "Military Bill." This law authorized the governor to

disband the existing state militia, which had performed largely social functions and was poorly

armed, and form a new military organization called the Missouri State Guard. State Guardsmen

were soldiers of the state of Missouri and did not owe allegiance to the federal government or the

Confederacy, although many of them sympathized with the South and eventually left the State

Guard to serve in Confederate units. The State Guard largely ceased to function militarily after

1862, but stayed in existence "on paper" for the remainder of the war (Peterson et al. 1995;

Piston and Sweeney 1999).

The State Guard was organized within nine Military Districts covering the entire state, each of

which contained a Division of the Guard. Regiments were numbered sequentially within each

military district and branch of the State Guard, such as 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Infantry Regiments of

5

the 6th Division, 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Cavalry Regiments of the 6th Division, etc. These number

sequences were repeated in each Military District/Division, so it is difficult to understand unit

numbers unless the appropriate District or Division is identified, as, for example, 1st Infantry

Regiment of the 3rd Division/Military District vs. the 1st Infantry Regiment of the 2nd

Division/Military District. Boonville, in Cooper County, was in the Missouri State Guard's 6th

Military District (Peterson et al. 1995:5, 23; Piston and Sweeney 1999:14-16). State Guard unit

nomenclature is also complicated by the historic use of local names for elements of the Guard,

such as the Washington Blues, the Saline County Cavalry, etc.

A Note on the Sources

The First Battle of Boonville is frequently mentioned by historical writers, but usually only as a

passing mention without detail. Two articles and a compilation present notable exceptions to

this. John Barnes, a professor of military history at the former Kemper Military School in

Boonville, published a detailed analysis of the battle in the Infantry Journal in 1929, and Paul

Rorvig, a doctoral candidate at the University of Missouri-Columbia, published a more recent

reconstruction of the engagement in a 1992 article in the Missouri Historical Review. Since then,

James F. Thoma presented verbatim much of the original source material in a privately-published

work released in 2003 and updated in 2006.

Eyewitness accounts of the battle are few, probably because the engagement ended so

ignominiously for the State Guard and the scale of the battle was small. Individual accounts are

briefly reviewed below. The statements by Nathaniel Lyon, Lucien Barnes, Thomas Knox, and

Franc Wilkie are especially detailed and are emphasized in the discussion that follows. Few of

the participating Guardsmen seem to have relished their recollections of the battle.

The Boonville battle was relatively well reported by the press media. At least ten newspaper

correspondents either personally witnessed the action or arrived at Boonville in the days

following the battle and received information about the fight from participants. At least five

reporters accompanied Lyon's column in its advance on Boonville from Jefferson City, and

possibly three of these were with Lyon's forces as they advanced on land. Of these, the accounts

left by Lucien J. Barnes of the Daily Missouri Democrat (who usually signed his reports simply

"B.") and Thomas W. Knox of the New York Herald are the most detailed and useful for

understanding how the action unfolded. Another correspondent, who signed simply as "L.D.I."

for the Scioto (Ohio) Gazette, also wrote a relatively detailed, but questionable, account of the

battle, which was published on August 13, 1861; nearly two months after the action took place.

Correspondents who arrived during the aftermath of the battle include Albert D. Richardson of

the New York Tribune; Franc Bangs Wilkie of the Dubuque (Iowa) Herald; "S." (possibly Julius

Shrick or "A. Simpson"—see the Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861, the

Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, June 20 and 27, 1861, and the Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861) of the Tri-Weekly Republican, a St. Louis newspaper; and "C." and

"ZOUAVE" of the Daily Missouri Democrat, possibly colleagues of Barnes.

6

Selected accounts of the battle are reproduced in the Appendix.

Union Soldier Accounts

Nathaniel Lyon. Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon (Figure 3) commanded the Federal force that

engaged and defeated the Missouri State Guard at the First Battle of Boonville. He wrote his

official report of the battle on June 30, 1861, and sent it to his commanding officer, General

George B. McClellan. It was later published in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the

Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 3, pages 12-14, and

stands as one of the most detailed and authoritative accounts of the events of June 17, 1861.

Figure 3. Brig. Gen. Nathaniel Lyons, commander of the Union forces at the Battle of Boonville

(after McElroy 1913).

Charles Ebscher and Franc B. Wilkie. Private Charles Ebscher3 was a member of Company A,

3 Charles Ebscher enlisted as a private in Company A, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, on May 1, 1861.

His name is also spelled Epsher on the enlistment record. He was discharged for disability on September 21

of that year. The regiment was redesignated the 1st Missouri Light Artillery on September 1, 1861. See the

7

1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, the regiment commanded by Colonel Francis ("Frank") Preston

Blair, Jr. Franc B. Wilkie was a correspondent of the Dubuque (Iowa) Herald who accompanied

the 1st Iowa Volunteer Infantry regiment on its march to Boonville and subsequently. The

regiment, and Wilkie, reached Boonville on Friday, June 21, four days after the battle (Wilkie

1861:64; Banasik 2001:85). That afternoon, Wilkie, accompanied by Ebscher (whose name the

former spelled as Echler), toured the battlefield and learned of events there from Ebscher. He

also spoke with Mr. and Mrs. Adams, the owners and residents of the house behind the State

Guard line (Wilkie 1861:67; Banasik 2001:89-90). His account of the battle, written on June 22,

was among the letters that Wilkie sent back to the Herald during his travels with the regiment.

His letters were initially published in various issues of the Dubuque Herald, and were

subsequently republished by the newspaper in 1861 in a book titled The Iowa First: Letters from

the War (Wilkie 1861). The book has also been recently published again, under the editorship of

Michael E. Banasik (2001). Although written by Wilkie, who did not personally witness the

battle, his description of it is based on information from Ebscher, a participant, and is one of the

more detailed and reliable accounts of the action.

James Early. One of the oft-repeated incidents of the battle is the capture of approximately two

dozen State Guardsmen by the chaplain of the 1st Missouri Volunteers, William Anderson Pile.

In an article published in the National Tribune4 newspaper on September 24, 1891, James Early,

a former private in Company H, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, contested the story of the

chaplain's valor and claimed that he himself captured the Missourians. His claim could not be

challenged or corroborated by Pile, who died in 1889 (Warner 1964:371-372).

State Guard Accounts

James Harding. James Harding was appointed the Quartermaster General of the Missouri State

Guard, with the rank of Brigadier General, a role he had served with the Missouri militia since

February 1861 (Peterson et al. 1995; McGhee 2000:7). Harding resigned from the State Guard in

April, 1862, and served the remainder of the war in Confederate service (McGhee 2000:v). After

the war, he gave a lengthy address to the Southern Historical and Benevolent Society of St.

Louis, which was subsequently published in the July 18 and 25, 1885, issues of the Daily

Missouri Republican (ibid.).5 These two articles were recently published in book form as

Harding's "memoir" of his service with the Missouri State Guard (McGhee 2000). Selected

Missouri State Archives, "Soldiers' Records: War of 1812-World War I" database on the Missouri

Secretary of State's website (http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/soldiers/) and Adjutant General's Office,

Official Army Register of the Volunteer Force of the United States Army for the Years 1861, '62, '63, '64,

'65, Part 7, pages 56-63 and 385-386 (Washington, 1867).

4 The National Tribune was published by the Grand Army of the Republic (G.A.R.), the largest Union

veterans organization to form after the war.

5 Dyer (1987:108) also states that Harding's reminisce was republished in the Boonville Weekly

Advertiser on July 24, 1886.

8

excerpts of Harding's recollections from the newspaper article of July 18, 1885, are in the

Appendix of this report. Assigned to establish the State Guard's armory at Boonville early in

June, 1861, Harding was present at Boonville before and during the fighting on June 17, although

he probably did not accompany the State Guard force that confronted Lyon's troops.6 His

account, however, is especially valuable for the insight that it provides on the numbers and

equipment of the State Guard that day. He also offers remarks about incidents that preceded and

followed the actual battle, such as meeting Governor Jackson in Pilot Grove after the fighting.

H.T. Barnes. A reminiscent account of the battle was anonymously published in the Boonville

Weekly Advertiser newspaper on June 13, 1924. It was republished in the Chariton Courier

newspaper in Keytesville, Missouri, on August 8 of that year and was reprinted in a 1925 issue of

the Missouri Historical Review ([Barnes] 1925). Boonville historian Robert L. Dyer (1987:109)

identifies the writer as Dr. H.T. Barnes of Pilot Grove and James F. Thoma (2006:9-10) gives his

full name as Hanibal Tabler Barnes. Barnes was a member of the company raised by John

Sappington Marmaduke in Saline County.7 His account describes in detail the positions and

movements of the State Guard force, and appear to confirm Marmaduke's tactical command of

the force. It is one of the more useful accounts for understanding the action that took place.

J.C. Walden. J.C. Walden (whose initials are also sometimes stated as C.J.) was a member of a

unit of the Missouri State Guard known as the Richmond Grays (Anonymous 1932:438). He

died at age 90 on September 27, 1932, and was said to have been the last survivor of the First

Battle of Boonville (ibid.). In the June 21, 1929, issue of the Kansas City Times, he briefly

related his experience during the battle. In four short paragraphs he tells of being in the State

Guard line, hearing the approach of the Federal artillery, firing two volleys, and retreating

through the camp to Boonville. In general, the sketchy account offers little useful detail for

reconstructing the battle.

R.E. Howlett. R.E. Howlett briefly reflected on his participation in the Battle of Boonville

during an interview that was published in the "Rural Life Magazine" of the Boonville Weekly

Advertiser on July 3, 1925. Born in Virginia, he graduated from the St. Louis Medical College in

the spring of 1861. Before he could start his medical practice, the Camp Jackson affair

happened, following which he joined Captain Wallace Williams' company of the Missouri State

6 The armory was located at the Boonville fairgrounds, which were about a half mile below (i.e., east of)

Boonville (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville,

Kentucky, June 21, 1861). Correspondent Thomas Knox reported the fairgrounds as being located a mile

below Boonville (New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

7 Eakin and Hale (1995:17) state that a man named H.T. Barnes enlisted in "Parson's Brigade" of the

State Guard in May 1861. However, as Mosby M. Parsons was appointed commander of the State Guard's

entire Sixth Division on May 17, 1861 (Peterson et al. 1995:172), the reference to "Parson's Brigade" is

unexplained. Barnes himself strongly implies that he enlisted in "Marmaduke's Company" (Boonville

Weekly Advertiser, Boonville, Missouri, June 13, 1924). According to the roster of State Guard officers

published by Peterson et al. (1995:181, 183), Marmaduke's Saline County Jackson Guard Company was part

of the 1st Rifle Regiment of the Sixth Division.

9

Guard. At the First Battle of Boonville, he fired one shot before being ordered to retreat. His

company crossed the Missouri River and fell back to Lexington, another assembly point for State

Guardsmen. Interestingly, he related that he met Marmaduke in Mississippi after the war.

Marmaduke asked him what state he was from. When Rowlett told him that he was from

Missouri and volunteered the comment that he participated in the Battle of Boonville,

Marmaduke is said to have replied, "Well[,] don't say anything about it." Howlett later served in

the Confederate army as a surgeon and at the time of the 1925 interview was a resident of

Otterville, Missouri.

Robert A. Marshall. Robert A. Marshall was a Boonville resident at the time of the battle. He

served in what he later called "a company of scouts" during the fight, but said very little of his

role, or that of his company, in the battle in an article published in the Confederate Veteran in

1920 (Marshall 1920). His account contains useful information about State Guard movements

following the engagement, however.

Civilian Accounts

Lucien J. Barnes. Lucien J. Barnes was one of possibly five newspaper correspondents who

accompanied Lyon's expedition on steamboats as it proceeded toward Boonville from Jefferson

City (Crozier 1956:65-66).8 He worked for the Daily Democrat, a St. Louis newspaper (Crozier

1956:65). Although Crozier (1956:72), in his book Yankee Reporters 1861-65, states that Knox,

Lovie, and Barnes remained on board one of the Federal steamboats to observe the action from

the river, it appears from the first-person action accounts filed by Barnes and Knox that both men

indeed accompanied the troops as they advanced on land. In fact, both Barnes and Knox teamed

up and moved together during the battle and afterward, calling themselves the "reportorial corps."

Barnes' very detailed article is one of the most valuable eyewitness accounts of the First Battle of

Boonville. His report on the battle was first published in the Daily Democrat on June 21,

followed by republication, in full or in part, in the New York Tribune and the New York Times on

June 24, the Ripley (Ohio) Bee and the Bangor (Maine) Daily Whig & Courier on June 27, and

the Columbia Missouri Statesman on June 28. In a brief note in the Daily Democrat on June 17,

1861, a correspondent identified as "B." (presumably Lucien Barnes) reported the first published

news about the forthcoming Boonville confrontation. In that report, "messengers" who left

Boonville in a skiff about daybreak of June 15 or 16 are said to have brought the news that "over

a thousand troops [were] there, with several cannon with which they were endeavoring to fortify

the place and make a stand," evidently a reference to State Guard activities that preceded the

fighting at Boonville.

Thomas W. Knox. Thomas W. Knox was a newly-hired reporter for the New York Herald. He

traveled on the steamboat which also carried General Lyon and Colonel Frank Blair, the

commander of the 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry regiment. After Lyon put his forces ashore,

8 The others appear to have included Thomas W. Knox of the New York Herald, the artist Henri Lovie of

Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, an unnamed reporter of a Chicago newspaper (Crozier 1956:65-66),

and possibly "L.D.I." of the Scioto Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, whose account is of dubious veracity.

10

Knox appears to have followed the column to the State Guard camp and beyond to Boonville. At

least in the latter part of the advance he was in the company of fellow correspondent Lucien

Barnes of the Daily Democrat (Knox 1969:49; T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

Knox' very detailed description of the Boonville action was published in the June 23, 1861, issue

of the New York Herald.9 In 1865, he also published a memoir of his Civil War experiences

entitled Camp-Fire and Cotton-Field: Southern Adventure In Time Of War. However, the

memoir only briefly describes the Boonville battle and its aftermath. His June 23 New York

Herald article provides a much fuller description of the events of June 17. Together, the Lucien

Barnes and Thomas Knox accounts of the battle are two of the most detailed descriptions based

on eyewitness testimony.

"L.D.I." A correspondent of the Scioto (Chillicothe, Ohio) Gazette published a first-person

account of the battle on August 13, 1861, nearly two months after the fighting took place. It is

relatively detailed, and strongly implies that "L.D.I." accompanied the Federal column, but it

presents numerous erroneous or inaccurate details that bring its veracity into question.

The Asoltynes. John Asoltyne and his wife were Boonville residents who arrived in Cleveland,

Ohio, on June 27, bearing news of the recent events at Boonville. Their description, published in

The Daily Cleveland Herald on June 28, 1861, is brief. Neither probably witnessed the actual

fighting, although Mr. Asoltyne is said to have seen Governor Jackson "leave his hotel at

Boonville, reserving as a body guard the best armed company he had."10

Anonymous "citizen of Booneville." The Louisville (Kentucky) Daily Journal published a

description of the Boonville battle on July 4, 1861, based on information from an unnamed

"citizen of Booneville who never states as truth what he doesn't know to be truth." It is not stated

that the informant was present at Boonville during the engagement, or whether he personally saw

any of the action, but his favorable remarks on General Lyon's humane treatment of the State

Guard wounded, the general's kindness and quick release of the prisoners, and his enforcement of

discipline among the troops suggest that the citizen was present at Boonville during at least the

aftermath of the battle.

M.P. Lietz. M.P. Lietz was a citizen of Fulton, Missouri, who was present in Boonville on June

16, 1861, the day before the battle. He did not claim to witness the battle, but stated that he was

sitting in a chair in front of his hotel when Governor Jackson took the chair beside him and the

two men engaged in conversation. Jackson told Lietz he had appointed "Col. Doniphan"11

to

command the State Guard, but Doniphan had declined the appointment for personal reasons

(Webb 1900:279-280; also quoted in Thoma 2006:8).

9 The article, entitled "IMPORTANT FROM MISSOURI.", was not signed or initialed by Knox, but

internal evidence clearly indicates that he was the author.

10

This refers to Captain Joseph M. Kelly's Washington Blues company from St. Louis.

11

Colonel Alexander W. Doniphan, who commanded the 1st Missouri Mounted Volunteers during the

Mexican War (Heitman 1988, 2:50).

11

Anonymous. A strongly pro-State Guard account, reportedly from an anonymous eyewitness to

the battle, appeared in the Louisville (Kentucky) Daily Courier on June 26, 1861, and was

republished in the first volume of The Rebellion Record (Moore [1861]:410-411). Although

acknowledging the Federal victory, the writer states that the State Guardsmen "retired in good

order" after having fired on Lyon's troops from different directions. He also states that Governor

Jackson remained at Boonville for two hours after his troops retreated. The account is biased in

favor of the Missouri forces and generally lacks credibility.

Prelude to Boonville

With the secession of South Carolina from the United States on December 20, 1860, the Union

began to partially dissolve as ten other states subsequently seceded also, the last being Tennessee

on June 8, 1861. Missouri was a state experiencing complex political turmoil at the time. A

large majority of its population derived from Southern states and held pro-Southern attitudes.

Slavery was practiced widely, though slaves were not numerous compared to those in states

further south. Pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces had surreptitiously fought each other for years

along the Kansas-Missouri border region. And a large immigrant population composed primarily

of Germans supported the national government. Despite conflicting sentiments on issues of the

day, most Missourians were against secession from the Union. The politics of Missouri's citizens

were complicated, but simply put, most of Missouri's enfranchised population fell into one of

three camps of political thought: 1) Secessionists, led by Claiborne F. Jackson; 2) Unconditional

Unionists, led by Frank P. Blair, who supported continuing alliance with the Union at any cost;

and 3) Conditional Unionists, led by Hamilton R. Gamble, who supported alliance with the

Union if certain Southern institutions, such as slavery, were allowed to continue (Potter

2006:67).

Claiborne Jackson was elected governor in 1860. He strongly favored the secession of Missouri

from the Union and worked behind the scenes toward that end. His hopes that Missouri would

soon secede were dashed when a political convention, convened by the state legislature to

consider the question of secession from the Union, failed in March, 1861, to advocate secession

despite having a majority of Conditional Unionists among its members (Barnes 1929:601-602;

Brownlee 1958:11-12; Parrish 2006:17-18; Potter 2006:67-70; Denny and Bradbury 2007:16).

Still, Jackson continued to pursue eventual secession, considering more forceful means. As chief

executive of the state government, Jackson controlled the Missouri state militia, which could

constitute an armed force in defense of the state once it declared secession. The militia, however,

were poorly armed and carried out mostly social functions. On April 20, a group of militiamen

from Clay County and the surrounding region seized a small Federal arsenal at Liberty. About

1,500 muskets and rifled muskets were taken from it, as well as a battery of four artillery pieces

(Bartels 2003:6; Denny and Bradbury 2007:19).

Many more arms were needed for the state forces, however, and Governor Jackson eyed the

Federal arsenal at St. Louis, where many thousands of stands of arms were stored. In a plan to

12

seize the lightly defended arsenal, Jackson called the state militia to report to training camps

around the state. The camp in St. Louis, named Camp Jackson, was near the arsenal, but then-

captain Nathaniel Lyon, commander of the arsenal's garrison, took swift action to surround the

camp with his men and thousands of volunteers from the large German-American population of

the city, and compel its surrender. The capture of about 600 militiamen at Camp Jackson on May

10 was bloodless, but escorting the prisoners through hostile onlookers resulted in an exchange

of gunfire in which 28 civilians (including two children), four soldiers, and three militiamen

prisoners were killed (Denny and Bradbury 2007:22-23). The "Camp Jackson Affair" was

followed by another confrontation the next day with a mob in St. Louis, which resulted in the

further deaths of four soldiers and nine civilians. These tragic events sparked outrage throughout

Missouri and a virtually immediate legislative session was called.

In an all-night session, the state legislature passed what has come to be called simply the Military

Bill, which authorized the creation and arming of the Missouri State Guard to protect the state

from Federal invasion. Governor Jackson appointed former Missouri governor Sterling Price as

the commander of the State Guard, with the rank of major general. Recruitment and organization

of the nascent State Guard began almost immediately, and a flurry of orders was issued by the

commanders of the Guard. Price assumed command of the State Guard under Special Order No.

3, which was issued on May 18, 1861 (McGhee 2001 [unpaginated]). He soon issued orders to

organize and equip the State Guard. Several of these orders that concern the 6th Military District

have survived in one of the few State Guard letter and order books that exist (McGhee 2001).

On May 19, Special Order No. 4 directed the commander of Military District 6 to take immediate

steps to organize the State Guard troops in his district (ibid.).

It soon became evident that Boonville was to become the focus for much of the State Guard's

organizational efforts in the 6th Military Division. On May 29, General Order No. 7 directed

Colonel John S. Marmaduke to raise a company of infantry numbering not less than 50 or more

than 100 men, to be stationed at Boonville (ibid.). Also on that date, Assistant Adjutant General

Henry L. Little ordered Brigadier General James Harding to purchase or rent a foundry at

Boonville, the county seat of Cooper County, for use as an armory (ibid.). Special Order No. 7,

also issued on May 29, directed Captain C.B. Alexander to take charge of a detachment of

recruits at Boonville (ibid.). On June 1, Special Order No. 8 directed Captain R.W. Miller to

proceed to Boonville for the purpose of instructing the troops assembled there in drilling and

other military exercises (ibid.). On June 12, the day after the Planters' House conference (see

below) and only six days before the battle at Boonville, General Price issued General Order No.

11, which directed the commanders of all of the Military Districts to assemble all available

troops in their districts, at places to be designated by each commander (ibid.).12

Presumably

these included Boonville within the 6th Military District, where it appears that troop

concentration had already begun. If these orders relating to the 6th Military District are

12

The exception to this was General John B. Clark, Sr., whose command from the North Missouri

division was ordered to Boonville (Snead 1886:207).

13

Figure 4. Maj. Gen. Sterling Price, commander of the Missouri State Guard, but who was ill and

not present at the Battle of Boonville (after McElroy, 1913).

representative, surely Lyon and Blair must have been alarmed at the widespread military

activities being undertaken by a potentially hostile army serving the state of Missouri, not the

Federal government.

Brigadier General William S. Harney, the commander of the Department of the West and thereby

the actual commander of Federal forces in Missouri, had been absent in Washington during the

Camp Jackson events. After his return to St. Louis, he attempted to ease the growing tensions by

negotiating an agreement with Price to cooperate with state forces in the maintenance of peace in

Missouri. The Price-Harney agreement of May 21 was seen as appeasement by Lyon and his

ally, Congressman Frank Blair, who had raised and commanded some of the volunteers that

participated in the Camp Jackson "affair." Blair, who was a friend of President Lincoln, and his

brother, Montgomery, who was Lincoln's first Postmaster General, used their influence with the

president to have Harney relieved from command and replaced by Lyon, who had been promoted

to Brigadier General of U.S. Volunteers on May 17 (Parrish 1963:30; Denny and Bradbury

2007:25-27; Heitman 1988, 1:650).13

13

Lyon had been appointed brigadier general of Missouri volunteers on May 12, 1861, followed by his

promotion to brigadier general of U.S. Volunteers on May 17 (Heitman 1988, 1:650; Warner 1964:286-

287).

14

Jackson and Price made one final attempt to avert conflict between the State Guard and Federal

forces, a confrontation for which the newly created State Guard was at that time unprepared.

They arranged a meeting with Lyon and Blair at the Planters' House hotel in St. Louis on June

11. The meeting was attended by Lyon, Blair, Jackson, and Price, with Major Horace A. Conant

and Colonel Thomas L. Snead present as aides to Lyon and Jackson, respectively. The several-

hour-long discussion ended abruptly when Lyon dramatically stated that he would rather "see

you, and you, and you, and you, and you, and every man, woman, and child in the State, dead and

buried" rather than concede the right for the state to dictate to the Federal government (Denny

and Bradbury 2007:27; Snead 1886:198-200; 1956:267; Parrish 1998:108).14

General Lyon gave Jackson, Price, and Snead one hour to dine and depart the premises under

escort by one of Lyon's officers (Switzler 1881:361, footnote 1). Instead, the three men left

immediately and commandeered a train from the Pacific Railroad depot to take them to the state

capitol at Jefferson City, where they arrived early in the morning of June 12. Fearing pursuit by

Lyon's forces, they burned railroad bridges over the Gasconade and Osage rivers along the way

and pulled down a telegraph line (Adamson 1961:117; Denny and Bradbury 2007:28). At

Jefferson City Jackson drafted a call for 50,000 men to flock to the colors of the State Guard

(Switzler 1881:362).

Nascent State Guard units began to gather at Jefferson City in the days following the Camp

Jackson affair. The most informative account of this mustering is in the post-war reminiscence

of James Harding, the Quartermaster General of the State Guard (See Appendix; McGhee 2000).

Harding recalled several of the units that came to Jefferson City, including the First Regiment of

Rifles, commanded by John S. Marmaduke (Figure 5); Captain Kelly's "perfectly equipped,

admirably drilled and thoroughly armed" company from St. Louis; and the Independence Grays,

who arrived with four brass six-pound cannon seized from the federal arsenal at Liberty,

Missouri (McGhee 2000:19-22).15

He described the small arms issued to the Guardsmen as a

mixture of muskets converted from flintlocks to percussion locks and hunting rifles (see

Appendix; McGhee 2000:23).16

14

Several versions of Lyon's pronouncement exist. The quotation presented here is from Thomas L.

Snead (1886:200), who was present at the meeting.

15

Elsewhere in his presentation, Harding referred to the Liberty arsenal guns as being made of bronze

(Appendix; McGhee 2000:10).

16

See Appendix. Harding stated that the arms available to the state militia in January, 1861, included

310 rifled muskets, 553 muskets ("mostly flintlock" and .69 caliber smoothbores), and 224 rifles, as well as

two six-pound cannon (Appendix; McGhee 2000:7-8, 10). In April, Harding was sent to St. Louis to buy

additional arms, powder, and equipment, which were shipped to Jefferson City. These included "several

hundred" arms, "principally hunting rifles" (Appendix; McGhee 2000:12-13). General Lyon (O.R., Series I,

Vol. 3, p. 14) reported capturing "a considerable number of old rusty arms and cartridges" in the arsenal at

the Boonville fairgrounds. Correspondent Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) described the

arms of the State Guard force at Boonville as a mix of "Minie [i.e., military muskets and rifled muskets] and

Hunting rifles, shot guns and pistols," but noted that the Guardsmen "made poor use of them" on the day of

the battle.

15

Figure 5. Col. John S. Marmaduke, field commander of the Missouri State Guard at the Battle of

Boonville (Library of Congress).

Following the failed Planters' House meeting, Lyon made immediate preparations for two

virtually simultaneous movements to counter Governor Jackson's and the State Guard's initiatives

in the state. He telegraphed Washington for more arms and the authority to raise more troops

(Snead 1886:210). Steamboats were commandeered for the transport of troops on the Missouri

River to seize the state capitol at Jefferson City, and three regiments of infantry were dispatched

to Springfield in southwest Missouri via the Pacific Railroad to Rolla and the "telegraph road"

from that point (Peckham 1866:252-256; Phillips 1990:215-217; Snead 1886:210-211). Lyon

himself was to accompany the Missouri River expedition.

Realizing that Jefferson City would be difficult to defend, partly because of pro-Union sentiment

among a large German-American population in the vicinity, Jackson's government and whatever

State Guard force was present evacuated the capitol city on June 13th and removed to Boonville,

which was thought to be a more suitable place to confront Lyon's forces. Among the advantages

offered by Boonville were its location near high bluffs overlooking the Missouri, where river

traffic could be controlled; strong pro-South sentiment among the population;17

and support from

17

In the 1860 presidential election, Lincoln received only 20 votes out of more than 2,200 cast in Cooper

County (Rorvig 1992:133).

16

heavily pro-South counties to the west (Rorvig 1992:133-134). In addition, Quartermaster

General Harding had been sent to Boonville earlier in June to transfer the State Guard armory

from Jefferson City to that city, which he placed in the buildings at the fairgrounds (McGhee

2000:26).18

A call was put out for State Guardsmen and recruits to muster at Boonville and Lexington,

further up the Missouri River. Before leaving Jefferson City, Governor Jackson ordered

Brigadier General Mosby Monroe Parsons, the commander of the 6th District of the State Guard,

to take the Guard's four-gun artillery battery (captured at Liberty in April) to Tipton, Missouri,

about 20 miles south of Boonville and there await instructions (Rorvig 1992:136).19

Reports of the number of State Guardsmen that assembled at Boonville vary from as few as 350

to as many as 5,000 (Table 1). General Lyon (O.R., Series I, Volume 3, p. 11) believed that

3,000 to 4,000 State Guardsmen had congregated at Boonville. However, State Guard

Quartermaster General James Harding, who was present at Boonville before and during the

battle, set the number at a much lower figure, 650, most of whom lacked even "slight military

experience" and were armed mostly with "shot-guns and squirrel rifles" (Appendix; McGhee

2000:27). This largely agrees with a statement by Thomas L. Snead, Governor Jackson's aide-

de-camp, that "Marmaduke went out with between 400 and 500 men to confront the enemy"

(Snead 1886:213; Peterson et al. 1995:32). The anonymous author of an early Saline County

history (Anonymous 1881:279) states that more than 1,800 Guardsmen assembled at Boonville.

He noted that of these, only about 600 were armed, and these were the men who faced Lyon's

column. John N. Edwards (1993:29) stated the number of Guardsmen present at the Boonville

battle as "five hundred illy-armed militia." However, Edwards is not known to have been present

during the action there.

There are also differing reports on the number of cannon available to the State force at Boonville,

ranging from none to two (Rorvig 1992:137, footnote 33; see also Switzler 1881:363 and Hinze

and Farnham 1997:49, footnote 19). However, in his after-action report Lyon reported capturing

two iron six-pound cannon (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13), which is confirmed by statements in

State Guard Quartermaster General Harding's memoir that the State Guard forces at Boonville

possessed two iron six-pounders (McGhee 2000:29). Most reports suggest that these cannon

18

The actual order for Harding to establish the Boonville armory was issued on May 29 (McGhee 2001).

19

On June 16, the day before the battle, Parsons was ordered to move his force to Boonville, but he did

not arrive until after the State Guard force there was routed and in retreat (McGhee 2000:29 and 2001;

Rorvig 1992:144). The account of the anonymous eyewitness of the battle, published in the Louisville

(Kentucky) Daily Courier, June 22, 1861, The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, June 25, 1861, and

the Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 28, 1861, stated that Parsons had 15 cannon with him, but most

accounts indicate that he had only the four pieces of ordnance taken from the Liberty arsenal.

17

Table 1

Estimates of Missouri State Guard strength at Boonville, June 17, 1861.

____________________________________________________________________________________

350 Marshall 1920:18

400-500 The number actually engaged in the battle; Newark

Advocate, Newark, Ohio, July 5, 1861; Denny and

Bradbury 2007:34; Snead 1886:213

650 Harding in McGhee 2000:27, see also 31

1000+ Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 17, 1861

Ca. 1500 Denny and Bradbury 2007:32

at their

camp

1599 The Louisville Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky,

at their

July 4, 1861

camp

1800+ but Anonymous 1881:279

only ca. 600

fought

2000+ Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20,

1861

about Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24,

3000 1861

3000 Daily Democrat, St. Louis, June 21, 1861; The Daily

Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 21, 1861;

Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

21, 1861; Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861

(but only 1500 of whom advanced from the camp)

2000 Baltimore Sun, Baltimore, Maryland, June 19, 1861 and and 1000

more

"at the

opposite

landing"

3000 St. Louis Christian Advocate, June 20, 1861;

to 4000 Larimer 2000:36; Lyon, O.R., Series I, Volume 3,

p. 11

18

Table 1, cont.

__________________________________________________________________________________

About Thomas Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861.

4000 Knox believed that only about 2000 of this number

participated in the fighting. He also stated that

900 of the State Guardsmen were mounted, "but can

hardly be called cavalry."

4000+ L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June

21, 1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861; The New-York

Times, June 24, 1861; Bangor Daily Whig & Courier, Bangor,

Maine, June 27, 1861; The Ripley Bee, Ripley,Ohio, June 27, 1861

4000 Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June

to 5000 19, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 19, 1861

2 regts L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

of 1800 Missouri, June 21, 1861; New York Tribune,

men + 900 June 24, 1861; The Ripley Bee, Ripley, Ohio,

cavalry + June 27, 1861

other

companies

(ambiguously

stated; 2700+

or 4500+?)

____________________________________________________________________________________

were positioned on high bluffs overlooking the Missouri River, probably near the State Guard

camp (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 21, 1861; Columbia Missouri

Statesman, June 21, 1861;20

Freedom's Champion, Atchison, Kansas, June 22, 1861; New York

Herald, June 23, 1861). Some newspaper reports said that one or more cannon at the camp were

thrown into the river by the retreating Guardsmen (Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861;

Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 22, 1861).

Available accounts are virtually unanimous that the State Guardsmen were poorly equipped with

a wide variety of small arms, and some of the men had no firearms at all. In addition, some

accounts state that the State Guard had insufficient officers to lead the men assembled at

Boonville (Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861; The Louisville Daily Journal,

Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861).21

20

The Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861, reported that the State Guard had only a single six-

pound gun.

21

Correspondent "L.D.I." of the Scioto Gazette (Chillicothe, Ohio), whose account of the Boonville

battle is dubious at best, reported in the August 13, 1861, issue:

19

East of Boonville the State Guard formed a camp which served as a mustering point and base for

the force. The camp was variously called Camp Bacon and Camp Vest, after the landowning

family named Bacon and George Graham Vest, a prominent local citizen and state representative

(Dyer 1987:105 and 1995:4). Lucien Barnes, the Daily Democrat reporter who accompanied the

Federal troops during the battle, stated that Camp Vest was "about one mile west of the house of

Wm. M. Adams," where the State Guardsmen first made a stand against the advancing federal

troops (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861).

The camp is variously said to have been about two miles east of Boonville (H.T. Barnes'

reminiscences, Boonville Weekly Advertiser, Boonville, Missouri, June 13, 1924); at Bacon's

farm (also stated as Bayou's farm in one account, The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio,

June 21, 1861) three miles below Boonville, on the river bluff (Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 21, 1861); three

and a half miles east of Boonville (T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861); four miles below

Boonville (Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; and the Columbia

Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861, which also states the distance as "six by water"); and four

and a half miles east of Boonville (The Louisville Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4,

1861; republished in Moore 1862:69-70).22

On Sunday, June 16, reports were received at Boonville that seven steamboats were observed

coming upriver, loaded with Federal troops bound for the town. At this, the governor conferred

with General Price, and ordered the State troops to disband, "not being able to maintain

themselves against such a force" (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 20, 1861;

Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; Freedom's Champion, Atchison, Kansas,

June 22, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861; The Liberty Tribune,

Liberty, Missouri, June 28, 1861; Harpers Weekly, July 5, 1861). John Asoltyne and his wife,

Boonville residents who visited Cleveland, Ohio, about a week after the battle, related that

"Jackson, when he heard on Sunday that Lyon was coming, ordered his rabble to retreat, but

afterward discovering that the enemy was not so near, told his men they might get ready to fight

if they chose" (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 28, 1861). Events at this

early stage are somewhat confused, but many sources state that the enthusiastic Guardsmen

clamored to resist the Federal force.23

Meanwhile, General Price left on a steamboat for his

Gov. J[a]ckson was off some distance on a hill watching the fight. Gen. Price had left the day previous,

and Col. Marmaduke left just before the fight began, consequently the rebels had no commander. As it was,

they had the best position, and could have given us a hard battle, had not their officers shown the white

feather.

Price, of course, had left the day before the battle because of severe diarrhea, and Marmaduke was present

during the fighting, so "L.D.I."'s accusation of cowardice is not supported.

22

Based on property and probate records for Cooper County, Bob Dyer, a local Boonville historian, has

identified Giles S. Bacon and his brother, Robert B. Bacon, as the owners of 145 acres in the northwest

quarter of Section 33, Township 49, Range 16 (Dyer 1995:4-5). Giles Bacon died in 1860. Subsequent

owners of that property were John Viertel and Charles C. Bell (ibid.:5-6).

23

Several sources state that one of the State Guard captains forcefully insisted that he had come to

20

home in Chariton County because he was suffering from severe diarrhea (Adamson 1961:119),24

and Marmaduke "became disaffected" and resigned because of the futility of resistance against

such a well organized and equipped foe25

(The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June

20, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861; Harpers Weekly, July 6, 1861).

It is also reported that when the report of the advancing steamboats proved not true, the governor

reversed his order to disband and appointed Colonel Henry Lewis Little, a Mexican War veteran

serving as Assistant Adjutant General of the Missouri State Guard (Peterson et al. 1995:34), to

command the State Guard force at Boonville in the absence of Price and the reluctance of

Marmaduke to command (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 20, 1861; Daily

Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia,

June 24, 1861; The Liberty Tribune, Liberty, Missouri, June 28, 1861).

Marmaduke was subsequently persuaded by the governor to accept command of the troops, and

that he did so is attested by the later statement of H.T. Barnes, a member of the State Guard, who

said that he saw Marmaduke riding among the Guardsmen and issuing orders during the fighting

(Boonville Weekly Advertiser, June 13, 1924; Chariton Courier, Keytesville, Missouri, August 8,

1924). In his memoir (McGhee 2000:28-29), State Guard Quartermaster General James Harding,

who was present in Boonville before and during the battle, describes Marmaduke's reluctance

and resignation, the governor's appeal and assumption of responsibility for the outcome, and

Marmaduke's final acceptance of command of the State Guard troops. After the disastrous rout

at Boonville, Marmaduke resigned his commission in the Missouri State Guard and entered the

Boonville to fight, and fight he would do. One veteran of the Boonville battle, Robert A. Marshall

(1920:18), identified this man as Captain "Bill Brown" of Saline County. This is possibly Captain William

B. Brown, who commanded the Saline Cavalry Company (Peterson et al. 1995:176). Brown subsequently

commanded the 1st Cavalry Regiment of the 6th Military Division as colonel, and was killed on September

13, 1861, at the Second Battle of Boonville (ibid.:174, footnote 35).

24

The Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, June 21, 1861. A few reports state that General Parsons, not

Price, was the officer who became sick and left Boonville; however, Parsons had been ordered to Tipton

with four field pieces of the State Guard's artillery and was not present at Boonville before or during the

battle (Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 20, 1861; Freedom's Champion, Atchison,

Kansas, June 22, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861). It was also reported that

Price had resigned at Boonville and left for his home (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861).

The Columbia Missouri Statesman of June 21, 1861 reported both that Price had departed early because of

sickness and also had resigned. Price was carried upriver aboard the steamboat Emilie, whose captain,

Joseph La Barge (1962:255-258), described in his memoir the commandeering of the vessel for this purpose

by Marmaduke and the consequences of this action when the boat fell into federal hands shortly afterwards.

25

H.T. Barnes, a State Guard participant in the battle, years later recalled "There were many camp

rumors concerning the impending battle and it was generally understood that Colonel Marmaduke was

opposed to making the fight because the troops were not sufficiently organized. He favored retreating and

joining the reinforcements from the South" (Boonville Weekly Advertiser, June 13, 1924). Marmaduke was

said to have urged withdrawal to a defensive position along the Osage River between Warsaw and Osceola

(Adamson 1961:117).

21

service of the Confederate army, eventually attaining the rank of major general (McGhee

2000:29; Warner 1959:211-212).

Lyon's Advance

The energetic Lyon acted quickly to counter the mustering of the Missouri State Guard.

Departing St. Louis on two steamboats on June 13,26

he advanced up the Missouri River with a

force that included the 1st Missouri Volunteers, commanded by now-Colonel Blair; Company B

of the 2nd U.S. Infantry (which Lyon had commanded at Fort Riley, Kansas), under the

immediate command of Sergeant William Griffin; two companies of recruits for the Regular

Army, commanded by Lieutenant Warren L. Lothrop, 4th U.S. Artillery; and Captain James

Totten's Battery F of four field guns from the 2nd U.S. Artillery (report of N. Lyon, June 30,

1861, in O.R., Series I, Volume 3, pp. 12-14; Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21,

1861; Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 21, 1861; New York Herald, June 28,

1861).27

Nine companies of the 2nd Missouri Volunteer Infantry, commanded by Colonel Henry

Boernstein, arrived at Hermann, Missouri, by train and boarded the steamer City of Louisiana to

catch up with Lyon.28

Lyon's force, totaling about 2,000 men, arrived at Jefferson City in the

afternoon of June 15 and occupied the deserted state capitol building without opposition

(ibid.:269). At Jefferson City, Lyon received reports that Governor Jackson had withdrawn to

Boonville, where Lyon believed 3,000 to 4,000 State Guardsmen were gathering (O.R., Series I,

Volume 3, p. 11).

Detaching Boernstein and three companies of the 2nd Missouri regiment to guard the capitol,

Lyon proceeded upriver on June 16 on three steamboats (Figure 6) with the balance of the force,

approximately 1,700 men.29

Lyon's force was cheered by the population of Marion, a small town

26

The Iatan and the J.C. Swon (Rombauer 1909:268). Ironically, on May 9 the J.C. Swon had delivered

two twenty four-pound howitzers, an eight-inch siege mortar, six Cohorn mortars, and 500 muskets sent by

Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy, to Camp Jackson for use in seizing the federal arsenal at St.

Louis. The weapons arrived in crates labeled as containing marble. The militia camp was captured by Lyon

before the guns could be uncrated and used against the arsenal garrison (Parrish 1998:100; see Lyon's report

of June 29, 1861, in O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 386).

27

The Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861, reported that only two field pieces

were off-loaded from the steamboats, while the Columbia Missouri Statesman of that date reported Totten's

battery to be comprised of six guns. A June 28, 1861, article in the New York Herald clearly states that

Totten's battery was composed of four guns (at least on land, after off-loading from the steamboats), and

correspondent Thomas Knox reported that two of the guns--a six-pounder and a 12-pounder--were

unlimbered and fired at the State Guardsmen near Boonville (New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

28

A memoir written by Boernstein was recently published (Rowan 1997), but because he was not present

at the Boonville fight it sheds no light on the battle.

29

The steamboats were the McDowell, the Iatan, and the City of Louisiana; evidently the Swon was left

behind, possibly for Boernstein's support. The Swon was reported to have arrived at Jefferson City on June

18, bringing two artillery pieces, ammunition, and gunners for the defense of Boernstein's headquarters

22

Figure 6. The steamboat Iatan, one of the river vessels used by Lyon’s to transport his

Federal troops to Boonville (Harpers Weekly, July 13, 1861).

on the right bank of the river a few miles upstream from Jefferson City (L. Barnes in the Daily

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861). A brief stop was made at Rocheport, a left bank

community a few miles downstream from Boonville, where the residents were found to be

"mostly surly and not disposed to be communicative" (L. Barnes, ibid.). Commandeering the

steam ferry boat, Paul Wilcox, as a fourth vessel, Lyon's force proceeded from Rocheport early in

the morning of June 17 until it passed an island several miles below Boonville. There an artillery

battery was seen on the river bank and the steamboats withdrew to a point opposite the foot of

the island, approximately eight miles below Boonville.30

The Union force disembarked prior to 7 o'clock a.m.31

New York Herald correspondent Thomas

(Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19, 1861). Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Schaefer commanded

the remainder of the 2nd Missouri Volunteers in Boernstein's absence.

30

Knox 1969:47. An anonymous article on page 3 of the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21,

1861, states that the battery was located five miles below the town of Adam's Mill, while The Daily

Cleveland Herald (Cleveland, Ohio) of the same date indicates that the battery was five miles below

Boonville, at the town of Adams' Mills [sic]. Either could account for the two iron six-pound cannon that

Lyon reported as captured (N. Lyon, O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13). Possibly the guns were positioned near

the State Guard camp, which was said to be located near the river bluff. On the other hand, correspondent

"L.D.I." reported in the Scioto Gazette (Chillicothe, Ohio), August 13, 1861, that instead of cannon being

observed, "a scout or picket guard of the enemy was seen running in the direction of their encampment,"

presumably to raise an alarm.

31

Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) recorded that the order to move was given at three

minutes before seven o'clock a.m. In the Daily Democrat of June 24, the correspondent, who was someone

other than Lucien Barnes, reported that the battle began at 7:45 a.m.

23

Knox reported that "A farmer at work in a field near the landing stated that the enemy were in

camp four and a half miles from that spot, or three and a half miles below Booneville" (New York

Herald, June 23, 1861).32

Lyon's force proceeded in order of column along the road between Rocheport and Boonville (L.

Barnes, Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861). Company D of the 1st Missouri

Volunteers, commanded by Captain Henry Richardson, was left on the McDowell to guard the

steamboats, along with an eight-inch howitzer to be used to shell the State Guard camp when it

was within range of the boats.33

Two companies of the 2nd Missouri Volunteers, Companies A

and B commanded by Captains Otto Schadt and Francis Kohr, respectively, were deployed as

skirmishers to the right and the left, ahead of the column.34

The order of march of the remainder

of the column, as reported by Lyon (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13), was Company B, 2nd U.S.

Infantry, followed by Totten's Battery F of the 2nd U.S. Artillery, the two recruit companies

under Lieutenant Lothrop, the 1st Missouri Volunteers, and four companies of the 2nd Missouri

Volunteers under Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Schaefer.35

Although not mentioned by Lyon,

ten mounted men are reported by Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) to have

preceded the column, probably as scouts.

The Battle

After proceeding along the road for about two miles, the column received brief fire from a party

of State Guard sentinels, who then fell back. The skirmishers deployed to the right and Company

B, 2nd U.S. Infantry, deployed to the left and returned fire. Several shots were fired from two of

32

In his memoir, Knox (1969:45) reported this incident somewhat differently: "Touching at a landing on

the left bank of the river, fifteen miles below Booneville, a scout from the enemy's camp came easily into

our hands. From being a scout of the enemy he became our scout, as he revealed in his fright all we wished

to know." This version differs significantly from the June 23 article in that the landing occurred on the left

bank (if Knox was following the geographical convention of designating river banks from the downstream

perspective, not upstream) rather than the right bank of the river, and at a point fifteen miles below

Boonville, not eight miles. On the other hand, his perspective may have been upstream, as that was the

direction in which the steamboats proceeded.

33

Thomas Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861. Knox also reported that the howitzer was in the

charge of a Captain "Boester" (i.e., Voerster), who had a detail of 20 men to assist him with it.

34

Lyon, O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13; Thomas Knox in the New York Herald, June 23, 1861. Captain

Francis (sometimes given as Franz) Kohr was later killed in action at the Battle of Pea Ridge in Arkansas on

March 6, 1862 (Adjutant General's Office 1867, 7:79).

35

Colonel Schaefer was later killed in action at the Battle of Stones River, Tennessee, on December 31,

1862 (Adjutant General's Office 1867, 7:79).

24

Figure 7. A sketch of the Battle of Boonville from the Federal side from Thomas Knox’s book

Campfires and Cottonfields (1969). Knox was an eyewitness to the battle and this sketch generally

depicts the terrain well.

Totten's guns, and three additional companies of infantry deployed to the right (Figure 7). These

included Lothrop with a company of recruits for the Regular army; Captain Theodore Yates with

Company H of the 1st Missouri Volunteers; and an unspecified company from one of the two

Volunteer regiments.36

After proceeding another mile, Lyon observed the main force of the State Guard drawn up along

a lane or path perpendicular to the Boonville-Rocheport road and aligned in front of (i.e., east of)

a house belonging to William M. Adams (Wilkie 1861:65, 67; Banasik 2001:86, 89-90). The

State Guard line extended to the north and the south on both sides of the Rocheport road (ibid.).

Local Boonville historian Robert L. Dyer (1995:7-9) has noted that another house, owned by

William D. Adams and located nearby to the northwest, is sometimes confused with the William

M. Adams house, and points out that this confusion is even embedded in former State

Guardsman H.T. Barnes' 1924 reminiscent account of the battle.

Wilkie (1861:65-66; Banasik 2001:86-87), who toured the battlefield four days after the

engagement, described the terrain between the two opposing positions:

36

Captain Yates' name is stated as Theodore in the Official Army Register of the Volunteer Force of the

United States Army (Adjutant General's Office 1867, 7:385) and in a regimental roster published by

Rombauer (1909:359); elsewhere it is sometimes given as George. Lyon (O.R. Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13)

reported the unspecified company as being from the "Third Missouri Volunteers," an obvious error because

no troops of the Third Missouri Volunteer Infantry were present at the Boonville engagement.

25

Starting from the front of the secession forces and walking down the road about 600

yards, one reached the brow of a small hill. On his left, till he reaches this hill, is a sort of

pasture grown over with weeds, on his right a wheat field; on the brow of this hill, commences,

on his left, woods which extend to the river, on his right is a cornfield with the timber killed by

girding.

Correspondent Thomas Knox, who witnessed the fighting from the position of Totten's battery,

provided a more detailed description of the battle's setting (New York Herald, June 23, 1861):

...As the column ascended the bluff the pickets of the enemy were seen and driven in. After an

advance of three-fourths of a mile one of the advanced guard rode hastily back to the head of the

column and informed General Lyon that the whole body of the State troops were drawn up a few

hundred yards in front. General Lyon at once ordered the regulars under Sergeant Griffin to the

left, and Captain Schutten's riflemen to the right. Captain Totten's battery was ordered to the

front to occupy the road.

The enemy were drawn up about three hundred yards in advance, on the crest of a hill, or

rather a long swell or ridge, over which the road passed at the highest point. The road was

occupied by Colonel Marmaduke, with a small body of horsemen and a battalion of infantry.

Immediately on his left was a brick house filled with rebel troops, and back of this, towards the

river, was a narrow lane, where his left wing was posted. To their rear was a wheat field, and in

this was miscellaneously scattered small crowds of men, apparently without order or regularity.

To his right was another wheat field, separated from an adjacent corn field by a "worn fence,"

and behind this fence his right wing was posted...Our line was formed on a ridge similar to that

occupied by the enemy and parallel to it, separated from the latter by a valley with a gentle

descent on either side. To our left was a corn field and on our right a copse or grove of

scattered oaks. The regulars advanced in the corn field, to the crest of the ridge, creeping up the

latter and firing when the opportunity occurred...The hollow between the ridges was full of

scattered oaks, and those served as a cover to our men.

According to Wilkie (1861:65-66; Banasik 2001:87), Lyon's column received fire from the State

Guard line when it reached the brow of the hill about 600 yards east of the Missourians' position.

The Federal force is said to have fallen back behind the brow of the hill to unlimber the artillery

pieces and prepare to engage the enemy (ibid.). When they again advanced to the brow of the

hill, the Federals in the wheat field to the south of the road came under fire from the right wing of

the State Guard position (ibid.).37

37

Several newspaper sources report that that Lyon withdrew his troops toward the steamboats after first

encountering the State troops, in a feint to draw out the Guardsmen from their position so they could be

attacked in the open ("S." in the Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19 and 20, 1861; "C." in

the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19 and 20, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, June

19 and 20, 1861; Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, June 21, 1861; Harpers Weekly, July 6, 1861).

However, Lyon reported no such movement and this story may stem from misinterpretation of the Federal

troops' withdrawal from the brow of the small hill in order to prepare for the advance on the State Guard

line.

26

According to Lyon, the skirmishers on either side of the column advanced steadily, firing on the

enemy, while Totten's battery opened fire from "high and open ground" (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p.

13), presumably the brow of the hill mentioned by Wilkie and Knox. Captain Thomas D.

Maurice's Company B of the 1st Missouri Volunteers deployed to support Company B, 2nd U.S.

Infantry, on the left, and Captain Patrick E. Burke's Company K, 1st Missouri, also subsequently

deployed to the left and engaged the Guardsmen. Five other companies of the 1st Missouri (A,

under Captain William Fuchs; C, under Captain George H. Stone; E, under Captain Nelson Cole;

F, under Captain Carey Gratz; and G, under Captain John S. Cavender) relieved the companies

first engaged and deployed as skirmishers. Cole's company occupied the extreme right of the

federal position, and thus eventually was the first to enter the State Guard camp after the

disorganized retreat of the Guardsmen (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13). Thus it appears that four to

perhaps six of the federal infantry companies were engaged with the State Guard force at any

time during the engagement (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 21, 1861).38

Totten's battery is said to have fired about 100 rounds of "ball, shell and cannister" and "did

effective service" (L. Barnes, Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; O.R., Series I,

Vol. 3, p. 13).39

The Adams house was among the targets of the Federal artillery, which

breached the wall of the house at least twice, the results of which were observed by Wilkie

during his visit to the battlefield on the afternoon of June 21 (Wilkie 1861:67; Banasik 2001:89).

Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) reported that the house was "completely

riddled" by the artillery shell fire, and that one round had burst "in the very centre of the building,

at a time when it was full of soldiers."40

Knox also reported the action that unfolded (New York Herald, June 23, 1861):

...Soon as our men were in position Captain Totten unlimbered a twelve-pounder and a six

pounder [sic],41

and sent a shell from the former into the midst of the men occupying the road. A

38

A correspondent (not Lucien Barnes) of the Daily Democrat (St. Louis, Missouri) reported in the June

24, 1861, issue that "The balance of the companies were held as a reserve, and were greatly disappointed in

not being permitted to participate in the fight." Some of the men of Captain Henry Richardson's company,

who remained on the steamboat McDowell during the battle, were said to have "even shed tears because

they were unable to join in the battle" (T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

39

Lucien Barnes, in the cited Daily Democrat article, attributed the "about 100 rounds" figure to a

statement by Totten (see also Moore [1861]:410). The Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

22, 1861 (and republished in The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, June 25, 1861, the Warrenton

Flag of '98, Warrenton, Virginia, June 27, 1861, and the Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 28, 1861),

reported that the Federal battery fired only about 20 rounds of grapeshot and ball during the battle.

40

Mr. and Mrs. Adams told Wilkie that no State Guardsmen fired from the house, despite reports to the

contrary (Wilkie 1861:67; Banasik 2001:89).

41

Lucien Barnes' oft-published account (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; The New-

York Times, June 24, 1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861; The Ripley Bee, Ripley, Ohio, June 27, 1861;

Bangor Daily Whig, Bangor, Maine, June 27, 1861) states that one or more of Totten's guns were nine-

27

puff of smoke rising from among them showed that the gunner's aim had been true. The next

shell was directed upon the squads of men in the wheat field and caused them to make a hasty

retreat. The fire now became general along the whole line; the regulars on the right, and the

German troops on the left, advancing in good order...The regulars advanced in the corn field, to

the crest of the ridge, creeping up the latter and firing when the opportunity occurred...Captains

Stone, Cole and Cavender were sent to support the right of the regulars, and in this way they all

advanced to the fence where the enemy were at first spotted. The battalion from the Second,

supported by Captains Maurice's, Burke's and Yates' companies, were at the same time doing

good work on the right; and in twenty minutes from the time Capt. Totten fired the first shell the

rebels were in full retreat, and our men occupying the lines first held by the enemy...

From this point the Union troops proceeded, still in line, for nearly a mile, over ground

somewhat uneven, but not rough.

In his post-war memoir, Knox (1969:47-48) provided only a very brief summary of the

engagement:

The enemy's pickets were driven in. The enemy, in line of battle, was discovered on a long ridge,

and our own line was formed on a ridge parallel to it. Then we opened fire with our artillery

(one battery was all we possessed), and received no response, save by a desultory discharge of

small-arms. Next our infantry added its tenor notes to the bass of the field-guns; the Rebel

forces melted steadily away, and the field was in our possession, twenty minutes after the

opening shot had been fired.

Lyon stated that the State Guard line held its position "for a while," then retreated, returning fire

from "sundry points" nearly to their camp (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13).42

Unfortunately, Lyon reported no details of State Guard movements during the retreat, but

correspondent Lucien Barnes' account described a secondary position taken by the Guardsmen

pounders, but this is unlikely. Thomas Knox's statement in the New York Herald, June 23, 1861, that Totten

unlimbered only a six-pound and a 12-pound cannon seems more specific and more accurate. Barnes'

statement about the 9-pound cannon, however, occasionally found its way into post-war secondary literature

(Peckham 1866:270; Levens and Drake 1876:98; Switzler 1881:363; Johnson 1919:187).

42

Correspondent Wilkie (1861:66; Banasik 2001:87-89) reported that the State Guard line began to

disintegrate after six or seven volleys from the Federal infantry. In a brief communication to Assistant

Adjutant General of Missouri Volunteers Chester Harding, Jr. (the brother of State Guard Brigadier General

James Harding), written at Boonville on June 18, the day after the battle, Lyon summarized the Federal

advance (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 385):

We debarked next morning a little above Rockport [i.e., Rocheport], and had not proceeded more than 2

miles before we met their advanced pickets, and soon after their whole force. At first the secessionists made

a weak effort, which doubtless was intended to lead us on to their stronghold, where they held on with

considerable resolution, and gave us a check for a short time and made some havoc. On moving forward,

however, a straggling fire from the right and left made it necessary to move on with caution and slowness,

and we reached the city [Boonville] about 2 o'clock p.m....

28

after they left their initial formation at the Adams house:

The well directed fire [of the federal force]...soon compelled the enemy to present an inglorious

aspect. They clambered over the fence into a field of wheat and again formed in line just on the

brow of the hill. They then advanced some twenty steps to meet us, and for a short time the

cannons were worked with great rapidity and effect. [Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June

21, 1861]

Interestingly, the incident of a second line formed by the Missouri State Guard after they began to

fall back was not mentioned in Wilkie's account, which was based on information provided to

him, not personal observation as was Lucien Barnes' description of the battle. A correspondent

of the Daily Democrat (not Lucien Barnes) reported in the June 24, 1861, issue "When they [i.e.,

the State Guard] made their second stand, they delivered two very good volleys," but the

reference to the "second stand" is not further explained.43

After that unsuccessful attempt at a second stand, according to Barnes (ibid.), "Nothing more,

however, was seen of the flying fugitives until about one mile west of the house of Wm. M.

Adams, where they were first posted. Just there was Camp Vest..." Wilkie rather romantically

described the disorganized retreat of the State Guardsmen, who he referred to sarcastically as

"chivalry" (Wilkie 1861:66; Banasik 2001:89):

One "chivalry" suddenly dodges behind a tree, and makes for his horse; another sees him and

follows suit; a third, a fourth, a dozen are off; fifty, a hundred, five hundred, a thousand, fifteen

hundred! Away they go; no time now for ceremony—it's life! Away go swords and rifles, off

come coats and blankets. On to their horses go the "chivalry" and tearing pell mell into

Boonville by highways and byways, through the woods, over wheat fields, any way to get there.

Hundreds crowd the ferry boat, are put over and never stop their speed till miles, many and long,

are put between them and those yelling devilish regulars. Others never pull bridle until they pull

up at Lexington. They go east, west, north, south...

Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) reported a brief attempt at further resistance at the State

43

Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) reported "miscellaneously scattered small crowds of

men, apparently without order or regularity," dispersed in a wheat field behind the State Guard line formed

along the lane that passed by the Adams house perpendicular to the Rocheport-Boonville road. Although

the sources for the information are not identified, an early history of nearby Saline County (Anonymous

1881:279-280) also suggests that a second line of resistance was attempted: The explosion of nine pound

shells from the battery of the enemy was soon, however, too much for them, and they fell back into a

wheat field on the crest of the bluffs. Here, for half an hour, they stood so steadily and received the

Federals with a fire so galling and well sustained, that, what before was a mere skirmish actually

assumed the appearance of a battle. But the odds were too great, and the battle was speedily over.

Mention of the nine-pounder cannon shells and the wheat field, however, may indicate that the

anonymous author paraphrased and embellished information from the Lucien Barnes account of the

action.

29

Guard camp:

...In a grove at the entrance to Camp Vest, the rebels made a brief stand, but two shells and a

few rounds of Minie balls speedily dislodged them, and they fled in tumultuous[?] haste towards

Booneville...

Camp Vest was soon occupied by the federal troops, who captured 1,200 shoes, 20 or 30 tents,

ammunition, about 50 firearms "of various patterns," blankets, coats, carpet sacks, and two

"secession" flags (L. Barnes, Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861).44

Captain

Nelson Cole's company was left to occupy the camp, while the federal force continued toward

Boonville.

Correspondent Thomas Knox (1969:48; see also the New York Herald, June 23, 1861) described

the deserted camp:

...I entered the camp, and found many signs of a hasty departure. I found the fires burning, and

dozens of coffee-pots and frying-pans filled with the materials for breakfast. Here was a pan full

of meat fried to a crisp, from the neglect of the cook to remove it before his sudden exodus. A

few feet distant lay a ham, with a knife sticking in a half-severed slice. A rude camp-table was

spread with plates and their accessories, and a portion of the articles of food were carefully

arranged. The seats for the breakfast party were in position, two of them being overturned...The

tents were standing, and in some the blankets were lying on the ground, as if they had been very

suddenly vacated. In one tent was a side-saddle, a neat pair of gaiters, and a hoop-skirt. The

proper connection of these articles with the battle-field I was unable to ascertain.

Knox went on to note that "In that camp was a fine lot of provisions, arms, equipments, and

ammunition. Saddles were numerous, but there were no horses." Knox (1969:49), accompanied

by Lucien Barnes, equipped themselves with clothing, blankets, and other needed items found in

the camp.45

Some Guardsmen were also observed preparing to defend the fairgrounds where the State

Guard's newly-established armory was located. The iron howitzer on the McDowell fired a shell

toward the fairgrounds, Totten's cannon fired at least one round in that direction, and one of

Lothrop's recruit companies fired a volley, all of which "scattered the now thoroughly alarmed

enemy in all directions" (L. Barnes, Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; see also

T. Knox in the New York Herald, June 23, 1861). Several hundred muskets, many in the process

44

Correspondent "L.D.I." reported in the Scioto Gazette (Chillicothe, Ohio) of August 13, 1861, that

"12000 stand of arms, mostly old muskets and common rifles," were captured at the camp, an obvious

exaggeration. Moreover, "L.D.I."'s account of the day's events disagrees with a number of details reported

by others and is dubious for that reason.

45

Earlier, during the battle, Knox and Barnes had taken possession of two riderless horses that galloped

into the Federal line from the State Guard position (New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

30

of being converted to percussion ignition from flintlocks, were captured at the armory (L. Barnes,

Daily Democrat, St. Louis, June 21, 1861).

Meanwhile, Captain Richardson's company disembarked from the McDowell and, "with the

support of the howitzer," captured the State Guard's two six-pounder guns on the river bluff,

along with 20 prisoners, one caisson, and eight horses (L. Barnes, Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

Governor Jackson observed the battle from a considerable distance to the rear, said to range from

a mile distant ("S." in the Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19 and 20, 1861;

Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, June 20, 1861; The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland,

Ohio, June 20, 1861; Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 20, 1861; Freedom's

Champion, Atchison, Kansas, June 22, 1861; The Liberty Tribune, Liberty, Missouri, June 28,

1861); to two miles ("C." in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19, 1861); to three

miles (The Louisville Daily Journal, July 4, 1861; Moore 1862:6-70). He was reported to have

kept his best trained and equipped company of infantry with him as a bodyguard.46

Rightly or

wrongly, Jackson's reluctance to engage the approaching Federal force before the battle, his

staying a considerable distance away from the fighting, and his retaining the most effective State

Guard unit as a personal bodyguard during the battle have been criticized by his contemporaries

as signs of cowardice (Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 20, 1861; The

Louisville Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861).47

46

This was Company E of the 1st Rifle Regiment of the 6th Military Division, commanded by Captain

Joseph M. Kelly, who had seen prior service in the British army (Peterson et al. 1995:172, 183). The

company was also known as the Washington Blues of the former state militia. Originally from St. Louis, it

avoided capture at Camp Jackson by having been detailed to escort a shipment of arms and powder from St.

Louis to Jefferson City prior to the Camp Jackson "affair" (ibid.:291). Boonville resident John Asoltyne

saw Governor Jackson leave his hotel in Boonville, with "the best armed company he had" (The Daily

Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 28, 1861).

47

An article in the Columbia Missouri Statesman for June 21, 1861 (and republished in the Daily

Missouri Republican, St. Louis, on June 24, 1861), editorialized about the governor's behavior:

Where was Gov. Jackson, at whose call brave men, armed and unarmed, rallied to his encampment? Why

did he not head the advancing columns and share their common dangers, giving them counsel and

command, instead of exposing them to the fire of well armed and disciplined troops in one of the most

wretchedly planned campaigns that General Disorder ever led? Why did not he, in the absence of Gen.

Price, either head, follow or flank the gallant force, which, under the signal disadvantages of his own

previous errors and rashness, was about to engage in deadly conflict with the federal troops he desired

expelled from the State? Why did he not do this instead of waiting at a distance, out of harm's way, the

issue of the conflict, and then fly on a steamer up the river, taking with him, what he had around him all the

time, the only really well armed company (Capt. Kelly's) in the whole army?...Where is Governor Jackson?

Who can tell?

In an unusual article, the Louisville Daily Courier (Louisville, Kentucky) of June 22, 1861 (also published

in The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, June 25, 1861), offered a defense of at least some of the

31

State Guardsmen Recall the Battle

Accounts of the battle by Missouri State Guardsmen who participated on the losing side are very

few in number. Since their perspective on the engagement is so different from that of Lyon and

the other pro-Union commentators, they are worth quoting in extenso, though they are all

unfortunately very brief.

In a reminiscent article published almost 60 years after the battle, Robert A. Marshall (1920), a

resident of Boonville and a member of a State Guard "company of scouts" raised there before the

battle, recalled few details of the fighting:

When this unhappy strife was inaugurated, I was a resident of Boonville, Mo.,...I was by

no means a secessionist per se, although deplored the election of Lincoln and the hasty action of

South Carolina...

...Apparently Boonville was not behind in zeal for the South; but on assembling to form a

company a prominent lawyer, who since the war has been elected Governor of the State, offered

a resolution that the married men should form a Home Guard and the single men the State guard

[sic]. This had the effect of leaving those who would go to war in a large minority. Indeed, the

company formed consisted of more officers than enlisted men. However, we went industriously

to drilling, and soon a quantity of powder, which had been stored at Jefferson City, was

transported to Boonville and guarded by the State guard company there...

The State guard was then ordered to rendezvous at Boonville, and troops from the

surrounding counties were hurried to Boonville; but Lyon, who had already occupied Jefferson

City, proved himself a man of energy, as he advanced on Boonville with fifteen hundred men and

four pieces of cannon. General Price, sick and unfit for duty, had taken a steamer for Lexington.

There were scarcely three hundred and fifty Southern men to oppose this Federal force. Two

companies at least were mounted men, and there was no organization. Col. John S. Marmaduke,

who was the ranking officer, proposed to retreat; but Capt. Bill Brown, who commanded a

company of mounted men from Saline County, said he came there to fight. Marmaduke suffered

himself to be overruled. The result is easily anticipated. The company of scouts to which I was

governor's actions and cast a brighter, if not fanciful, light on the battle in general:

Gov. Jackson was in person on the ground...No word of disbanding the State troops was ever heard of; nor

of the flight of Governor Jackson, who, on the contrary, cooly remained two hours after the retreat of the

State troops. Gov. Jackson is now with his men; the order to retreat given on Sunday, purely as a strategic

movement; while some of the boys determined to have the fun of making the invaders smell burning

gunpowder anyhow; and the attack was made with the distinct purpose of retreating immediately afterward.

Correspondent Thomas Knox, who accompanied the Federal force, sarcastically commented that "Governor

Jackson is reported to have made splendid time on his retreat. With Union troops behind him, he could

doubtless eclipse the famous riders on the pony express" (New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

32

attached certainly obtained no glory. The man who acted as commander, said to have been an

old Indian fighter, rode off somewhere, presumably to reconnoiter, took a shot at the enemy, and

was seen no more by use until the next day. General Parsons, who was the brigadier for this

territory, was hastening up four pieces captured from the Liberty arsenal, but arrived in the

vicinity of the battle field about two hours after the defeat...

Marshall claimed to be a lieutenant in his State Guard unit, but his name does not appear on the

roster of officers published by Peterson et al. (1995). The Bill Brown to whom Marshall refers

was William B. Brown, captain of the Saline Cavalry Company and later Colonel of the 1st

Cavalry Regiment of the 6th Military Division of the State Guard (Peterson et al. 1995:174, 176).

He was killed in a second action at Boonville on September 13, 1861 (ibid.:174, footnote 35).

A more informative account of the State Guard's actions that day was also recorded more than 60

years afterward by H.T. Barnes (Boonville Weekly Advertiser, Boonville, Missouri, June 13,

1924). Barnes was a member of Marmaduke's Company from Saline County, which was

commanded during the battle by 1st Lieutenant Lucien Gaines in Marmaduke's absence while the

latter commanded the State Guard force in toto:

The fatal day of June 17, 1861, came on, and we were ordered to fall in by our captain who at

that time was Gaines. We moved about two miles down the river to the W.D. Adams place, when

our march was changed down a fence on the east side of the Adams farm, with heavy timber east

of us. We had no breastworks of any kind. We were halted when we came to the Rocheport road

and heard a shot east of us and soon the beat of horses feet coming up the road. The rider was a

handsomely dressed young man mounted on a black horse. He said, "Boys, they are coming.

They shot at me down there."48

In a short time we were ordered to fall back into a wheat field

north of the Adams house. Captain Brown's company formed our extreme right, extending from

the Adams house across the road. That company had some protection of trees, fences and

outbuildings. Before taking our position we were fired on by the federal troops. In an

incredulously short space of time Captain Totten's federal artillery came down. Our forces

having no protection in that wheat field were ordered to fall back over the brow of the hill to

escape the missiles, the attacking forces being out of reach of our shot guns and rifles.

Colonel Marmaduke, riding along our line, gave the command to advance to the former position.

The troops failed to obey the order, only three men responding, William M. Price, of Arrow

Rock, a first cousin of Colonel Marmaduke, A.T. Swisher, of Marshall and the writer.

As soon as we were exposed I saw the flash of a cannon. I dropped down as I heard a shot

coming through the wheat. It entered the ground within an arm's reach of my foot. Then we

heard in the timber near us the command to advance. Colonel Marmaduke having returned to

48

Barnes evidently witnessed the return of one of the State Guard pickets who first encountered Lyon's

force before it was visible to the main body of State troops. After the war, in 1886 or 1887, he encountered

the man who had ridden the black horse and learned his name, Tom Stephens from Bunceton, Cooper

County, Missouri.

33

the Adams house and seeing the troops failing to respond to his orders rode down a second time

and finding the men in a little ravine said, "If the Yankees catch you in here, they'll kill half of

you. Orders to retreat and every man take care of himself."

The battery kept firing as we retreated through the woods on the west, more for its demoralizing

effect than for its execution. Several of us came through our deserted camp and reaching the

east part of Boonville we found General M.M. Parsons, with his brigade; Gov. Claiborne I. [sic]

Jackson, Col. Marmaduke and other officers.

A shorter reminiscent account of the battle was provided by J.C. Walden, another State Guard

participant, in 1929 (Kansas City Times, June 21, 1929):

Monday morning our scout brought word Union troops were landing three miles east of

Boonville on the south side of the river. We immediately were ordered to advance and meet

them. Our equipment was poor; most of us had poor rifles, if any, but all went forward with the

idea that the enemy soon would be vanquished.

We formed in a wheat field and waited quietly. When we heard the clank of the cannon on the

road below us we were told to be ready. "When I raise my hand--fire!["] the captain said. As

the enemy went by us on the road below us, we saw the signal and fired. The Federal column

paid little attention and didn't even break ranks. We fired a second volley, when someone yelled

retreat. I don't know whether it was the captain--but we retreated.

I started for the camp at the old fairgrounds where we had left our knapsacks. I found our things

taken by the enemy and I ran and hid under the river bank. Finally two other Howard County

men and I found our way into Boonville and went to Mrs. Beck's shop on Main Street to get some

ginger cake and cider. While we were there, I heard the clanking of the Federal cavalry up the

street and we hiked without food for the river.

A boat was just leaving for Howard county, and the gangplank was thrown down for us. The

Federals fired and the captain would have stopped if it had not been for the insistence of Captain

Cooper, who was ready to "blow out somebody's brains."

An extremely brief reminisce about the battle was provided by State Guard veteran R.E. Howlett,

who provided only four brief sentences ("Rural Life Magazine," Boonville Weekly Advertiser,

July 3, 1925):

As I said a minute ago, I was at the Battle of Boonville. I fired one shot and was ordered to fall

back. Our company went across the river and on into Lexington. At this time we were in the

Missouri state service.

Although not a firsthand description of the battle, State Guard Quartermaster General James

Harding offered some humorous insight into the battle in his recollections (Appendix; McGhee

2000:32-33):

34

The day before the affair at Boonville several men recommended as crack shots, and as being

especially well qualified as sharp-shooters and independent fighters, came to me for arms. I

gave them some excellent sporting rifles of large caliber, and they went down to camp...On my

way out to Pilot Grove [after the battle] I met one of the sharp-shooters as he came out into the

road from the head of a thickly wooded ravine. He was bareheaded, in his shirt sleeves and had

no gun. The day was hot, the sharp-shooter very fat and short-legged; he was out of breath and,

for reasons unnecessary to mention, had a rather straddling gait. He said, upon my questioning

him, "I've had an awful time of it; no one could stand their bombs; our men are all cut to pieces;

there's very few of us left." I asked him if he had done any shooting and he said "Well you see I

didn't have no sort of show, with bombs bursting all around, and bullets flying thicker than peas

in a pod." I asked him where his gun was and he answered "Gun be ----; I'm almighty glad to

get out of it as it is." I concluded that the independent battalion of sharp-shooters had not

especially distinguished themselves.

The State Guardsmen scattered in many directions. Some crossed the Missouri River to the left

bank, some fled toward Lexington, another designated rallying point for the State Guard, and

others returned to their homes in Cooper and surrounding counties. Governor Jackson and his

retinue fled from Boonville toward nearby Arrow Rock where the Governor had a home. After a

brief stop there, the Governor's party turned southward, eventually linking up with a body of

State Guardsmen at Syracuse in Morgan County before continuing on toward Warsaw on the

Osage River (Marshall 1920:19). General Parsons arrived at Boonville after the rout had started,

too late to render aid with his artillery pieces (ibid.:19).

The Aftermath

Lyon's men continued their advance toward Boonville until they were met by a delegation of

citizens, including Mayor James H. O'Bryan (or O'Brien) and District Judge G.W. Miller, who

assured Lyon that the majority of the town's citizens were friendly toward the Union forces and

wished no more bloodshed (Levens and Drake 1876:99). O'Bryan offered to accompany the

general at the head of the column as it proceeded through Boonville. General Lyon and Colonel

Blair assured them that no harm would follow if they did not resist the entrance of the Union

forces into the town, following which the mayor formally surrendered the city (L. Barnes, Daily

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861).49

The skirmish outside Boonville on June 17, 1861, was widely regarded as a victory for General

Lyon and his forces, although a few newspapers, mostly Southern or pro-South in bias, reported a

rout of Lyon's forces by the State Guard (Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

49

In a brief communication to Assistant Adjutant General of Missouri Volunteers Chester Harding, Jr.,

written at Boonville the day after the battle, Lyon (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 385) reported that Boonville was

reached by his forces at about two o'clock p.m., "where we were met by many people, under consternation

from the erroneous impression that great violence would be perpetrated upon persons and property. I have

been engaged more or less in removing this impression."

35

20, 1861; St. Louis Christian Advocate, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861; Richmond Whig,

Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861; New York Herald, July 1, 1861).50

T.S. Davis in the Charleston Mercury, Charleston, South Carolina [no publication date stated;

quoted in Moore 1862:70], wildly reported 300 Federal troops killed; General Lyon captured

along with 700 other Federal soldiers, six cannon and 800 stands of arms; the steamer Iatan

sunk; and the other steamboats captured. In fact some newspapers published multiple reports

that conflicted with one another even in the same issues. For example, the Richmond Whig,

Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861, contained reports of victory for both the Federal and State

Guard sides.

Reports of casualties on both sides ranged from two killed to as many as 300 killed, with up to 31

Federal soldiers and 42 State Guardsmen wounded (Table 2). In his official report, Lyon stated

his losses as two killed, one missing, and nine wounded, "two of whom have since died" (O.R.,

Series I, Vol. 3, p. 14). He also stated that the "loss of the rebel force is not known." Despite the

wild claims of some of the newspaper reports, the loss of life must have been relatively light for

either side. Thomas Snead (1886:214), aide-de-camp to Governor Jackson, put the losses at two

killed and nine wounded on the federal side, and two killed and five or six slightly wounded on

the State Guard side.

Some of the killed and wounded men are named in various reports, and a few of these reports can

be confirmed through the online "Soldiers Database" maintained by the Missouri Secretary of

State, based on the official records of the Missouri Adjutant General

(http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/soldiers/details).

Of the Federal forces, two men killed in action and eight wounded, one of whom subsequently

died of his wounds, are named in various newspaper and other reports. In addition, there are a

few reports of wounded men whose names are not stated.

Sergeant Jacob Kiburz (also spelled Kiburtz and Kieburtz) of Company B, 2nd Missouri

Volunteer Infantry, was reported killed in action (Dyer 1987:110; Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes

in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861;

The New-York Times, June 24, 1861; Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861; T.

Knox in the New York Herald, June 23, 1861). His Record of Service card, accessed through the

Missouri Secretary of State's website, confirms his rank as "2d Sergt." and his death at Boonville

on June 17.

50

The Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 20, 1861, even reported that Lyon was

repulsed at Boonville and attempted to retreat on the steamboats, which were riddled by State Guard

artillery at Rocheport, resulting in the surrender of Lyon and his entire command, with the loss of 300

killed.

36

Table 2

Reported casualties in the First Battle of Boonville, Missouri, June 17, 1861.

___________________________________________________________________________

Union:

2 killed (Peckham 1866:273)

2 killed, 9 wounded (Adamson 1961:127; Daily Democrat, St.

Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; Daily Missouri

Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; The

Liberty Tribune, Liberty, Missouri, June 28, 1861; Dyer

1987:110; Snead 1886:214; also L. Barnes in Daily

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; Anonymous

1881:280)

2 killed in fight and 1 died later (Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861)

2 killed, 9 wounded (2 of whom died), 1 missing (Lyon in O.R.,

Series I, Vol. 3, p. 14; Brooksher 1995:90; Hinze and

Farnham 1997:50)

2 killed, 9 wounded, 1 missing (Moore [1861]:410; Tri-Weekly

Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861; Daily

Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861;

L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June

21, 1861, and New York Tribune, June 24, 1861)

2 killed, 9 wounded and missing (Richmond Whig, Richmond,

Virginia, June 24, 1861)

2 killed, 11 wounded, 1 missing (Moore 1862:69; The Louisville

Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861)

2 killed, 12 wounded (Larimer 2000:36)

3 killed, 9 wounded (Barnes 1929:605)

3 killed, 10 wounded, a missing (T. Knox, New York Herald,

June 23, 1861)

3 killed, 12 wounded (Wilkie in Banasik 2001:89)

4 killed, 14 wounded ("L.D.I" in the Scioto Gazette,

Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861)

5 killed, 7 wounded (Rorvig 1992:145)

7 killed, about 20 wounded (Columbia Missouri Statesman,

June 21, 1861)

8 wounded and 1 dead transported on the Swon; dead man

was Charles J. Kella [sic] (Louisville Daily Courier,

Louisville, Kentucky, June 26, 1861)

9 wounded transported on the Swon, of whom 1 died on board

(The Cleveland Daily Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 24,

1861)

10 killed, 20-30 wounded, "some mortally" ("Secession

Account" in Moore [1861]:411; Louisville Daily Courier,

Louisville, Kentucky, June 22, 1861; The Daily Picayune,

New Orleans, Louisiana, June 25, 1861; Warrenton Flag of

'98, Warrenton, Virginia, June 27, 1861; Columbia

37

Table 2, cont.

___________________________________________________________________________

Missouri Statesman, June 28, 1861)

"We had lost twelve men, the enemy probably twice as

many." (Knox 1969:50)

"Lost 17" (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19,

1861; Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, June 21, 1861)

17 or 29 (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June

19, 1861; Freedom's Champion, Atchison, Kansas, June 22,

1861; The Liberty Tribune, Liberty, Missouri, June 28,

1861)

20 or 30 (Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19,

1861; St. Louis Christian Advocate, June 20, 1861)

23 killed, 31 wounded (Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, July 5,

1861)

300 killed (Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky,

June 20, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June

24, 1861; New York Herald, July 1, 1861; T.S. Davis in

the Charleston Mercury, Charleston, South Carolina (no

date given; quoted in Moore 1862:70)

Co. B, Blair's Regt. (Capt. Maurice) had 1 wounded and 1

missing (Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes in the Daily

Democrat, June 21, 1861; L. Barnes in the New York

Tribune, June 24, 1861; L. Barnes in The New-York Times,

June 24, 1861)

About 10 of Co. B, Blair's regiment, were killed or wounded

(Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 22,

1861; The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, June

25, 1861)

Co. H, Blair's Regt. (Capt. Yates) had 1 killed and 4

wounded (Moore [1861]:410; the number was upped to 1

killed and 6 wounded in a June 18 letter from L. Barnes,

Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; L.

Barnes in The New-York Times, June 24, 1861; revised by

Barnes to 1 killed and 6 wounded in the Daily Democrat,

St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861)

Yates' company, 6 killed and 1 wounded (Daily Democrat, St.

Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861)

Co. I, Blair's Regt. (Capt. Miller) had 1 wounded (Moore

[1861]:410; L. Barnes in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; L. Barnes in the New York

Tribune, June 24, 1861; L. Barnes in The New-York Times,

June 24, 1861)

Cos. H and L, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, had 6

enlisted men wounded (Adjutant General's Office

1867, 7:62)

2nd Missouri Volunteer Infantry, had 1 enlisted man

killed (Adjutant General's Office 1867, 7:387)

38

Table 2, cont.

________________________________________________________________________

Missouri State Guard:

2 or more killed (Wilkie in Banasik 2001:89)

2 killed, several wounded (Barnes 1929:605)

2 killed, 5-6 slightly wounded (Snead 1886:214)

2 killed, 9 wounded (Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, July 5,

1861)

2 or 3 killed (Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville,

Kentucky, June 22, 1861; The Daily Picayune, New Orleans,

Louisiana, June 25, 1861)

2 or 3 killed and a few wounded (Columbia Missouri Statesman,

June 21, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861)

3 killed (Warrenton Flag of '98, Warrenton, Virginia, June 27,

1861; Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 28, 1861; McGhee

2000:31; Anonymous 1881:280)

3 killed, 15-20 wounded (Dyer 1987:110)

3 killed, 5-9 wounded, 60 captured (Hinze and Farnham 1997:

50)

3 killed, 5-9 wounded (Rorvig 1992:145)

3 killed and 9-10 wounded (Melton 1937:79)

3 killed, 15-20 taken prisoner ("Secession Account" in Moore

[1861]:410-411)

3 killed, 7 wounded (Moore 1862:69; The Louisville Daily

Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861)

4 "known to be dead" (Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861)

4 killed, 20 wounded (Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June

24, 1861)

4 killed, 15 or 20 wounded (Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; The Daily Cleveland Herald,

Cleveland, Ohio, June 21, 1861; Louisville Daily Courier,

Louisville, Kentucky, June 21, 1861)

4 killed, but maybe 40 or more (Larimer 2000:36)

6 killed, 15 wounded (Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; The Liberty Tribune, Liberty,

Missouri, June 28, 1861)

10 killed, unknown number wounded (Adamson 1961:127)

10 killed (estimate) (Brooksher 1995:90)

15 or 20 (Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20,

1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri,

June 20, 1861)

20 killed (Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861)

"not over thirty" (Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 20, 1861)

"not less than" 33 killed, 42 captured (Wilkie in Banasik

39

Table 2, cont.

__________________________________________________________________________

2001:93)

not less than 40 killed, according to Blair (Daily Missouri

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861; The Daily

Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 24, 1861)

"cannot fall much short of fifty, and wounded...as many more"

(T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861)

50-100 casualties (Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes in the Daily

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; L. Barnes

in the New York Tribune, June 24, 1861)

"It could not be correctly ascertained what number the rebels

lost but it is generally supposed to be near 100 killed

and as many more wounded." ("L.D.I." in the Scioto

Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861)

"over one hundred prisoners" were captured by the Federals

during the engagement (see letter dated June 18 by the

correspondent of the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri,

June 21, 1861)

200 killed (Democrat reporter cited in the Newark Advocate,

Newark, Ohio, July 5, 1861)

300 killed (Peckham 1866:272; Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 19, 1861; The Daily Cleveland Herald,

Cleveland, Ohio, June 19, 1861; Newark Advocate, Newark,

Ohio, June 21, 1861; Freedom's Champion, Atchison,

Kansas, June 22, 1861; Richmond Whig, Richmond, Virginia,

June 24, 1861)

about 300 (Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June

19, 1861)

some 300 (St. Louis Christian Advocate, June 20, 1861)

not 300 as reported, but total loss on both sides did not

reach 50 (Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, June 28, 1861)

"not known" (Lyon in O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 14)

_____________________________________________________________________________

Private Marcus M. Coolidge (also variously spelled M.N. Coolidge, Coolige, and M.W.

Cooledge), Co. H, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry was the other named soldier who was killed in

action (Dyer 1987:110; Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri,

June 21, 1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861; The New-York Times, June 24, 1861; Daily

Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861; T. Knox in the New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

The Missouri Secretary of State's website also confirms that he was killed at Boonville on June

17.

Charles O. Kelly is reported as having been shot through an arm and his body, and as dying on

the steamboat Swon during the Saturday evening following the battle (Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861; Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June 26, 1861, which

40

gives his name as "Chas J. Kella;" see also The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June

24, 1861, for mention of an unnamed man dying onboard the Swon). Kelly could not be located

on the Missouri Secretary of State's website. He may be one of the two men reported by Lyon as

dying of wounds following the battle.

Private John Miller, Co. H, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, was described as having been

"struck in the throat by a spent ball, which passed up by the side of his tongue and lodged in his

mouth" (Wilkie 1861:69; Banasik 2001:93). Miller was also described by a correspondent of the

Daily Democrat, June 24, 1861 (not Lucien Barnes), as being shot through the left breast and in

"critical condition" the day following the Swon's arrival with the wounded soldiers at St. Louis

on June 23 (The Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 24, 1861). Miller's Record of

Service card, accessed through the Missouri Secretary of State's website, confirmed that he

received "injuries in action, June 17, 1861."

Interestingly, the same correspondent of the Daily Democrat (June 24, 1861) reported the

following wounding incident:

One of the soldiers received a bullet in his jaw bone, just under one of his ears, the ball

grazing the bone and lodging in the mouth. Surgeon Cornyn51

seeing him bleeding, approached

him, examined the wound, and asked him where the bullet was. "Spit the d---d thing out," said

the courageous fellow, and passed in front for more of the "fun."

Correspondent Thomas Knox also reported this same incident (New York Herald, June 23,

1861):

During the engagement Dr. Corwyn, surgeon to the First regiment, saw a soldier with a

wound on the side of his neck, just below the ear, from which the blood flowed profusely.

Fearing his throat had been injured, the doctor gave him some brandy, and asked him to try to

swallow it. Taking a hearty draught, the soldier said:--

"I can swallow first rate, can't I?"

"O, yes," said the Doctor, "your throat is all right, but where is the ball?["]

"I don't know," was the cool reply; "I spit the d---d thing out."

This wound appears to be very similar to the one described for Miller by correspondent Wilkie,

but the Daily Democrat correspondent and Knox do not name the wounded soldier, so the

linkage to Miller must remain speculative. Wilkie (1861:69; Banasik 2001:93) recorded that

Private Miller was sent to St. Louis "feeling tolerably cheerful over his painful but not dangerous

wound."

The same Daily Democrat correspondent also reported other wounded soldiers as Andrew Wood

(said to have been shot through the thigh), Charles Clifton, and two men by the names of Redee

51

Major and Surgeon Florence M. Cornyn of the 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry

(http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/soldiers/details). Surgeon Cornyn later served with the 1st Missouri

Volunteer Light Artillery.

41

and Finney (ibid.). Wood's wound was corroborated by a published statement of James Early,

formerly a private of Company H, 1st Missouri Volunteers, in the National Tribune, Washington,

D.C., September 24, 1891.

Thomas McCord, one of Lothrop's recruits for the Regular army, was reported as severely

wounded (Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21,

1861; New York Tribune, June 24, 1861; The New-York Times, June 24, 1861; Thoma 2006:15).

It is possible that McCord was the unnamed Regular soldier of Lothrop's unit who is said to have

received a ball in the breast (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861). Thomas

Knox reported the wounding of an unnamed artilleryman with a breast wound (New York Herald,

June 23, 1861):

...An artilleryman was hit upon the left breast, the ball striking a rib, passing around under his

arm, and being cut out on his back below his shoulder. I have the ball in my possession. It is

flattened out to nearly the shape of a half coffee bean, and must have "hit hard."

A Sergeant Armstrong was reported as slightly wounded in the battle by a correspondent who

signed as "L.D.I." (Scioto Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861). Armstrong could not be

located in the Missouri Secretary of State's online database.

An unnamed "Frenchman" of Captain Yates' company (H) was reported to have had a leg

amputated (Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861).

Finally, the unnamed Daily Democrat correspondent (June 24, 1861) related another story about

the wounding of another anonymous soldier of Co. H, 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry:

An incident is related of one of the men, who early in the engagement was shot through the left

foot, the ball entering obliquely and passing entirely through the foot. He was ordered to the

rear of the column as soon as his wound was discovered, but the brave fellow was not inclined to

turn his back upon his enemies. It was but a few moments after the order to fall back had been

given him, that Capt. Yates discovered him at the very head of the column, firing upon the rebels

as vigorously as ever.

One of the Union officers, Captain Patrick E. Burke of Company E, 1st Missouri Volunteer

Infantry, had a close call but "was saved by his scabbard, a Minie ball striking it near the top with

such force as nearly to cut it through, but not injuring the wearer" (T. Knox, New York Herald,

June 23, 1861).

Several accounts relate that Company H of the First Missouri Volunteers, commanded by

Captain Theodore Yates, suffered a relatively large percentage of the casualties sustained by the

Union force (Table 2). Correspondent Thomas Knox noted that the company sustained one

killed and six wounded, and explained that this was "owing partially to a withholding of their fire

upon an advancing party, which delivered a volley when quite near, our men supposing the latter

to be friends" (New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

42

The loss of life suffered by the Missouri State Guard at Boonville is even more poorly known,

but probably also was relatively light. In his after-action report, General Lyon stated that the

State Guard's losses were "not known." Four State Guardsmen known by name appear to have

been killed in action, and the number of others who were killed or wounded, and whose names

are unrecorded, is not known.52

One of those killed in action was Jeff McCutchen, son of Dr. McCutchen of Boonville (Dyer

1987:110; Levens and Drake in Melton 1937:79; H.T. Barnes in the Boonville Weekly Advertiser,

June 13, 1924, and the Chariton Courier, Keytesville, Missouri, August 8, 1924; also [Barnes]

1925). In a brief reminiscent account written many years after the battle, H.T. Barnes recalled

advancing in the State Guard force alongside a young man who ran out of breath. The man was

later "struck in the knee by a bullet and died from the wound" (Barnes in the Boonville Weekly

Advertiser, June 13, 1924, and the Chariton Courier, Keytesville, Missouri, August 8, 1924; also

[Barnes] 1925). Barnes said he learned the man's identity later.

Another man killed at Boonville was Dr. William Mills Quarles, a citizen of Boonville (Dyer

1987:110; Levens and Drake 1876:101; Levens and Drake quoted in Melton 1937:79; Switzler

1881:364; Moore [1861]:410; Tri-Weekly Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861; L.

Barnes in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861, and the New York Tribune,

June 24, 1861; T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861). An unnamed son of Dr. Quarles was

also reported to have been killed (Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861;

see also Switzler 1881:364), but this is reported in only one contemporary source and may

represent confusion over the doctor's identity.

In addition, it was reported that a man named Isaac Hodges and at least 13 others of Robert

"Black Bob" McCulloch's Cooper County Rifles (from Boonville) were killed or wounded, and

"many others more or less prominent" as well (Moore [1861]:410; L. Barnes in Daily Democrat,

St. Louis, June 21, 1861, and the New York Tribune, June 24, 1861; Thoma 2006:15; see also T.

Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861).

Frank E. Hulen of Pettis County, the son of Taylor Hulen of Boone County, was also reported to

have been killed (Dyer 1987:110; see also Levens and Drake 1876:101 and Switzler 1881:364).

52

Regardless of the uncertainty about the number of State Guardsmen killed at Boonville, that the

number was regarded as very few is affirmed by an anecdote recalled in James Harding's memoir (McGhee

2000:31-32):

The fact is that but three of the state troops lost their lives at the battle of Boonville. It is related of

a soldier in [General Francis Marion] Cockrell's [1st Missouri Confederate] Brigade, as the small remnant

of that gallant command were on their retreat from Tennessee, after the disastrous result of Hood's advance

to Nashville, and were as comfortable in the mud, rain and sleet as men could be, that he exclaimed as he

pulled both feet out of his old shoes, which were left in the mud, "Boys, the only men in this whole war who

had any real good luck were them three fellers killed at Boonville.”

43

Levens and Drake (quoted in Melton 1937:79) mention an unnamed man from Pettis County who

was killed, which may have been Hulen. Moore ([1861]:410) gives his name as Francis A. Hulin

of the Pettis County Rifles, and Lucien Barnes does the same in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861, and the New York Tribune, June 24, 1861.

Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) reported that a Cooper County resident named

Horace T. Brand was "reported killed," but this is not stated in any other source. Knox also

described the man as a lieutenant colonel under Colonel Marmaduke, but this likewise is not

confirmed.

Bynam (also spelled Bynan) Lane (sometimes "Laue" [Thoma 2006:15]) of Cooper County was

reported to have been wounded, shot in the thigh by a large grapeshot (Columbia Missouri

Statesman, June 21, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861)

A man named Robert Withers was described as being wounded slightly in the hand (Columbia

Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24,

1861; Thoma 2006:15).

Tip Garth was not wounded but experienced a narrow miss, his hat having been shot through the

rim (Columbia Missouri Statesman, June 21, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861; Thoma 2006:15).

"A. Simpson," a former resident of Boonville, was said to have been "badly wounded" in an

"altercation" with a U.S. officer at Boonville, probably after the battle (Tri-Weekly Republican,

St. Louis, Missouri, June 20, 1861; Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June 20,

1861; L. Barnes in the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861 [in a letter written or

dispatched in the evening of June 18]). Simpson, of course, may not have been a member of the

State Guard force that fought at Boonville.

Although General Lyon reported one of his men missing in the battle (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p.

14), there are no indications that any Federal soldiers were captured by the State Guard.

Estimates of the numbers of State Guardsmen captured, however, vary from as few as 15 to as

many as 600, although the latter figure is clearly a wild exaggeration (Table 3). Lyon stated that

"about 60" men were captured and paroled after taking an oath to obey the laws of the United

States and not to oppose its government in the future (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, pp. 13-14), so that

may perhaps be taken as the most reliable statement available. Correspondent Thomas Knox

(New York Herald, June 23, 1861), one of the better-informed observers on the scene, reported

that 80 prisoners were taken.

Several sources relate that a group of State Guard prisoners, said to number from 20 to 26, were

captured by Chaplain William A. Pile of the 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry, aided by four men

(L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861, The New-York Times and New

York Tribune, both June 24, 1861; Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861; Scioto

Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861; T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861; Knox

44

1969:50).53

Pile's party was searching for wounded men at the time, and they surprised the group

of State Guardsmen. Pile demanded their surrender, they complied, and the party of five men

guarded the prisoners. For this act, Chaplain Pile was called "the fighting preacher" in at least

one newspaper article ("L.D.I." in the Scioto Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861).

Thirty years later, in 1891, James Early, a former private in Company H of the 1st Missouri

Volunteer Infantry, published a different version of this incident in the G.A.R. newspaper, in

which he claimed credit for the capture (National Tribune, Washington, D.C., September 24,

1891):

The medal and the honor belongs to the writer for the capture of the prisoners, and he took them,

as well as carried his wounded comrade, Andrew Wood, back to the Surgeon. The writer was

sent down into a ravine for water, when he saw the Johnnies behind a log, and he sang out,

"Here they are boys; come on!" They immediately surrendered, and they were a cheap-looking

set when they found that one man had taken them. There was no one to guard them but the

writer and the Parson.

Early's account has not been corroborated. Pile had no opportunity to dispute it, as he had died

three years previous to Early's letter.54

One unfortunate State Guardsman is said to have mistaken Federal soldiers for his comrades, and

thus fell into captivity (T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861):

During the skirmish at Camp Vest a mounted man rode up to Capt. Yates and said that

Gen. Parsons had sent orders for all the infantry to come into Booneville, as there were two

steamers ready to take them up the river. After talking with him a few moments they

communicated to him the pleasing information that he was conversing with Union troops and

must be made prisoner. He came in rather reluctantly.

An interesting story exists among at least three sources about several State Guard prisoners, said

to be either five (Wilkie 1861:69; Banasik 2001:93), eight (Larimer 2000:36), or simply "several"

(T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861) in number, who had been captured earlier at Camp

Jackson and had thus broken their parole oaths by serving in the State Guard. They are said to

have been executed the day after the battle (Larimer 2000:36) or taken to an island near

Boonville and left there, possibly after execution (Wilkie 1861:69; Banasik 2001:93).55

Both

53

Sometimes said to be comprised of three soldiers and a negro, probably a servant (Daily Democrat, St.

Louis, Missouri, June 24, 1861).

54

Chaplain Pile was promoted to Brigadier General of Volunteers on December 26, 1863, and Brevet

Major General of Volunteers on April 9, 1865. After the war, he served in Congress, as territorial governor

of New Mexico, and as Minister Resident to Venezuela. He died in Monrovia, California, in 1889 (Heitman

1988, 1:792; Warner 1964:371-372).

55

Thomas Knox (New York Herald, June 23, 1861) speculated that these prisoners "will doubtless be

executed," but did not confirm this. However, in his dispatch written on June 18, he reported that all the

45

Table 3.

Estimates of numbers of Missouri State Guardsmen taken prisoner at Boonville, June 17, 1861.

15 or 20 Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

22, 1861; The Daily Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana,

June 25, 1861; Warrenton Flag of '98, Warrenton,

Virginia, June 27, 1861; Columbia Missouri Statesman,

June 28, 1861

25 Captured by Chaplain Pile; Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 24, 1861

26 Captured by Chaplain Pile; J. Early in National

Tribune, Washington, D.C., September 24, 1891

about 40 The Louisville Daily Journal, Louisville, Kentucky,

July 4, 1861

42 Wilkie in Banasik 2001:93

50 or 60 Includes 20 taken by Chaplain Pile; Scioto Gazette,

Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861

About 60 N. Lyon, O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p.13-14

60 or 70 Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861; The

Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 21, 1861;

Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

21, 1861

80 T. Knox, New York Herald, June 23, 1861; includes 20

captured at the MSG artillery battery, 24 captured by

Chaplain Pile, and 1 who mistook Capt. Yates' men for

comrades

70 to 100 Daily Missouri Republican, St. Louis, Missouri, June

21, 1861

over 100 Includes 20 captured at the MSG artillery battery, 24

captured by Chaplain Pile, and two taken by him later

in the day; L. Barnes in Daily Democrat, St. Louis,

Missouri, June 21, 1861; The New-York Times, June 24,

1861; The Ripley Bee, Ripley, Ohio, June 27, 1861

600 Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 19, 1861; The

Daily Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 19, 1861;

Newark Advocate, Newark, Ohio, June 21, 1861; Richmond

Whig, Richmond, Virginia, June 24, 1861

prisoners had been released, "with the exception of those who were among the captured at Camp Jackson."

46

stories are dubious, as they derive from men who arrived several days after the battle. One of

them, correspondent Franc B. Wilkie, even admitted: "I doubt the truthfulness of this; you can

believe as much of it as you please" (Wilkie 1861:69; Banasik 2001:93).

Epilogue

State Guard general Mosby Parsons, the commander of the 6th Military Division, was ordered on

June 16th to move his command, which included the four artillery pieces seized at Liberty, to

Boonville. Unfortunately for Governor Jackson and the State Guardsmen who faced Lyon at

Boonville, Parsons arrived too late, shortly after the defeat of the state force (Marshall 1920:19).

Private Eugene F. Ware of Company E, 1st Iowa Volunteer Infantry, arrived at Boonville with

his regiment on June 21, four days after the battle (Ware 1991:127-128). Though he undoubtedly

heard many details of the engagement, he (Ware 1991:123) unfortunately recorded only that

Here [i.e., a community named Bunker Hill, through which the 1st Iowa marched on June 19 en

route to Boonville] a man came into our camp; he was shot through the arm in the Boonville

fight. He said that some of Lyon's men charged them and fought, and fired and loaded "lying on

the ground;" he said, "that's what whipped us."56

He then said he had had enough of war, and

also, "damn the Dutch." We were immensely tickled at the "fighting on the ground." That was

what our company wanted to get an opportunity of exhibiting—it was our strong suit. We had

worn out our uniforms at it, rolling on the ground.

In his memoir, Ware (1991:150) additionally recorded on July 1:

Men who were in the battle are now appearing and talking about the fight from the secesh side.

They curse Governor Claib Jackson, and Stump Price [Major General Sterling Price's

son]...Twenty years after the war I was at Jefferson City, Missouri, and heard several talk about

how they held Lyon level at Boonville, and how they were only overcome by preponderance of

numbers and artillery. The South cannot boast over the Civil War.

Lyon remained at Boonville until July 3, then resumed his pursuit of the State Guard forces, a

fateful journey that ultimately led to his death at the Battle of Wilson's Creek near Springfield on

August 10 (Switzler 1881:365; Warner 1964:286-287; Phillips 1990:255-256; Ware 1991:159,

332-333; Parrish 2006:23-24).

Price and Jackson had hoped to mobilize a large State Guard force at Lexington, Missouri,

considered another key location on the Missouri River, and began doing so before and during the

events at Boonville. After the Boonville defeat, realizing that Lexington could not be held with

56

Adamson (1961:127) presented a very similar quotation about prone weapon firing, but without

attribution: "This yeah business of a-firin' an' a-loadin' while a-layin' on the ground—that's what whupped

us!"

47

Lyon's strong force in the vicinity and Federal reinforcements rushing into northwestern Missouri

from Kansas and Iowa, Jackson and Price retreated southward with the State Guard forces

through southwest Missouri, eventually seeking help from Confederates in Arkansas (Switzler

1881:365; Snead 1886:215-218; Parrish 1973:24; Hinze and Farnham 1997; Phillips 2000:262).

Ultimately, the governor and his cabinet formed a government in exile in Arkansas and

eventually, Texas. The governor did not long survive, dying of cancer at Little Rock, Arkansas,

on December 6, 1862 (Phillips 2000:273).

Sterling Price continued to lead the Missouri State Guard at the battles of Wilson's Creek and Pea

Ridge, eventually becoming a major general in the Confederate army. He again tried to wrest

Missouri into the Confederate fold by invading from Arkansas in 1864, an effort that was

repulsed and resulted disastrously in a running retreat across Missouri and southward through

eastern Kansas. Price died of cholera at St. Louis on September 29, 1867 (Warner 1959:247;

Castel 1968:277-278).

Frank Blair, a two-term Missouri Congressman (1856-1858 and 1860-1862), resumed his

political career in Congress prior to the Battle of Wilson's Creek in August, 1861. He returned to

military service in 1862 and received a commission as a brigadier general of Volunteers,

attaining the rank of major general in November, 1862. He died in 1875 (Parrish 1998:288;

Heitman 1988, 1:222; Warner 1964:35-37). His regiment, the 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry,

and Colonel Boernstein's 2nd Missouri Volunteer Infantry, were formed for three months of

service. When this term was up, both regiments were mustered out of Federal service in July and

August, 1861 (Adjutant General's Office 1867, 7:385,387). The 1st Missouri Volunteer Infantry

was reformed in 1861 and 1862 as the 1st Missouri Volunteer Light Artillery regiment for a term

of three years (ibid.:56).

Captain James Totten was promoted to brevet major for gallantry and meritorious service at

Boonville, and later to brevet lieutenant colonel for his service at the Battle of Wilson's Creek on

August 10, 1861. He ultimately attained the rank of brevet brigadier general in 1865, was

dismissed from the service in 1870, and died in 1871 (Heitman 1988, 1:966; Hunt and Brown

1990:621).

Lyon's quick action to capture Camp Jackson in St. Louis, his advance on Boonville and victory

over the State Guard there, and his almost simultaneous dispatch of troops south from St. Louis

toward Springfield via Rolla all yielded virtually immediate strategic benefits (Phillips 1990:221-

222). Arms badly needed to equip the state forces were prevented from falling into their hands.

The victory at Boonville allowed the federal government to retain control of the Missouri River,

effectively cutting off the State Guard and the Confederacy from the human and other resources

of northern Missouri, especially from the wealthy "Little Dixie" counties along the river

(Brownlee 1958:15-16). Missouri remained in the Union, and the governor's secession plans

were thwarted. The elected government of Missouri was forced into exile, and was replaced by

another, pro-Union government (Potter 2006; Phillips 2000:263). The victory boosted the

morale of the pro-Union population throughout the north, and eroded the morale of the pro-

secession faction in Missouri and elsewhere (Barnes 1929:606). The federal government's

48

control of Missouri was strengthened sufficiently to enable it to defeat or blunt several

subsequent raids into the state by Confederate and Missouri State Guard forces from Arkansas,

notably those that culminated in the Battle of Wilson's Creek in August, 1861, and the 1864

battle at Pilot Knob and Sterling Price's subsequent retreat through Missouri along the Missouri

River and through eastern Kansas.

Archaeological Investigations

At the request of Greg Wolk of the Missouri’s Civil War Heritage Foundation, the authors

undertook an archaeological inventory at the Boonville battlefield site. The field effort was

conducted on November 8 through 10, 2007. Participants included the authors, Mark Billings,

Jack Chance, Mary and Mike Duncan, Tom and Kyle Gersbeck, Bill Herder, Roger Horren, Jim

Lee, Kip Lindberg, Bill Mathews, Sandy Wells, and Greg Wolk. The team was also visited by

Dr. W. Raymond Wood, Professor Emeritus, University of Missouri. Approximately 180 acres of

the Boonville battlefield were inventoried.

The inventory (Figures 8, 9) commenced at the southeast end of the traditional battle site in an

open field on the Megan McGuire property (Figure 10) in Section 34 T49N R16W, and north of

the Rocheport Road. The metal detector team was aligned approximately 5 meters apart and

worked the area in north and south oriented transects. The team then moved south on to a thick

heavy grassy area that is part of a CRP set-aside located south of the open field. The metal

detector work was hampered by the thick grass as the detector coils could not be placed close

enough to the ground to make reliable sweeps. The team then moved further south to a second

open field in Section 3, T48N R16W and worked transects in that area. Four Civil War era

artifacts were recovered on the McGuire property. The team returned to this same field to

complete several additional transects on November 10, and recovered two Civil War era bullets.

The team worked the Brian Gaub property (Figure 11), in Section 3 T48N R16W, reputed to be

the traditional site of the Missouri State Guard position around the Adams house. The Adams

house site and an associated trash midden were located and assessed by metal artifacts recovered.

A 6-pounder canister base plate and a brass buckle were the only potential non-domestic Civil

War era artifacts recovered on the property.

The team then was allowed access to the Dr. Willard Avery property (Figure 12), in Sections 3

and 34, which is the reputed site of the second Missouri State Guard reorganized line. The

property lies north of the Rocheport road. Metal detector sweeps were made by the team in north

and south transects across the east facing slope down to an intermittent creek, across the top of

the hill and on the west side of the hill. The sweeps extended north for approximately 1000

meters when modern trash was encountered in quantity near a modern pond and other modified

land surfaces. Fifteen Civil War era bullets and a canister ball were recovered from the Avery

property. Dr. Avery also loaned the investigators four bullets and a canister ball that had been

found on his property in the 1970s, and recalled that other metal detectorists had been on the

property and found an undetermined number of Civil War era bullets.

49

Figure 8. USGS topographic map showing areas inventoried during the project.

With permission of landowner James Loesing (Figures 13, 14), several areas of the purported

Missouri State Guard camp, Camp Bacon or Camp Vest, that was hastily abandoned by the

retreating southerners were metal detected on the afternoon of November 11 in the Northwest ¼

Section 33 T49N R16W. Four Civil War era bullets were recovered. The area is reported to have

been collected by many relic collectors. Although most recall finding a few bullets, none have

reported finding large quantities of personal or camp items that they consider indicative of the

actual campsite (personal communication to Scott from anonymous collector). Besides the Civil

War era material, a prehistoric, archaeological site was also recorded on the Loesing property.

The final area investigated by the team was the fields south of the Rocheport road, roughly from

the McGuire property on the east to west of the Avery property located in the north ½ Section 3

T48N R16W (Figures 15, 16, 17).

The areas investigated are in the east ½ of the center of Section 34 and the SW ¼ of the SW ¼

Section 34 T49N R16W, and in the north ½ of the north ½ Section 3 T48N R16W. A few

scattered bullets and later domestic and agricultural trash were found on the eastern fields. A

small low spot near a drainage yielded a significant number of Civil War era bullets and an

artillery underplug. The area uphill and to the west of the Civil War era concentration yielded an

array of mid-19th

century domestic trash including an 1842 large one-cent piece. Scattered brick

was also found in this area, suggesting that a building stood on this site at some point prior to the

Civil War.

50

Figure 9. Distribution of artifacts found during the Boonville battlefield archaeological

investigations.

Project Area Description

The parcels surveyed were either in harvested corn or were pasture or CRP set-asides. The

McGuire property field in Section 34 and smaller fields straddling Sections 34 and 3 were corn

fields (Figure 10). Adjacent to the cornfields on their south edge was a CRP grass field with

thick, tall grass. Tree covered, north-south trending drainages separated the finger ridge fields.

For instance, the McGuire corn field in Section 34 was hemmed in on both the east and west by

these drainages for more than half the length of the field. On its south end, the drainages had

stopped, allowing lateral access to the fields to the east and west. Survey activity did spread out

to the east and west slightly, but in general, the crew continued surveying south toward the

Rocheport Road, and into the CRP field.

Continuing south across the Rocheport Road, the Clarence Loesing field was in pasture. This

pasture field was in use and the grass was trimmed low enough for effective metal detector use

by the cattle that use the field. It is also a continuation of the McGuire finger ridge north of the

road. This field was essentially unaltered by modern landscaping activity until a reaching a stock

pond approximately 1/5 mile south of the Rocheport Road. At this point, the stock pond berms

51

Figure 10. Artifacts from the McGuire property. Top row, two rifle bullets and a .54-

caliber bullet; second row, brass button, and two fragments of a brass suspender buckle.

Figure 11. Artifacts from the Brian Gaub property. Brass D-shaped harness buckle frame and the

iron base for a 6-pdr canister round.

52

Figure 12. Artifacts from the Dr. Willard Avery property. Top row, .31-caliber bullet, 2 buckshot

balls, 2 .44-caliber Colt revolver bullets; second row, .54 and .69 caliber balls; third row, .54 and

.58 Minié balls; bottom row, .58 Minié balls and 6-pdr iron canister ball.

Figure 13. Bullets found on the Jim Loesing property, lead ball deformed during casting, poorly

cast lead ball, and a .69-caliber ball.

53

Figure 14. Artifact distribution map of Jim Loesing property.

formed a clear boundary, and the survey activity stopped.

Moving to the west out of the Clarence Loesing field, the Walter Trust parcel was also in pasture.

This parcel was mostly sloping down and to the west into a dual drainage area. One of the

drainages trended to the northwest, effectively creating a bottle-neck area against the Rocheport

road. It was in this bottle-neck that a significant number of Civil War era materials were found,

including the highest number of dropped .69-Caliber bullets probably from the retreating

Missouri State Guard (MSG) troops. This drainage pattern may have played a significant role in

the direction and speed of the retreat of the MSG from their first position.

To the north and across the road from the Walter Trust property is the Brian Gaub property. This

small parcel is the purported location of the Adams house, a focal point and rallying location of

the MSG in the first half of the battle. This parcel is on a flat, secondary finger ridge overlooking

the Rocheport Road on its south side, and a significant drainage on its west boundary. The

surveyed portion of the Gaub property was in thick grass, though further to the north, towards the

modern house, the grass had been mown.

To the west across the drainage from the Gaub property and the Walter Trust property, is the

Avery property. This property, extending on both sides of the Rocheport Road, was in pasture.

With the exception of the stock pond berms, these fields were the first to be surveyed where

erosion control berms had been constructed. All of the surveyed portion of the Avery property

was in pasture and was relatively well ―trimmed‖ by the cattle.

54

Figure 15. Lead bullets found on the Clarence Loesing property, including iron artillery shell

underplug, .54-caliber, .58-caliber, and .69-caliber Minié balls.

Figure 16. Deformed lead bullets from the Clarence Loesing property.

55

Figure 17. Miscellaneous artifacts associated with a possible mid-19

th century structure on the

Clarence Loesing property. Top row, unidentified iron pin, unidentified brass fragment, small D-

shaped buckle; second row, 1842 large-cent, iron fork shank; third row, fragments of a silver-

plated brass spoon; bottom row, stone mason’s hammer.

Finally, in Section 4, a small parcel was surveyed. This parcel was composed of two properties,

one owned by David Bishop, and the other by the Jean Reynolds Trust. These properties were in

pasture and were part of the finger ridge extending into the Avery property north of the road.

56

Project Area Soils

No detailed soil examinations were undertaken during the survey. Therefore, the soils

discussions will be based upon the Natural Resources Conservation Service data. According to

the Natural Resources Conservation Service Web Soil Survey website (WSS), the surveyed

portions of the project area contain the following soil types: Menfro silt loam 14 to 35 percent

slopes; Menfro silt loam 3 to 9 percent slopes – eroded; Winfield silt loam – eroded; and Menfro

silt loam 3 to 9 percent slopes. Of interest here are those soils labeled as eroded. Approximately

55% of the surveyed project area is listed as having eroded soils. In comparison, 28% is not

eroded, and 17% is made up of soils in the drainages across the project area. The Menfro soils

that are not eroded occur on the finger ridge tops, and the Menfro and Winfield soils that are

eroded are on the sides of the finger ridges (where the Avery field berms are located) and further

to the south on the broad uplands (including the southernmost surveyed portion of the Clarence

Loesing field). When compared to the locations of artifacts recovered during this survey, the

majority are located in the soils listed as not being eroded. This would include the .54-Caliber

bullets in the McGuire and C. Loesing fields, the significant cluster near the drainage on the

Walter Trust parcel, and most of the artifacts from the Avery fields.

Of concern to archaeologists when dealing with eroded soils is the natural and human-factor

movement of artifacts. While an artifact can still be found, even if it is in an eroded context,

much of the information potential that could otherwise be gleaned from the artifact, is lost. To

further compound archaeological concerns, soil conservation techniques in farmed fields often

include the construction of terraces or berms to slow water run-off. These berms are usually

constructed of soils from the same fields they are constructed in, further resulting in loss of

context and artifact movement.

As soil erodes down-slope, artifacts can move with it, causing the loss of contextual information.

Context is essentially the relationship of one artifact to others. This information is extremely

important to understanding how past activities of humans are related to each other. For instance,

in the case of this survey, if a fired bullet is found in an erosion control berm, we can say that we

have a found a bullet of a certain caliber indicating that someone, possibly a soldier, was within

1000 yards of this spot. But, if a fired bullet is found in an un-eroded or undisturbed location, we

might be able to say that the bullet was fired by a soldier no further away than 1000 yards, that

the bullet is located where other soldiers of the opposite side were located, and possibly even

determine from what direction the bullet was fired. The same concerns are present when

treasure-hunting activity has taken place on a site. Context is lost once the artifact is removed

from the ground.

In the case of the Avery field, erosion and erosion control methods have probably resulted in the

movement of artifacts. Where the berms have been constructed, soil horizons may now be gone

as well. Further fieldwork may be necessary in the future to ascertain the soil conditions in

certain areas of the battlefield so that more precise interpretations of artifact locations and density

can be proposed.

57

Inventory Project Methods

In archaeology it is not enough to know where artifacts are found, but also where artifacts are not

found. A primary research goal of the Boonville Battlefield Archaeological Inventory was to

locate and define the limits of the battlefield. The first requirement, then, was to develop field

procedures that are capable of examining the entire extent of the battlefield. Faced with

examining a large area, and assuming that most surviving artifacts of war are either metallic or

associated with metal, metal detectors (Figure 18) were employed as an inventory tool based on

the success of the technique at Little Bighorn Battlefield National Monument (Scott and Fox

1987; Scott et al. 1989). The use of metal detectors operated by knowledgeable people has

overwhelmingly proven its value (Connor and Scott 1998; Espenshade et al. 2002) and is now a

common tool employed in archaeological investigations of battlefields and campsites.

Figure 18. Metal detecting and recovery operations at the site of the Adams house on the Brian

Gaub property.

Locational control was accomplished through the use of a Global Positioning System handheld

unit and electronic data collector (Trimble GeoExplorer XT, mapping grade). Each item or

location recorded on the data recorder was identified by unique UTM coordinates and a

previously established identification code.

58

Inventory Phase

The inventory phase included three sequential operations: survey, recovery, and recording.

During survey artifact finds were located and marked. The recovery crew followed and carefully

uncovered subsurface finds, leaving them in place. The recording team then plotted individual

artifact locations, assigned field specimen numbers, and collected the specimens.

Inventory operations were designed primarily to locate subsurface metallic items with the use of

electronic metal detectors. Visual inspection of the surface was also carried out concurrently

with the metal detector survey. Volunteer operators were provided with metal detectors or

furnished their own machines. The brands of machines used included Fisher, Garrett, MineLab,

Tesoro, and White metal detectors. Metal detector operators were aligned at approximately 5

meter intervals. The operators walked transacts oriented to cardinal directions or, as necessary,

oriented by topographic feature orientation. The daily composition of the detector crew ranged

from five to eight operators. Detector operators proceeded in line, using a sweeping motion to

examine the ground.

Artifact Recovery

The recovery crew excavated artifact locations marked by pin flags and left the artifacts in place

for recording. This team consisted of excavators and metal detector operators. The number of

operators and excavators varied from day to day depending on the workload.

Hand tools, such as spades and trowels were used to expose subsurface artifacts. Excavators

were assisted by metal detector operators to ensure in place exposure. Detector operators

provided pinpointing and depth information to the excavator, thereby allowing a careful and

accurate approach to the artifact. After exposure the pin flag was left upright at the location to

signal the recording crew.

Recording

The recording crew assigned field specimen numbers, recorded artifact proveniences, and

collected the specimens. Recorders backfilled artifact location holes upon completion of

recording duties. Artifacts were assigned sequential field specimen numbers beginning at 001.

Metal Detected Artifacts - Description and Analysis

The metal detector investigations of the Boonville battle yielded 54 artifacts. The majority of

collected specimens can definitely be attributed to the battle, although some items of unknown

function or date were also collected in the field, and through subsequent laboratory analyses were

determined to either pre-date or post battle occupation. Post-battle artifacts that could be

definitively identified as such in the field, were not collected during metal detecting efforts.

59

This section consists of a description of the artifacts recovered during the metal detector

inventory. The emphasis of these descriptions focuses on the battle related artifacts. The majority

of artifacts recovered are bullets. Because of the large quantity of firearms related artifacts

recovered the description and analysis emphasizes that artifact type.

Analytical Procedures

The methods employed in cleaning and analyzing the artifacts are the standard laboratory

practices. Essentially they consist of dry brushing or washing the accumulated dirt and mud from

each artifact and then determining the condition of the artifact to see whether it requires further

cleaning or conservation. After it was cleaned each artifact was rebagged in a self-sealing clear

plastic bag with its appropriate Field Specimen (FS) number and other relevant information on

the bag. The artifacts were then identified, sorted, and analyzed.

The identification, sorting, and analysis consisted of dividing the artifacts into classes of like

objects and then subsorting the artifacts into further identifiable discrete types. Sorting and

identification of the artifacts were undertaken by personnel experienced with artifacts of this

period, who compared the artifacts with type collections and with standard reference materials.

Firearms Identification Procedures. A primary analytical tool of the project is Firearms

Identification cases (Harris 1980; Hatcher, Jury, and Weller 1977). The comparative study of

ammunition components is known as firearms identification analysis. Firearms, in their

discharge, leave behind distinctive metallic fingerprints or signatures on the ammunition

components. These signatures, called class characteristics, allow the determination of the type of

firearm (i.e., model or brand) in which a given cartridge case or bullet was fired. This then allows

determination of the number of different types of guns used in a given situation. This capability

is very important because coupled with the precise artifact locations, the class characteristics can

be used to identify specific combat areas and the weapon types used in that location. With this

information, patterns of movement can be established and sequences of activity can be more

precisely interpreted.

Recovered Artifact Descriptions

.31-Caliber Bullet

FS 19 is a fired .31 caliber pistol bullet. It has a flat base and measures 0.311 inch in diameter

and weighs 4.6 grams/ 70.9 grains. The bullet retains impressions of rifling marks on it indicating

it was fired in a Colt revolver. The rifling pattern is distinct enough to identify the pistol type as

the Colt Model 1849 or Pocket Revolver.

.58-Caliber Bullets

This standard military .58-caliber Minié ball was recovered from several areas of the battlefield.

According to Coates and Thomas (1990:14) The Model 1855 Rifled Musket was the first gun

60

produced by the United States to fire the famed .58-caliber Minié ball, actually a conical bullet.

Nine .58-caliber bullets or Minié balls were found at Boonville and all have been fired and have

impressed rifling marks to denote they are fired bullets. Most are damaged by impact, and for

those that exhibit impact damage, it is consistent with medium to high velocity impact. Two .58-

caliber bullets (FS48, 52) show little impact damage suggesting these bullets were near their

terminal velocity when they impacted into the ground. They are likely overshots. The recovered

.58-caliber Minié balls are: FS8 - diameter not measurable, weight 28.1 grams/ 433.5 grains;

FS12 - diameter not measurable, weight 23.55 grams/ 363.7 grains; FS15 - diameter not

measurable, weight 29.2 grams/ 450.9 grains; FS16 - diameter not measurable, weight 23.5

grams/ 362.7 grains; FS22 - diameter not measurable, weight 28.8 grams/ 444.3 grains; FS30 -

diameter not measurable, weight 29 grams/ 447.5 grains; FS44 – diameter not measurable,

weight 29.5 grams/ 454.9 grains; FS48 - .568 inch diameter, weight 28.9 grams/ 446 grains; and

FS52 - .570 inch diameter, weight 30.1 grams/ 464.7 grains;.

.69-Caliber Bullets

According to Coates and Thomas (1990:8) the first U.S. .69-caliber rifled musket was the Model

1842 that was designed to fire the hollow based conical Minié ball. The Model 1842 rifled

musket replaced the Model 1816, the later Model 1822 variations, and the Model 1842

smoothbore musket. The smoothbore muskets were retained in federal arsenals as second class

arms and were regularly distributed to state militi units in the years preceding the Civil War.

There were eight .69-caliber three ring hollow base Minié balls recovered (FS24, 32, 33,

34[chewed], 36[chewed], 37[chewed], 39, and 42[chewed]). Of those, seven are dropped or

unfired .69-caliber Minié balls, and the other one (FS42) is so deformed by being chewed that it

is not possible to ascertain if it is fired or dropped. Three other .69-caliber Minié balls are

chewed as noted above. All tooth marks on all chewed bullets are consistent with pigs. Pigs

commonly find and chew bullets during their rooting. It is assumed that pigs find the lead oxides

palatable at some level. The chewed bullets were found clustered in a low area near a ravine. The

bullets that are in good shape were examined for method of manufacture and all appear to be

pressed bullets, made by mechanically pressing a lead rod into the bullet shape instead of melting

and casting a bullet in a mold.

The bullet details are: FS24 - .677 inch diameter, weight 43.75 grams/ 675.2 grains; FS 32 –

diameter not measurable, weight 43.6 grams/ 672.8 grains; FS33 - diameter not measurable,

weight 43.85 grams/ 677.1 grains; FS34 - diameter not measurable, weight 43.2 grams/ 666

grains; FS36 - diameter not measurable, weight 43.3 grams/ 668.1 grains; FS 37 - diameter not

measurable, weight 43.4 grams/ 670.3 grains; FS39 - diameter not measurable, weight 43.65

grams/ 673.6 grains; FS42 - diameter not measurable, weight 38.75 grams/ 598 grains.

Undetermined Caliber Lead Fragments

There are 5 impacted bullets or bullet fragments that are too deformed to identify as to caliber.

The FS numbers are: FS25 – weight 4.59 grams/ 76.2 grains; FS26 – lead ball with sprue, poorly

61

formed and incomplete casting, dropped while hot – weight 12.2 grams/187.9 grains; FS29 –

weight 2.3 grams/ 35.6 grains; FS43 – weight 23.9 grams/ 368.9 grains [chewed]; FS45 – weight

2.9 grams/ 44.8 grains; and FS53 – weight 9.25 grams/ 143.1 grains. An additional six lead

fragments appear to be unidentified spherical balls: FS3 – weight 4.1 grams/ 63.1 grains; FS13 –

weight 16.15 grams/ 249.5 grains [possible .54-caliber ball]; FS14 – weight 5.3 grams/ 82.1

grains; FS20 – weight 5.65 grams/ 86.9 grains [possible buckshot from buck and ball load]; FS26

– circa .449 inch in diameter, weight 12.2 grams/ 187.9 grains [cast ball with sprue – cast in a

cold mold and mal-formed during casting – possibly discarded]; and FS41 – cast in offset or

poorly aligned mold, fired and impact damaged, weight 16.3 grams/ 251.9 grains [possible .54-

caliber ball].

.44-.45-Caliber Spherical Balls

There are two circa .44-.45-caliber spherical balls in the collection (FS9 and 55). FS9 is an

impact damaged fired ball that weighs 10.05 grams/ 155.1 grains. FS55 is also fired but intact

enough to measure .472 inch in diameter and weigh 9.8 grams/ 151 grains. Both are consistent

with spherical balls that could have been fired from .44- or .45 caliber guns. Neither retains clear

rifling impressions that allow for further definition. If they are .44-caliber it is likely they are Colt

Army revolver bullets, but if they are .45-caliber they likely represent a common rifle, also

known as a privately owned rifle. The common rifle could have been in the hands of a solider or

it may represent hunting by a private citizen at sometime in the early to mid-19th

century.

.54-Caliber Spherical Balls

Of the 4 .54-caliber spherical balls in the collection one (FS2 - .579 inch in diameter, weight

16.85 grams/ 260.2 grains) is a ball made by casting. It is fired and impact deformed. One is

chewed by pigs but still identifiable (FS18 – weight .552 inch in diameter, weight 16.85 grams/

259.7 grains). The other two are fired and impact damaged (FS21 - .573 inch in diameter, weight

17.65 grams/ 272.3 grains; FS 28 - .578 inch in diameter, weight 14.6 grams/ 225.4 grains) All

exhibit rifling impression consistent 6 right land and groove rifling marks indicating they were

fired in the Model 1841 ―Mississippi‖ rifle.

.69-Caliber Spherical Ball

The oldest, most fundamental, projectile used in the Civil War by both sides was the round or

spherical ball (Thomas 1997:98). It was fired in various small arms, the .69-caliber smoothbore

musket being the classic. There are a number of models of smoothbore muskets that could have

fired these balls, the most common would be the Model 1816 or one of the Model 1822

variations including those converted from flintlock to percussion ignition system. As a mater of

reference for size the .69-caliber round ball can be fired in a 12-gauge shotgun.

There were two fired and one unfired round balls recovered (FS10 – impact deformed, not

suitable for measurement, weight 26 grams/ 401.4 grains), one unfired ball - FS11 – weight 25.6

grams/ 386.7 grains); and another fired ball - FS27 - .673 inch in diameter, weight 28.3 grams/

62

436.6 grains).

Artillery-Related Artifacts

Artillery Underplug

The Bormann fuse is a lead and zinc alloy biscuit shaped device with Roman numerals marked

divisions on the upper surface. A cannoneer cut a number exposing a powder train that would

burn that number of seconds in flight when it would ignite the bursting charge in the shell or case

causing shrapnel or caseshot balls to scatter among the enemy. In order to keep the Bormann

fuse from becoming deformed by the shock of firing an iron or brass underplug was screwed into

the lower section of the round’s fuse ring (Jones 2001). The plug had one or two holes drilled

through it to facilitate the transfer of the lighted powder train from the fuse to the bursting

charge. An iron underplug with a single transfer hole was recovered (FS38) in the artifact cluster

south of the Rocheport road.

Canister

Canister rounds are usually lead or iron balls placed in a tin container that were fired from

cannon at a short range (less than 500 yards for field guns) as an antipersonnel device. Canister

rounds performed as a large shotgun blast, sending large numbers of balls toward an on-coming

enemy. The normal round was filled by the process of placing a layer of shot in the can and then

packing the voids with dry sawdust and packing the components firmly. The sawdust had a two-

fold purpose-to give more solidity to the mass, and to prevent the balls from crowding upon each

other when the gun was fired (Dickey and George1993:17).

The inventory work recovered one canister ball (FS23) representing a 12-pounder howitzer or a

6-pounder cannon on the Avery property. The 1862 Army Ordnance Manual noted that 6-

pounder gun canister balls were to be between 1.14 and 1.17 inches in diameter, 12-pounder gun

canister balls to be between 1.46 and 1.49 inches in diameter, and 12-pounder howitzer canister

balls to be between 1.05 and 1.08 inches in diameter. The recovered iron canister ball is 1.07

inches in diameter and is consistent with being fired in either a 6-pounder gun or a 12-pounder

howitzer, allowing for variation in the manufacturing process and changes in diameter due to

oxidation. Dr. Avery loaned the team another iron canister ball that was found on his property

some years ago. It is 1.09 inches in diameter, also consistent with being fired in a 6-pounder gun

or a 12-pounder howitzer.

Another artifact related to canister is a canister base plate, FS6 found on the Gaub property, near

the Adams house site. This circular piece of rolled flat iron measures about 3.4 inches in

diameter indicating that it is a 6-pounder canister base plate. It retains indentations from the

canister balls on one surface.

63

Personal and Equipment Items

The investigations yielded relatively few definitively battle-related non-firearms related artifacts.

A single brass button (FS5 – 7/8 inch in diameter) is non-military in origin, but given the context

of its recovery on the west side of the McGuire property, it may be a button from a coat of the

Missouri State Guard or one of the Federal Missouri volunteer units. It is flat with a plain front.

The back attachment loop is broken and the button is bent from being hit by a plow or other

agricultural implement. FS17 is a broken brass fragment of very thin material. It may have been

part of a button, but the attribution is uncertain.

Another clothing item is a suspender adjustment device. FS4, found on the Gaub property, is a 1

½ inch wide stamped brass slide broken in two pieces. It has two prongs for holding a strap in

place and is a common style found on trousers, suspenders, or vests throughout the 19th

century.

The single footwear item is FS50, which is a shoe or boot heel nail. It is about 1 inch long.

Two utensils were located near a mid-19th

century trash midden and possible structural site south

of the Rocheport road. One (FS47) is an iron shank of a fork and the other is a brass, possibly

silver plated stamped spoon. The spoon (FS51) was found in two pieces, the bowl and handle.

The handle has small dots for decoration around the edge. No makers mark is evident. FS49 is

an unidentified fragment of brass or copper.

A horse tack buckle is represented by FS7 from the Avery property. It is a brass framed buckle

that would take a 1 ¼ inch wide strap. FS46 is a brass frame D-shaped center-bar buckle that

measures 1 inch by 7/8 inch. The strap width would be approximately ½ inch.

A stone cutters hammer (FS31) from the structural site south of the Rocheport road is cast iron

and measures 6 inches long and about 1 ¼ inches wide on each of the finishing faces. A square

helve or handle hole in the center of the hammer is ¾ inch square.

The final personal item recovered is a copper U.S. large cent piece found on the structural site. It

is in poor condition showing some wear. The date is discernable and is 1846.

Relic Collections from Boonville

There are undocumented reports of extensive collecting of the Boonville battlefield and the

Camp Vest areas. However, in the course of this project two collections were brought to our

attention and the owners allowed us to examine them. One is in the possession of Dr. Willard

Avery. The ten items were found on his property during the 1970s. He was gracious enough to

loan the collection to the authors for analysis. The Avery collection consists of one iron 1.09 inch

diameter canister ball for the 6-pounder cannon or a 12-pounder howitzer, a fragment of the iron

body and fuse ring of a 12-pounder shell (0.5 inch thick), one .54-caliber spherical ball, one .69-

caliber spherical ball, and six impact deformed .58-caliber Minié balls for the Model 1855 rifled

musket.

64

Figure 19. Lead bullets, iron canister ball, and iron artillery shell fragment found by collectors on

the Dr. Willard Avery property.

One other collector allowed us to document his Boonville battle related finds. The collection was

mounted in a frame and under glass. The items were identified and documented without

removing them from the frame. There are 29 items that include, three .69-caliber Minié balls

(one of which is deformed by impact, and one has a strong Model 1842 ramrod mark on the

nose), nine .58-caliber impact deformed Minié balls for the Model 1855 rifled musket, two

impact deformed Minié balls of undetermined caliber, two fragments of lead from bullets, one

.69-caliber spherical ball, one .44-caliber conical bullet for the Colt revolver, one .44-caliber

spherical ball for the Colt revolver, four circa .30-caliber balls or buckshot (probably used in a

buck and ball round), one fragment of threaded portion of a Bormann artillery fuse, three small

brass equipment or harness rivets, one circa 3/8 inch diameter iron four-hole trouser button, and

one iron D-shaped harness buckle (for circa ¾ inch strap).

Interpreting the Data

Firearms Types at Boonville

The historical records and accounts of the Boonville battle refer to cannon and small arms use.

Those records are relatively obtuse regarding the identification of weapon types used by specific

units. There are some references to the use of muskets, shotguns, rifled muskets, and country

rifles, but frustratingly little on specific types or models in the hands of the soldiers. Most

65

Figure 20. Some collector found artifacts from the Brian Gaub property.

references to small arms use are non-specific and anecdotal.

The U.S. Army kept most of its older model muskets, particularly the Model 1816 and Model

1822 .69-caliber muskets, in the various arsenals and designated them as second or third class

arms to be issued in case of an emergency They became, in essence, back-ups in case war broke

out and local and state militia units needed to be raised and armed in the event of a national

emergency. Beginning in 1855 at least 20,000 Model 1816 muskets were converted from flint

ignition system to the percussion ignition system at various federal arsenals and armories. At

least 2,000 Model 1816 smoothbore muskets were rifled with a standard U.S. Army 3 land and

groove rifling at Harpers Ferry Armory between 1856 and 1857. Others were rifled at other

arsenals and by contract in the years before the Civil War (Schmidt 1996:139; 2007).

General James Harding, Quartermaster General of the Missouri State Guard, even had a few

hundred flintlock muskets converted to the percussion system and issued to his troops. He also

tried, with limited success, to recall other old muskets that had been issued to former members of

militia units long since disbanded who had taken the guns home (Lindberg n.d.; 1995). Harding

noted that in arming the troops there was little trouble when he attempted to keep uniformity in

style and caliber as much as possible to reduce the problems of logistics. He stated that as long as

he had the converted muskets, and the 600 flintlocks receipted from General N. Bart Pearce he

had no significant problems. His tribulations came when trying to supply ammunition to those

armed with hunting or squirrel rifles (Lindberg n.d.; 1995).

Harding stated that the Missouri militia’s small arms, in January, 1861, included 950 .58-caliber

rifle muskets, 1043 .69-caliber muskets, 312 .50-caliber rifles (possibly .54-caliber), 60 carbines,

66

75 pistols, 175 sabers, 28 other swords, and 30 artillery swords. All of the carbines, pistols, and

all but 390 rifle muskets and 40 sabers fell into Federal hands during the Camp Jackson affair

(James Harding, Tales of the War, Missouri Republican, July 18, 1885).

Piston and Sweeney (1999:19) note that General Price was able to borrow 600 muskets from

Confederate sources, as well as, another four pieces of artillery, and 400 rifles and muskets

captured during the seizure of the Liberty, Missouri arsenal on April 20, 1861. The actual

armament of the newly organized Missouri State Guard at the time of the Boonville battle are not

easily sorted out, but the historical records suggest they had a variety of weapons, mostly .69-

caliber smoothbore muskets and a few rifled muskets in both .58-caliber and .69-caliber.

Firearm Types at Boonville Derived from the Archaeological Record

Analysis of the recovered archaeological firearms related artifacts provide a wealth of evidence

regarding the weapons actually used during the battle. Firearms identification procedures

provides a powerful tool to enable us to state what types of weapons were used during the

fighting on the field. More important is where the firearms related artifacts were found on the

battlefield, because knowing the context of artifact recovery and in combination with analysis of

the documentary evidence of the battle allows for the development of a greater precision in

placing units accurately on the landscape.

Small arms - Pistols, Muskets, and Rifled Muskets

Small arms are those firearms carried by individual soldiers and as an artifact class constitute the

largest number of recovered artifacts, reflected primarily by lead bullets. The archaeological

record of hand guns includes two types of pistols. The .31-caliber Colt revolver is represented by

a single conical bullet found on the Avery property, and one each conical bullet and spherical ball

in .44-caliber found by a collector confirm the use of the Colt .44-caliber Model 1860 Army

revolver at the battle, also on the Avery property. Two circa .44 or .45-caliber balls were found

on the McGuire property and may be either pistol bullets or rifle balls, but both are too deformed

to determine the actual caliber or weapon type.

Shoulder-fired muskets and rifles are well represented in the artifacts recovered during the

archaeological investigations, indicating at least four types of guns were used in the battle. Four

fired and land and grooved impressed .54-caliber spherical balls and conical bullets indicate the

presence of the Model 1841 ―Mississippi‖ rifle. One bullet was found on the McGuire property,

one on the property south of the Rocheport road, and two on the Avery property.

The Model 1855 Springfield rifled musket is well represented in the archaeological collection by

conical hollow base bullets, Minié balls. All were of pressed manufacture. The land and groove

rifling impressions as well as distinctive ramrod marks on a number of the bullets confirm the

presence of this rifled musket during the battle. Five fired .58-caliber bullets were found on the

Avery property, and four fired rounds were found south of the Rocheport road in a low spot

associated with an artillery underplug and other bullets.

67

The .69-caliber Model 1842 rifled musket is clearly represented by several fired and unfired or

dropped .69-caliber Minié balls. This bullet type was intended for the Model 1842 rifled musket.

One collector recovered bullet from the Avery property has the distinctive ramrod impression of

the Model 1842 musket. The smoothbore .69-caliber musket is also well represented by .69-

caliber spherical balls. The bullets could have been fired in the Model 1816 or one of the

variation Model 1822 smoothbore muskets. The presence of .69-caliber buck and ball rounds is

attested to by the presence of four buckshot seen in the private collection examined. The Avery

property yielded one unfired and one fired spherical ball, while the property south of the road

yielded seven unfired rounds in .69-caliber. The Camp Vest metal detecting effort recovered

three .69-caliber spherical balls and one conical ball. One spherical ball was fired the others

appear to be unfired.

In summary there are at least six types of small arms represented in the archaeological artifacts

recovered from the Boonville battlefield. Two pistol types include the .31-caliber and .44-caliber

Colt revolvers. Shoulder-fired guns include the .54-caliber Model 1841 "Mississippi" rifle, .58-

caliber Model 1855 rifled musket, .69-caliber Model 1822 smoothbore musket or one of its

variations, and the .69-caliber Model 1842 rifled musket. Two circa .44 or .45-caliber spherical

bullets that may be Colt revolver rounds or may be an undetermined common rifle type, so a

sixth gun type may be represented, but the deformation of the two bullets is such that the weapon

type cannot be confirmed.

Artillery at Boonville – The Archaeological Evidence

Cannon played a significant role at Boonville. The Federal troops that fought there deployed four

smoothbore guns in two calibers, 6-pounder guns and 12-pounder howitzers. Both gun types

fired solid shot, shell, case shot, and canister. A single Bormann fuse fragment from the collector

group, and the archaeological underplug, as well as a single fuse ring fragment from the Avery

collection from a 12-pounder shell, two iron canister balls, and a 6 pounder canister base plate

confirm the presence of artillery at the battle.

Canister rounds are lead or iron balls placed in a tin container that were fired from cannon at a

short range (less than 500 yards for field guns) as an antipersonnel device. Canister rounds

performed as a large shotgun blast, sending large numbers of balls toward an on-coming enemy

that could be devastating to an infantry charge. Like a shotgun the range of canister is limited and

was not intended for use beyond 400 to 500 yards, and never beyond 600 yards according to

nineteenth century artillery manuals (Benton 1867; Gibbon 1970).

The 1862 Army Ordnance Manual recorded that 6-pounder gun canister balls were to be between

1.14 and 1.17 inches in diameter, 12-pounder gun canister balls to be between 1.46 and 1.49

inches in diameter, and 12-pounder howitzer canister balls to be between 1.05 and 1.08 inches in

diameter. The inventory work recovered 2 canister balls, both from the Avery property,

representing a either a 6-pounder cannon or a 12-pounder howitzer. A cast iron canister base for

the 6-pounder gun was found on the Gaub property near the site of the Adams house. These

68

artillery-related artifacts undoubtedly related to Capt. Totten’s battery of 2nd

U.S. Artillery that

went into action against the Missouri State Guard. There is no mention in the historic record of

Totten having 12-pounder howitzers in his battery. Therefore it seems likely the gun section

Lyon ordered into action at Boonville consisted of at least one 6-pounder cannon and one 12-

pounder gun.

Interpreting the Artifact Distribution

The artifact distributions clearly support the historical record that the first Battle of Boonville

took place on the traditionally recognized site. The McGuire farm north of the road and other

lands immediately south of the Rocheport road are traditionally held to be the site of the initial

Union line, with Totten’s artillery battery positioned on or near the road itself. Although few in

number, in part due to heavy grass growth that prevented metal detection of the entire area, the

artifacts found on the McGuire property are consistent with bullets fired by the Missouri State

Guard (MSG) at the Union line. The Union troops are reported to have used the reverse or

military crest of the ridge to protect themselves from in-coming fire from MSG troops, while

Totten’s battery devastated the southern lines located near the Adams house.

Thomas Knox, who witnessed the fighting from the position of Totten's battery, provided a

detailed description of the battle's setting (New York Herald, June 23, 1861):

...As the column ascended the bluff the pickets of the enemy were seen and driven in. After an

advance of three-fourths of a mile one of the advanced guard rode hastily back to the head of the

column and informed General Lyon that the whole body of the State troops were drawn up a few

hundred yards in front. General Lyon at once ordered the regulars under Sergeant Griffin to the

left, and Captain Schutten's riflemen to the right. Captain Totten's battery was ordered to the

front to occupy the road.

The enemy were drawn up about three hundred yards in advance, on the crest of a hill, or

rather a long swell or ridge, over which the road passed at the highest point. The road was

occupied by Colonel Marmaduke, with a small body of horsemen and a battalion of infantry.

Immediately on his left was a brick house filled with rebel troops, and back of this, towards the

river, was a narrow lane, where his left wing was posted. To their rear was a wheat field, and in

this was miscellaneously scattered small crowds of men, apparently without order or regularity.

To his right was another wheat field, separated from an adjacent corn field by a "worn fence,"

and behind this fence his right wing was posted...Our line was formed on a ridge similar to that

occupied by the enemy and parallel to it, separated from the latter by a valley with a gentle

descent on either side. To our left was a corn field and on our right a copse or grove of

scattered oaks. The regulars advanced in the corn field, to the crest of the ridge, creeping up the

latter and firing when the opportunity occurred...The hollow between the ridges was full of

scattered oaks, and those served as a cover to our men.

Knox’s description matches well with the archaeological record. The first Union line appears to

have arrayed itself on the ridge immediately west of the present day McGuire home with the

artillery on or near the road south of the house. Historical sources, as noted, place the majority of

69

Union troops north of the road, and the archaeological record suggests the Union line ran for

about 1000 meters from the road north and about 225 meters south of the road for a total line

length of about 1225 meters or about 1350 yards or somewhat over three-quarters of a mile in

length. The impacted bullets found on the McGuire property indicate the MSG fired .54-caliber

Mississippi rifles at the Union line south of the road, and common or personal rifles at the men

on the right of the Union line. The bullets fired in the personal type rifles may be associated with

a small group of men armed by Quartermaster General Harding as sharpshooters just prior to the

battle (Harding, Tales of the War, Missouri Republican July 18, 1885). Harding recalled meeting

one of the beleaguered sharpshooters during the retreat from the battle, and suggested in his

account that the riflemen had not distinguished themselves. If the common rifle bullets from the

McGuire property relate to the sharpshooters, then they at least did fire a few rounds during the

battle.

The site of the Adams house, on the present-day Gaub property, yielded only the base plate for a

6-pounder canister round to the archaeological investigations. The archaeological work did

identify the site of the Adams house which has been almost totally destroyed by modern land

alteration work. The archaeological site is affirmed by broken and scattered brick and domestic

debris. Access to areas north of the Gaub property could not be obtained so the extent of the

MSG line to the north is not known. One private collector has metal detected on the Adams

house site area and he recovered a fragment of a Bormann artillery fuse, two .44-caliber Colt

pistol bullets, one .69-caliber spherical ball, four buckshot, three .69-caliber Minié balls, and nine

.58-caliber Minié balls.

The artillery shell fuse fragment as well as the canister base corroborate that Totten’s battery

fired on the Adams house area, which in part caused the MSG line to collapse. The distance from

the Union first line to the MSG line at the Adams house is about 600 meters or 660 yards. This

distance is easily within shell or caseshot range for either of Totten’s guns, but outside the range

for canister to be fired, and certainly for the canister base plate to be found on the Gaub property.

The presence of buckshot and spherical .69-caliber shot in the house area suggests that small

arms fire was at much closer ranges, although the .58-caliber rifled muskets did have a range that

exceeded 600 meters. The best fit interpretive scenario is that the artillery fire from Totten’s guns

supplemented by some rifled musket fire from the Union troops armed with Model 1855

Springfield rifled muskets quickly broke the MSG line around the Adams house as is recorded.

However, the Union advance to the Adams house was not a ―walk in the park‖ for the Union

troops either. The impacted rifled musket, musket, and pistol bullets suggest some elements of

the MSG stood their ground and exchanged fire with the advancing Union line.

Canister was not usually fired at distances greater than 400 yards, and the base plates are known

to have dropped to the ground within 50 to 150 yards of the gun when fired. The canister base

plate found near the Adams house suggests the 6-pounder gun was moved forward and placed on

the brow of a hill near the Adams house and fired, most likely, at the regrouped MSG second line

located on the present Avery property, which is 400 meters or 440 yards from the Adams house

site.

70

The length of the MSG lines cannot be stated with certainty due to land alteration about 400

meters north of the road which precluded metal detection in that direction. However, combining

the artifact distribution from south of the Rocheport road and the finds on the Avery property a

rough idea of the MSG second deployment can be posited. Metal detection south of the

Rocheport road opposite the Adams house site suggests that the first MSG line only extended

about 200 meters south of the road and work on the Avery property suggest the line extended at

least 400 meters north of the road. The archaeological evidence is in close agreement with the

historical record, and specifically reinforces the suggestion that the number of Missouri State

Guard engaged in the battle was much smaller than reported by Lyon. The archaeological

evidence supports the MSG accounts that less than 650 men were deployed to meet the Union

forces.

Once the first MSG line collapsed after being shelled by Totten’s artillery and coming under

small arms fire of the Union infantry, a group of MSG soldiers appear to have clustered near a

small drainage or ravine south of the road where they came under additional intense artillery and

small arms fire. The artifact cluster showed no formal linear organization, rather it was a cluster

of dropped .69-caliber Minié balls and fired and impacted .58-caliber Minié balls. The metal

detecting effort also recovered one fired .54-caliber bullet and an artillery fuse underplug. The

archaeological data suggest that the MSG troops who fell back from their first line lost command

and control and began to cluster or herd up, and panic set in. The dropped or unfired bullets

indicate the MSG troops were armed with .69-caliber Model 1842 rifled muskets or other

muskets that had been rifled. The lack of a linear distribution of the recovered unfired .69-caliber

bullets are indicative of a loss of organization and the clustering that indicates panic (Fox 1993;

Marshall 1978; du Picq 1946). The group was clearly shelled by artillery and hammered by

Union small arms fire coming from Model 1855 rifled muskets and Model 1841 Mississippi

rifles from the Union left, likely Company B, 2nd

U.S. Infantry, and Companies B and K, 1st

Missouri Volunteer Infantry. Company B, 2nd

U.S. Infantry was likely a rifle company, and thus

may have been armed with M1841 Mississippi rifles, and the two volunteer companies were

likely armed with the M1855 rifled musket.

This artifact cluster may represent the general collapse and panic of the MSG line that Gen.

Marmaduke noted when he rode among the disorganized MSG men after the initial attack and

tried to reform them as reported by H.T. Barnes (Boonville Weekly Advertiser, Boonville,

Missouri, June 13, 1924)

The MSG troops that fled the area of the Adams house and north of the road fell back to the west

across a drainage and then regrouped on a hill, spreading out at least 400 meters north of the road

and up to 200 meters south of the road. The second MSG line that formed on the present Avery

property and on the south side of the Rocheport road was subjected to intense 12-pounder shell

fire and 6-pounder canister fire, as well as small arms fire from the rifled muskets and pistols of

the Union troops as attested to by the archaeological evidence. At least some of the MSG troops

on the Avery property were armed with smoothbore .69-caliber muskets, likely firing buck and

ball rounds. With their limited range MSG arms could not sustain the incoming fire from the

longer-range Union Model 1855 rifled muskets, Model 1841 Mississippi rifles, and Model 1842

71

rifled muskets, causing the second line to collapse, and the ―Boonville Races‖ to begin. Even if

the MSG line could not halt the Union attack, the appellation of the ―Boonville Races‖ may be,

in part inaccurate. The archaeological artifacts included .31-caliber and .44-caliber Colt revolver

bullets found on the Avery property. These firearms did not have an effective stopping power

range of greater than 25 to 50 yards. The second Union line at the Adams house was 440 yards

away from the second MSG line on the Avery property. Pistols would have been useless at these

ranges, but the presence of fired and impacted revolver rounds on the Avery property indicates

that the Union line charged the MSG line and it must have stood and fought long enough for the

Union line to get within 50 to 75 yards. Even though the MSG line broke and fled at the

onslaught of the Union attack, the second MSG line stood up to severe shelling, canister shot,

and a Union charge that likely came within 50 yards, before they broke; and for untested, and

generally untrained troops this was not a poor showing, although history now gives us a different

twist.

Elements of the MSG second line south of the Rocheport road may have anchored their line on a

house that was located on a small rise above an ephemeral drainage. There is no mention of a

house other than the Adams house in any of the historic documents, but there is ample

archaeological evidence that a structure once existed at this site. The 1877 Atlas Map of Cooper

County (Dyer 1995:6) shows the property was owned by Joseph Combs at that point. The

Adams’ house, the William D. Adams house, and other structures likely present in 1861 are

clearly shown on the atlas map, but no structure is shown on the Combs property at the location

of the archaeological site. The archaeological evidence points to the structure being a domestic

site of some sort, likely a house that was occupied in the 1840s and 1850s. It is possible the site

was abandoned at the time of the battle, or that the battle so damaged the site that it was not

reoccupied afterward. Aside from the domestic trash on the site the metal detecting effort also

recovered a few .58-caliber Minié impact damaged balls from the eastern slope below the

structural site indicating it played a role in the battle. The structural site deserves additional

investigation in both the historic documents and archaeologically to determine its origin and

association with the battle.

The archaeological investigations also attempted to locate remains of the MSG camp located

about one mile west of the battlefield. Capt. Nelson Cole’s Company F, 1st Missouri Volunteers

was the first Federal unit to enter the camp where it was reported that they captured two flags,

blankets, coats, carpet bags, 50 firearms, 20 or 30 tents (L. Barnes, Daily Democrat, June 21,

1861). This description suggests the camp likely had limited resources available, and was not

large. The limited reconnaissance effort dedicated to finding the camp yielded one possible fired

and one unfired or dropped musket balls. Two other spherical balls were also recovered that were

dropped or lost during the lead molding and casting process. These bullets are incompletely

formed. The four items were widely scattered, but no other items, like buttons, tent slips, or other

camp equipage was recovered. The presence of incompletely cast bullets may be indicative that a

part of the camp was found, for bullet casting is not something done on a battlefield. It seems

likely the archaeological work did not find the entire site of the camp, rather the bullets recovered

represent a portion of the camp where bullets casting was done, perhaps a quartermaster or

ordnance area. The fired and dropped bullets may represent the flight of the some of the MSG

72

troops as they fled toward Boonville, as well as the pursuit by Lyon’s troops of those soldiers,

matching well with the historical statement from Lyon that MSG troops ―then retreated, returning

fire from "sundry points" nearly to their camp (O.R., Series I, Vol. 3, p. 13).

Conclusions

If there is one myth the archaeological record can aid in dispelling it is that these western troops,

whether northern or southern, were poorly armed with the dregs of the U.S. arsenal system. The

number of rounds fired in the battle is unknown, but it may not have been a large number. The

archaeological sampling, hindered as it was by dense vegetation in many places, still recovered

bullets in only six or seven firearms types. These bullets give us insight in the small arms actually

used by the men in the battle. The archaeological evidence is compelling and clearly shows that

the Union troops definitely had Model 1855 rifled muskets, Model 1842 rifled muskets, Model

1841 Mississippi rifles, and probably some Model 1816 or Model 1822 muskets, and the Model

1842 smoothbore musket. The Missouri State Guard was armed with Model 1841 Mississippi

rifles, Model 1842 rifled muskets, and smoothbore muskets. Officers and some men were also

armed with Colt revolvers. These weapons were present in quantity at the battle. The MSG

troops also appear to have had some elements armed with civilian or common rifles, but the

number was not likely large, and these may have been the rifles Gen. Harding mentions as being

issued to sharpshooters. He believed the men armed as sharpshooters were essentially ineffective

at their task during the Battle of Boonville.

The archaeological investigations confirmed the location of the now destroyed Adams house, and

unexpectedly found the remains of a second house site south of the Rocheport Road, west and

south of the Adams house. This second house site, whether abandoned or occupied at the time of

the battle is undetermined, may have anchored the south end of the second MSG battle line. The

site deserves additional archaeological and historical investigation to determine its origin, dates

of use, and role in the battle.

The archaeological investigations also appear to have determined the location of the first Union

troop deployment line, the first MSG battle line, the second Union battle line, and the second

MSG battle line (Figure 21). The small arms and artillery related artifacts clearly define where

the troops were arrayed in line of battle. Access to some property, vegetation issues in some

areas, and other factors hampered metal detecting to completely define the limits of the

battlefield, but the effort definitely found significant evidence of the battle. Additional systematic

archaeological investigations are recommended on each of the properties to more clearly define

the full extent of the Union and MSG positions when access and vegetation issues can be

resolved. It appears some areas, particularly on the first MSG line and possibly the second, have

had significant land alteration over time which may have destroyed or, partially compromised,

any remaining archaeological evidence of the battle in those areas. However, only additional

fieldwork can resolve the question.

The location of Camp Bacon or Vest is still a question that needs to be resolved. The few finds in

73

Figure 21. Interpretation of the Union and Missouri State Guard positions during the Battle of

Boonville based on archaeological and historical research.

the area traditionally believed to be the camp site most likely represent the route of the MSG

retreat from the battlefield and the pursuit by Union troops than the camp itself. Additional

professional systematic archaeological investigation of the areas west of the battlefield will likely

resolve this issue and could also attempt to locate the elusive MSG artillery position that was

reported to be on the Missouri River’s southern bank not far from the camp.

The myth of the First Battle of Boonville is that the Missouri State Guard failed as a military

unit, quickly collapsing from Union small arms and artillery fire, resulting in an ignominious

retreat from the field that became derisively known at the ―Boonville Races.‖ Archaeological

investigations of the First Battle of Boonville suggest the story is somewhat more complex than

the historical record leads us to believe. There is little question that the combined historical and

archaeological study of the site demonstrates the traditional site location is correct. The

archaeological record also confirms the historical accounts that Union artillery and infantry small

arms fire was superior to that of the MSG, and that this fire superiority led to the collapse of the

MSG battle lines. The archaeological record is also consistent with the historical record that the

fighting was light overall, and that the MSG first line did collapse in panic. However, the

archaeological record also indicates the MSG troops did not just disintegrate with the first

74

artillery shell burst or the rattle of Union musketry. It is clear both sides were reasonably well

armed with rifled muskets, although the MSG probably had the disadvantage of more

smoothbore muskets of limited range, and certainly no artillery support. The MSG line of battle

appears shorter from the archaeological record than suggested by historical accounts, although

this supposition requires additional investigation. If the archaeological record is correct and the

MSG lines were shorter than historically thought, then the number of southerners participating in

the battle may be more in line with the 500 or 650 mentioned in Southern participant accounts,

giving even greater emphasis to the quality of the Missouri State Guard to stand up to Lyon’s

Union assault. Even with its disadvantage in arms, the MSG battle lines did not collapse in

complete panic. The archaeological evidence of bullet distribution clearly shows that the MSG

battle lines, particularly the second line, stood up to Union advances to within 50 yards of their

position, before giving way. Undoubtedly many MSG troops, green and undisciplined as they

were, fled in panic, giving the battle its nickname. But is it is also clear that some elements of the

State Guard stood their ground as best they could, withstanding artillery fire and an infantry

assault on its second line before the general collapse and retreat. Perhaps the ―Boonville Races‖

appellation is not entirely appropriate as the archaeological evidence records that some of the

troops withstood the assault of a superior force, twice, before the full collapse of their line.

Perhaps Boonville was not the MSG’s finest hour, but they learned a valuable lesson in that

battle that was not lost on them in the coming months, and they were able to withstand and defeat

many of the same Union troops under Lyon just six weeks later at Wilsons Creek.

75

References Cited

Adamson, Hans Christian

1961 Rebellion in Missouri: 1861. Chilton Company, Philadelphia and New York.

Adutant General's Office

1867 Official Army Register of the Volunteer Force of the United States Army for the Years

1861, '62, '63, '64, '65. Seven volumes. Adjutant General's Office, Washington, D.C.

Anonymous

1881 History of Saline County, Missouri. Missouri Historical Company, St. Louis.

1932 Col. C. J. Walden. Confederate Veteran 40(12, December):438.

Banasik, Michael E.

2001 Missouri in 1861: The Civil War Letters of Franc B. Wilkie, Newspaper Correspondent.

Camp Pope Bookshop, Iowa City.

[Barnes, H.T.]

1925 A Soldier's Account of the Battle of Boonville. Missouri Historical Review 19:725-727.

Barnes, John B.

1929 Boonville: The First Land Battle of the Civil War. Infantry Journal 35(December):601-

607.

Bartels, Carolyn M.

2003 The Civil War in Missouri Day by Day 1861-1865. New format. Two Trails Publishing,

Independence, MO. Originally published 1992.

Benton, J. G.

1867 Course of Instruction in Ordnance and Gunnery; Prepared for the Use of Cadets of the

United States Military Academy. D. Van Nostrand, New York.

Brooksher, William Riley

1995 Bloody Hill: The Civil War Battle of Wilson's Creek. Brassey's, Washington, D.C.

Brownlee, Richard S.

1958 Gray Ghosts of the Confederacy: Guerrilla Warfare in the West, 1861-1865. Louisiana

State University Press, Baton Rouge.

Castel, Albert

1968 General Sterling Price and the Civil War in the West. Louisiana State University Press,

Baton Rouge.

76

Catton, Bruce

1961 The Coming Fury. Doubleday & Company, Garden City, New York.

Coates, Earl J. and Dean S. Thomas

1990 An Introduction to Civil War Small Arms. Thomas Publications, Gettysburg, PA.

Connor, Melissa and Douglas D. Scott

1998 Metal Detector Use in Archaeology: An Introduction. Historical Archaeology 32

Crozier, Emmet

1956 Yankee Reporters 1861-65. Oxford University Press, New York.

Denny, James, and John Bradbury

2007 The Civil War's First Blood: Missouri, 1854-1861. Missouri Life, Boonville, MO.

Dickey, Thomas S. and Peter C. George

1993 Field Artillery Projectiles of the American Civil War. Arsenal Publications II,

Mechanicsville, VA.

du Picq, A.

1946 Battle Studies. Military Service Publishing, Harrisburg, PA.

Dyer, Gwynne

1985 War. Crown Publishers, New York.

Dyer, Robert L.

1987 Boonville: An Illustrated History. Pekitanoui Publications, Boonville, MO.

1995 A Closer Look at the Site of the First Battle of Boonville. Boone's Lick Heritage 3(4):4-9.

Eakin, Joanne C., and Donald R. Hale (compilers)

1995 Branded as Rebels. Second printing with corrections. Print America, Independence, MO.

Edwards, John N.

1993 Shelby and His Men. J. O. Shelby Memorial, Waverly, MO.

Espenshade, Christopher, Robert L. Jolley, and James B. Legg

2002 The Value and Treatment of Civil War Sites. North American Archaeologist 23(1):39-67.

Fox, Richard Allan, Jr.

1993 Archaeology, History, and Custer’s Last Battle. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Fox, Richard A. Jr. and Douglas D. Scott

1991 The Post-Civil War Battlefield Pattern: An Example from the Custer Battlefield. Historical

77

Archaeology 95(2):92-103.

Gibbon, John

1970 The Artillerist’s Manual, Compiled from Various Sources and Adapted to the Service of the

United States. Benchmark Publishing, Glendale, NY (reprint of 1860 edition).

Harris, C. E.

1980 Sherlock Holmes Would Be Impressed. American Rifleman 128(5):36-39,82.

Hatcher, Julian, Frank J. Jury, and Jac Weller

1977 Firearms Investigation, Identification and Evidence. Stackpole Books, Harrisburg, PA.

Heitman, Francis B.

1988 Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, from Its Organization,

September 29, 1789, to March 2, 1903. Reprint in two volumes. Olde Soldiers Books,

Gaithersburg, Maryland. Originally published 1903 by the Government Printing Office,

Washington, D.C.

Hinze, David C., and Karen Farnham

1997 The Battle of Carthage: Border War in Southwest Missouri, July 5, 1861. Savas

Publishing Company, Campbell, CA.

Hunt, Roger D., and Jack R. Brown

1990 Brevet Brigadier Generals in Blue. Old Solider Books, Gaithersburg, MD.

Johnson, W.F.

1919 History of Cooper County, Missouri. Historical Publishing Company, Topeka, Kansas, and

Cleveland, OH.

Jones, Charles H.

2001 Artillery Fuses of the Civil War. O’Donnell Publications, Alexandria, VA.

Knox, Thomas W.

1969 Camp-Fire and Cotton-Field: Southern Adventure in Time of War. Reprint. Da Capo

Press, New York. Originally published 1865 by Blelock and Company, New York.

La Barge, Joseph

1962 History of Early Steamboat Navigation on the Missouri River: Life and Adventures of

Joseph La Barge... Reprint. Ross & Haines, Minneapolis, MN. Originally published 1903.

Larimer, Charles F. (editor)

2000 Love and Valor: The Intimate Civil War Letters Between Captain Jacob and Emeline

Ritner. Sigourney Press, Western Springs, IL.

78

Levens, Henry C., and Nathaniel M. Drake

1876 A History of Cooper County, Missouri, from the First Visit by White Men, in February,

1804, to the 5th Day of July, 1876. Perrin & Smith, St. Louis.

Lindberg, Kip A.

1995 ―The Semblance of a Weapon‖: Arms and Equipment of the Missouri State Guard.

Appendix C in Sterling Price’s Lieutenants: A Guide to the Officers and Organization of the

Missouri State Guard, 1861-1865 by Richard C. Peterson, James E. McGhee, Kip A. Lindberg,

and Keith I. Daleen, pp. 308-312. Privately published by the authors, Jefferson City, MO.

n.d. Uniform and Equipment Descriptions of Units at Wilson’s Creek. Manuscript on file, John

K. and Ruth Hulston Library, Wilson’s Creek National Battlefield, Republic, MO.

Marshall, Robert

1920 When Missouri Went into the War. Confederate Veteran 28(1):18-19.

Marshall, S. L. A.

1978 Men Against Fire. Peter Smith, Gloucester, MA.

―Martique" [Marshall Ignatius Boarman]

1995 War Times in Boonville: Mr. Whistletrigger's First Experience as a Soldier. Reprint.

Boone's Lick Heritage 3(4):10-11. Originally published in the Boonville Weekly Advertiser,

August 11, 1905.

McElroy, John

1913 The Struggle for Missouri. National Tribune Company, Washington, D.C.

McGhee, James E. (editor)

2000 Service with the Missouri State Guard: The Memoir of Brigadier General James Harding.

Oak Hills Publishing, Springfield, MO.

McGhee, James E. (transcriber)

2001 Letter and Order Book, Missouri State Guard 1861-1862. Two Trails Publishing,

Independence, MO.

Melton, E.J.

1937 Melton's History of Cooper County, Missouri. E.W. Stevens Company, Columbia, MO.

Moore, Frank

[1861] The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives,

Illustrative Incidents, Poetry Etc. First volume. G.P. Putnam, New York.

1862 The Rebellion Record: A Diary of American Events, with Documents, Narratives,

Illustrative Incidents, Poetry Etc. Second volume. G.P. Putnam, New York.

79

Paillou, Emile R.

1926 Home Town Sketches. Stratford Company, Boston, MA.

Parrish, William E.

1963 Turbulent Partnership: Missouri and the Union 1861-1865. University of Missouri Press,

Columbia.

1973 A History of Missouri. Volume III 1860 to 1875. University of Missouri Press, Columbia.

1998 Frank Blair, Lincoln's Conservative. University of Missouri Press, Columbia.

2006 General Nathaniel Lyon: A Portrait. In The Civil War in Missouri: Essays from the

Missouri Historical Review, 1906-2006, edited by William E. Parrish, pp. 11-29. State Historical

Society of Missouri, Columbia.

Peckham, James

1866 Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, and Missouri in 1861. American News Company, New York.

Peterson, Richard C., James E. McGhee, Kip A. Lindberg, and Keith I. Daleen

1995 Sterling Price's Lieutenants: A Guide to the Officers and Organization of the Missouri

State Guard 1861-1865. Two Trails Publishing, Independence, MO.

Phillips, Christopher W.

1990 Damned Yankee: The Life of General Nathaniel Lyon. University of Missouri Press,

Columbia.

2000 Missouri's Confederate: Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Creation of Southern Identity in

the Border West. University of Missouri Press, Columbia.

Piston, William Garrett, and Richard W. Hatcher III

2000 Wilson's Creek: The Second Battle of the Civil War and the Men Who Fought It.

University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill.

Piston, William Garrett, and Thomas P. Sweeney

1999 "Don't Yield an Inch!": The Missouri State Guard. North & South 2(5):10-26.

Potter, Marguerite

2006 Hamilton R. Gamble, Missouri's War Governor. In The Civil War in Missouri: Essays

from the Missouri Historical Review, 1906-2006, edited by William E. Parrish, pp. 63-107. State

Historical Society of Missouri, Columbia.

80

Rombauer, Robert J.

1909 The Union Cause in St. Louis in 1861: An Historical Sketch. St. Louis (no publisher

given).

Rorvig, Paul

1992 The Significant Skirmish: The Battle of Boonville, June 17, 1861. Missouri Historical

Review 86(2):127-148.

Rowan, Steven (translator and editor)

1997 Memoirs of a Nobody: The Missouri Years of an Austrian Radical, 1849-1866. Missouri

Historical Society Press, St. Louis.

Schmidt, Peter A.

1996 Hall’s Military Breechloaders. Andrew Mobray Publisher, Lincoln, RI.

2007 U. S. Military Flintlock Muskets and Their Bayonets: The Later Years, 1816 through the

Civil War. Mowbray Publishing, Woonsocket, RI.

Scott, Douglas D. and Richard A. Fox Jr.

1987 Archaeological Insights into the Custer Battle. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman.

Scott, Douglas D., Richard A. Fox Jr., Melissa A. Connor, and Dick Harmon

1989 Archaeological Perspectives on the Battle of the Little Bighorn. University of Oklahoma

Press, Norman.

Snead, Thomas L.

1886 The Fight for Missouri from the Election of Lincoln to the Death of Lyon. Charles

Scribner's Sons, New York.

1956 The First Year of the War in Missouri. In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Volume 1,

edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel, pp. 262-277. Thomas

Yoseloff, New York and London. Originally published 1887.

Switzler, W.F.

1881 Switzler's Illustrated History of Missouri, from 1541 to 1881. C.R. Barns, St. Louis, MO.

Thoma, James F.

2006 This Cruel Unnatural War: The American Civil War in Cooper County, Missouri. Second

edition. Published by the author, Kingsport, TN.

Thomas, Dean S.

1997 Round Ball to Rimfire: A History of Civil War Small Arms Ammunition, Part One. Thomas

Publications, Gettysburg, PA.

81

Ware, E.F.

1991 The Lyon Campaign in Missouri. Reprint. Camp Pope Bookshop Press, Iowa City, Iowa.

Originally published 1907 by Crane & Company, Topeka, KS.

Warner, Ezra J.

1959 Generals in Gray: Lives of the Confederate Commanders. Louisiana State University

Press, Baton Rouge.

1964 Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Commanders. Louisiana State University Press,

Baton Rouge.

Webb, W.L.

1900 Battles and Biographies of Missourians or the Civil War Period of Our State. Hudson-

Kimberly Publishing Company, Kansas City, MO.

Wilkie, Franc B.

1861 The Iowa First: Letters from the War. Dubuque Herald Book and Job Establishment,

Dubuque, IA.

82

Appendix Selected Accounts of the First Battle of Boonville, Cooper County, Missouri, June 17, 1861

Nathaniel Lyon's reports dated June 22 and 30, 1861, from The War of the Rebellion: A

Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 3,

pages 12-14 (1881).

Camp Cameron,

Near Booneville, Mo., June 22, 1861.

Dear Sir: I have received the orders from the War Department including this State in the

military department under your command. Prior to the receipt of these orders I had, in

consequence of the proclamation of Governor Jackson, of this State, which seemed to me

tantamount to a declaration of war, ordered a movement of a portion of the troops under my

command to Jefferson City and in the direction of Springfield, Mo., for the purpose of breaking

up the hostile organizations which I had reason to believe had been formed in those parts of the

State to resist the authority of the Government. On reaching Jefferson City with the force under

my immediate command, consisting of the regular troops and the regiment of Colonel Blair,

Missouri volunteers [sic], I found that the governor and the State troops had retired to this place,

and had collected together three or four thousand men.

As soon therefore as I was joined at Jefferson City by the regiment of Colonel Boernstein,

Missouri Volunteers, I left that city under his command with three companies, and proceeded to

this place with the balance of the regiment of Colonel Boernstein, the regiment of Colonel Blair,

and the regular troops, consisting of Captain Totten's battery and three companies of infantry, the

whole command amounting to about 1,700 men. With this force I landed, on the morning of the

17th June, about 6 miles below Booneville, and about 2 miles below the camp of the enemy, and

had proceeded a short distance in the direction of Booneville when the enemy opened fire upon

us. The action, however, lasted a very short time, and the enemy were soon routed, their camp

taken, and the city of Booneville occupied by our troops. I will in a few days prepare and

forward to you a more detailed account of the affair.

I have ascertained to-day, from reliable and undoubted information, that another camp of

the State troops which had collected at Lexington, in this State, consisted of many of those who

fled from this place and the force that had collected at Blue Mills to oppose the movement of

troops from Leavenworth and Kansas City, and variously estimated from 5,000 to 6,000 men,

broke up their camp yesterday, and started toward the south with the intention of uniting with the

troops said to be collecting in Arkansas to invade this State. The rumor which has been so long

prevalent in regard to the contemplated movement from Arkansas under Ben. McCulloch [sic]

appears to me to have assumed shape and consistency, and it is no longer to be doubted that such

an enterprise is on foot. To meet it, I had already, before leaving Saint Louis, dispatched a large

force, consisting of the regiments of Colonel Sigel [sic], Colonel Salomon, and Colonel Brown,

under the command of Brigadier General Sweeny [sic], commanding the Home Guard in Saint

Louis. I cannot speak with precision as to the amount of force under Ben. McCulloch, but I am

disposed to think it cannot be less than 5,000 men, and all that I hear makes it much greater.

It is my purpose to order the force under Captain Sturgis and the volunteers with him

83

from Kansas and Iowa to follow the retreating forces of the State from Lexington in the direction

of Springfield, and to follow with all the speed I can, and as soon as I can procure transportation,

another body of the State troops under General Parsons and Governor Jackson, who are retreating

in the same direction through the town of Warsaw. I have hopes that the retreat of the party from

Lexington may be cut off by the cavalry under Captain Sturgis, and that the party under General

Parsons may be intercepted by the command which has already been sent to Springfield. But if

these parties should be able to unite with McCulloch and the troops from Arkansas, it will swell

his numbers to 10,000 or 12,000 men; and as it will be necessary for me to leave detachments at

various points to secure my communications with Saint Louis, it will be necessary to have an

additional force to repel the invading force from Arkansas, and I will therefor ask, if you approve

the disposition of the troops made and contemplated by me, that you will order three regiments

from Illinois to march out by the Southwestern Branch of the Pacific Railroad to Springfield.

This route has already been secured and guarded, and the passage of troops can be rapid and safe,

and when the force is concentrated at Springfield will, I trust, enable me to repel any force which

may be brought from Arkansas.

Allow me to add that I think too much attention cannot be given to the necessity of re-

enforcing the troops now in the southwestern part of this State, as I am persuaded that formidable

preparations have been made by the enemy in that quarter.

Colonel Blair, who is on his way to Washington to attend the session of Congress, will

see you and give you full explanations in regard to affairs here and in Missouri.

Very respectfully. your obedient servant,

N. LYON,

Brig. Gen., U.S. Volunteers, Commanding.

Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan,

Commanding Western Division.

P.S.—I am not advised whether this State continues a portion of the Department of the West, nor

whether the Department of the West, with the troops of it, will co-operate with you in this State.

Booneville, Mo., June 30, 1861.

Sir: I have been too much absorbed in unavoidable business to make a report of the

recent operations of the troops under my command. The proclamation of Governor Jackson, of

this State, on the 12th instant, calling for 50,000 men to war upon the United States, made it

necessary for me to move up the river, in order to anticipate the collection of his forces where it

appeared likely such collection would be made. I accordingly proceeded on the 13th instant from

Saint Louis with the light battery, under Captain Totten, Second Artillery; Company B, Second

Infantry (my company); two companies of recruits for the regular service, under Lieut. W.L.

Lothrop, Fourth Artillery; First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, under Col. F.P. Blair, jr. [sic];

nine companies Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, under Col. Henry Boernstein, and

advanced by boats to Jefferson City, where I arrived on the 15th about 2 o'clock p.m., and found

the governor had fled and taken his forces to Booneville, where, so far as I could then learn, a

large force was gathering.

Leaving Colonel Boernstein at Jefferson City, with three companies of his regiment, I

proceeded on the following day (16th) towards this place, and reached a distance of about fifteen

84

miles below here that night; and starting again early next morning, I came to within about eight

miles, and then landed nearly all my forces, leaving one 8-inch howitzer, with an artillery party

and Captain Richardson's company, First Missouri Volunteers, as guard to the three boats, and

this party had instructions to advance within range for the siege howitzer of what was understood

to be the position of the rebel camp, and to fire upon it. This was done with good effect. In the

morning two companies of the Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, under Major Osterhaus,

Companies A and B, Captains Schadt and Kohr, were thrown forward as skirmishers with

excellent effect. Company B, Second Infantry, under Sergt. Wm. Griffin; Captain Totten's

battery, two companies of recruits, regular service, under Lieutenant Lothrop; Colonel Blair's

First Regiment, and four companies of the Second Missouri Volunteers, under Lieutenant-

Colonel Schaeffer, formed the order of column in march.

After about two miles' march we met an advanced party of the rebel forces, which opened

fire upon us, but soon fell back. To meet this resistance, the skirmishers already forward were

collected to the right of our road. Company B, Second Infantry, was thrown out to the left, and

opened fire. Two pieces of Captain Totten's battery were brought into play, and several shots

fired. In advancing from this point, Lieutenant Lothrop, with a company of artillery recruits,

Captain Yates' Company H, Missouri Volunteers, and one additional company from the Third

[sic] Missouri Volunteers, were thrown forward to the right of the road, and in line with our

advance.

After proceeding about one mile, the enemy was discovered in force. Company B,

Second Infantry, on the left, was now supported by Company B, First Missouri Volunteers,

Captain Maurice. The enemy, having shelter of a house (owned by Wm. M. Adams) and a

thicket of wood behind it, held their position for a while, during which time our approach

brought us on to high and open ground, and here most of our casualties occurred. Captain

Totten's battery here did effective service, and our troops on both flanks steadily advanced.

Captain Burke's company, K, First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, now came forward on the left,

and engaged the enemy. In falling back the enemy took advantage of sundry points to deliver a

fire and continue retreating. This continued till we arrived above their camp, which was situated

to our right, near the river, and which about this time was taken possession of by Captain Cole,

with his company, , First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, who had been sent to the right to extend

our front.

Companies C, Captain Stone; A, Captain Fuchs; F, Captain Gratz; G, Captain Cavender,

took part in skirmishing and relieving those first engaged. Two pieces of artillery were taken

(iron 6-pounders). Considerable camp equipage and about 500 stand of arms of all sorts were

taken. About 60 prisoners taken were released upon oath to obey the laws of the General

Government and not oppose it during the present civil troubles.

On approaching this city I was met by a deputation of citizens, asking security from

plunder from my troops, to which I gave an affirmative response, on condition of no opposition

to my entrance and occupying of it. This was promised, so far as in their power, and on reaching

the town I required the mayor and city council to accompany my entrance. A part of my

command was now quartered in the city, and the remainder returned to the boats, now located

opposite the fair grounds, at the lower side of the town. This fair ground had been taken by the

State for an arsenal, and a considerable number of old rusty arms and cartridges were found.

Our loss consisted of 2 killed, 1 missing, and 9 wounded, two of whom have since died.

85

The loss of the rebel force is not known.

The troops of Governor Jackson dispersed, but for the purpose of assembling at

Lexington. This assembly, however, did not continue, and was broken up soon after, many

persons, I am informed, returning to their homes, and a considerable portion going south, in

expectation of meeting re-enforcements from Arkansas. It is certain that Governor Jackson, with

an escort, has gone from here in that direction, and most of his military leaders with him. I had

intended pursuit soon after the breaking up of the Lexington camp, but have ben unavoidably

delayed by the trouble of getting up a train here and by continued and heavy rains. I hope to start

soon with about 2,400 troops and some artillery, and proceed to Springfield, and there conform

to emergencies as they shall be found to exist. In the mean time I have given orders to have the

river occupied, with a view to keep hostile forces from getting it under control.

Surg. F.M. Cornyn, First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, and Maj. H. A. Conant acted as

staff officers for me during the day with the utmost zeal and intelligence.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

N. LYON,

Brigadier-General of Volunteers, Commanding.

Gen. George B. McClellan,

Commanding Division of Volunteers, Cincinnati, Ohio.

86

Franc B. Wilkie's description of the battle based on information provided by Charles Ebscher,

from Michael E. Banasik, Michael E., Missouri in 1861: The Civil War Letters of Franc B.

Wilkie, Newspaper Correspondent, Camp Pope Bookshop, Iowa City, Iowa, pages 86-90 (2001).

Boonville, Mo., June 22, 1861

...In the afternoon I went out to visit the theatre of the conflict here last Monday. It is

located some six miles below the town, and not far from the river. I was accompanied by Mr.

Echler [i.e., Ebscher], of St. Louis, a member of Co. A. in Blair's regiment, who participated in

the fight, and who gave me a full and intelligent account of the entire affair. I cannot, of course,

give all, or a fiftieth part of the details, but an outline of the fight will not, perhaps, be

uninteresting to your readers.

About a mile from the river and some five or six miles below Boonville there is a brick

house situated on the right side of the road, as one approaches Boonville, just across the road is a

piece of wood a quarter of a mile in width, and still beyond , on line with this timber and this

house is another piece of woods, distant from the other say three quarters of a mile. Right here

the secession forces under Marmaduke, made their stand. The left wing of his line was in front

of the brick house, extended across the road into the first piece of wood, ran across the open

country till it reached the other wood, where the angle of his line rested. Here men stood looking

down the road, watching the arrival of federal forces.

Starting from the front of the secession forces and walking down the road about 600

yards, one reaches the brow of a small hill. On his left, till he reaches this hill, is a sort of a

pasture grown over with weeds, on his right a wheat field; on the brow of this hill, commences,

on his left, woods which extend to the river, on his right is a cornfield with the timber killed by

girding.

If your readers please they may now imagine 1600 men on the other side of this hill

marching toward the secessionists and totally unsuspicious of their presence. Two pieces of

artillery and five companies of regulars are in front, the rest of the force behind, and all marching

in column by companies.

Well, the first companies march up the hill, but scarcely do the first men rise to a level

with the brow, when hissing like a flight of rattle snakes, comes a shower of bullets from a brick

house and a piece of the woods, which they see some six hundred yards in front along the road.

Too high, nobody hurt, the men drop quietly back from the brow of the hill and rapidly under the

order of Gen. Lyon, the artillery is unlimbered, the fence torn down, and a piece stationed in the

timber on the brow of the hill, and bearing right across the pasture upon the brick house, and the

left of the enemy's line. While this is being done, Col. Blair sets coolly upon a stump, tells the

boys to keep cool, while overhead are flying harmlessly the leaden missiles. At length all is

ready, the artillery opens straight upon the enemy. Some regulars advance up the hill and go

right down the road in double quick time. Other companies get over into the corn field, advance

directly upon the wood opposite the brick house, across the road. As they reach the brow of the

hill on the wheat field, a fire is opened upon them from the wood in which rests the right wing of

the enemy, and instantly two or three companies diverge and start off in that direction.

This is all of it. Each company goes directly toward that point against which it is directed

to operate, fire right in front (they see no enemy) and then drop down to load, while others

advance a few paces in front of them fire, and in turn, drop, while others again advance. This is

87

called "skirmishing." The men are not side by side, but several paces apart so that they do not

make a good mark for the enemy. The regulars advance skirmishing also, they are right in front

of the artillery, and each time as the match is applied they drop flat, the shot passes over them,

they then jump up and skirmish on.

Six or seven volleys are enough for the enemy. Those Minie balls are terrible things, they

go through the air with a hellish sort of a hiss that affects one's nerves terribly; and then they tear

great splinters off the trees, twist off big branches, and in short, form an uncomfortable kind of a

shower around one's ears.

And then two balls sent by Gen. Lyon himself have torn yawning chasms in the brick

house, through which one might throw a young elephant. Suppose a man should get such a hole

knocked into him, of what earthly use would he be hereafter? So probably thought the enemy.

Those imperial regulars are every instant getting nearer, a little longer and they will stand

shoulder to shoulder and come upon us with the bayonet, those heavy, terrible, glittering, sword

bayonets, that will split a man with ease from crown to collar-bone! Ugh! The chivalry begin to

feel queer. Hundreds of horses are hitched a few yards in their rear. One of these Minie balls has

twisted a stovepipe like hole through a man's chest; another one has suddenly missed a leg taken

off by a cannon shot; a third lies mute with a huge cavity opening from his ear clear through his

head; and these things may happen to somebody else any minute. One "chivalry" suddenly

dodges behind a tree, and makes for his horse; another sees him and follows suit; a third, a

fourth, a dozen are off; fifty, a hundred, five hundred, a thousand, fifteen hundred! Away they

go; no time now for ceremony—it's life! Away go swords and rifles, off come oats and blankets.

On to their horses go the "chivalry" and tearing pell mell into Boonville by highways and

byways, through the woods, over wheat fields, any way to get there. Hundreds crowd the ferry

boat, are put over and never stop their speed till miles, many and long, are put between them and

those yelling devilish regulars. Others never pull bridle till they pull up at Lexington. They go

east, west, north, south, anywhere except where Minie bullets are twisting great holes in men and

where gleam those deadly sword bayonets!

This was all of the battle of Boonville. Three of the Federal forces bit the dust to rise no

more, twelve of them were wounded, one loses a leg, another his arms, some soldiers perhaps

will die. How many secessionists are killed is not known. They say two, I think more, for as I

rode out yesterday, a great flock of hideous buzzards sat in gorged contentedness in a dead tree,

that flung its naked arms directly over the woods where the enemy made his stand, while all

through the pure air there stole a horrible odor, that spoke of human bodies rotting—men who,

wounded, had crawled into some hole for concealment, died and were not found.

I called at the brick house, and by permission of its owner, Mr. Adams, made an

examination. The two cannon balls spoken of had passed "clean through" the brick wall. One

shot went through where it was seven bricks in thickness, and lodged in the wall on the opposite

side of the room. The other passed through four bricks in thickness, tore the upper panels from

an open door and fell against the opposite wall.

Mr. Adams is an old, grey-headed man, of wealth and intelligence, but he seemed

thoroughly broken down. Gen. Lyon fired at the house because he thought there were firing from

it; but the old man and his wife both assured me that there was no firing from the house, and

called upon God to strike them dead if they spoke other than truthfully. He said Marmaduke

formed his forces in front of his house, but this he could not help. He said that after the secession

88

forces had all retreated, and he supposed the danger all over, a squad of soldiers came into the

yard, when one leveled his musket at the old man and fired, the ball tearing a piece from the

sleeve of his coat and tearing a savage hole in the brick wall of the house. He told me all these

and many more quietly, as if they were dreams, in a sort of semi-unconscious manner, as if they

had given a shock to his brain.

Mrs. Adams is a woman about forty, very intelligent, and in whose face and form were

traces of great personal beauty. She was an invalid, and gave me a recital of her alarms, so

touching and pathetic, that I could scarcely keep myself from joining in tears and sobs which

accompanied her recital. She was very sick at the time, and when the cannon balls came crashing

through the walls was borne by her husband, in a fainting condition to the cellar, where they both

remained till the close of the fight. Before leaving the cellar a squad of soldiers came in and

endeavored to shoot her husband, and it was only through her compassionate pleadings for her

husband's life, and the sight of her pale, worn face, that they desisted from their purpose. She

told me this, and a thousand other things; how they had ransacked the house, stolen silver spoons

and other valuables, abused her husband in her presence with epithets too foul for repetition; told

me her feelings, her emotions, her despair; all, with shaking fingers, a voice broken with sobs,

and a manner indescribably moving.

Sometime today we move with our whole force against some point, probably Lexington,

where Gov. Jackson fled, guarded by Capt. Kelly's company, from Boonville, early in the battle

last Monday. I may say here that he was not in the battle, but with that company waited in a

graveyard, a mile below the city, and was the first man to fly...

89

James Early's statement regarding the capture of prisoners by Chaplain Pile, from the National

Tribune, Washington, D.C., September 24, 1891.

[Under "At Missionary Ridge."]

James Early, Co. H, 1st Mo., subsequently 1st Mo. Art., Huntsville, Ontario, says there is

a mistake in Gen. Pope's article about the Southwest, and that the Fighting Parson of the 1st Mo.

captured 26 prisoners at Boonville, No., in June, 1861. The medal and the honor belongs to the

writer for the capture of the prisoners, and he took them, as well as carried his wounded comrade,

Andrew Wood, back to the Surgeon. The writer was sent down into a ravine for water, when he

saw the Johnnies behind a log, and he sang out, "Here they are boys; come on!" They

immediately surrendered, and they were a cheap-looking set when they found that one man had

taken them. There was no one to guard them but the writer and the Parson. The writer has lots

of proof that this is a true account, and the Parson, if alive, would bear testimony for him.

90

Brigadier General James Harding's recollections presented to the Southern Historical and

Benevolent Society of St. Louis, Missouri, and published in supplements to The Missouri

Republican issues of July 18 and 25, 1885 (volume 78, numbers 20,135 and 20,142,

respectively). Excerpts pertinent to the First Battle of Boonville, Missouri, June 17, 1861, from

the July 18 issue are presented below. See also McGhee 2000.

FINDING MUNITIONS OF WAR.: [sic]

In February, 1861, I was appointed quartermaster-general of Missouri by Gov. C.F.

Jackson, and took charge of the public stores on hand at the capital [sic], and which consisted of

the Mexican trophies [i.e., several cannon], a few hundred flint-lock muskets, and one or two

wagon-loads of accouterments which I judged had seen service in the War of 1812. All these

stores were in the basement of the capitol, and were in most wretched condition. Having been

authorized by the legislature, I soon had the arms and accouterments in as good order as was

possible, and not long afterwards established an armory in charge of a skilled workman,

procuring the necessary tools and material from St. Louis and elsewhere. I had all the flint-lock

muskets on hand converted into percussion, and, in the way of experiment, had a few of them

rifled, but after careful trials found that the old fashioned "buck and ball" was preferable for

those old muskets of sixty-nine caliber. The converted guns made a really serviceable arm, and

at short range were as good as any we had...

As spring approached matters became more and more interesting, and I soon found my

duties growing more onerous than they had been. The firing on Fort Sumter had thrown the

entire country into a fever of excitement, and in Missouri the public pulse beat as fast as in any

portion of the Union. It was the opinion of the leaders of states' rights sentiment in Missouri that

a conflict between the North and South was inevitable, and such steps as were deemed necessary

were taken in order that the state might be prepared for the impending crisis as well as

circumstances would admit.

THE STATE ARMAMENT.

It will no doubt be of interest that I state the amount of munitions of war in possession of

the state when in obedience to that which at the time was unmistakably the sentiment of a large

majority of her people she was about to array herself with the Southern states in the approaching

conflict.

In January, 1861, the return of ordnance stores showed: Cannon, 9 6-pounders; 3 8-

pounders (Mexican), [sic] 2, caliber not stated, making 14 in all, 6 being mounted and in good

condition; rifled muskets, caliber 58, 950; muskets, caliber 69, 1043; rifles, caliber 50, 312;

carbines, 60; pistols, 75; sabres, 175; swords, 28; artillery swords, 30. Of these, however, 560

rifle muskets, 410 muskets, 5 cannon (serviceable), 75 pistols, 135 sabres and 60 carbines fell

into the hands of the federal authorities at St. Louis—mostly captured at Camp Jackson. Of the 9

cannon remaining, 7 (Mexican trophies) were sent to St. Louis to [a] foundry to be recast and

never returned. Of the small arms 40 rifle muskets and 40 muskets were at the penitentiary for

use of the guards. So the arms on hand and available were 2 6-pdr. guns, mounted, but without

limbers or caissons; 310 rifle muskets; 553 muskets, mostly flintlock; 224 rifles; 40 sabres; 58

91

swords. Of these swords 30 were the old heavy artillery swords, Roman pattern, and not nearly

so useful in service as so many bars of soap.

Four 6-pdr. bronze guns, mounted on serviceable carriages, with limbers but without

caissons, were afterwards added from stores seized at the United States arsenal at Liberty, where

a small lot of pistols, muskets and sabres were also obtained. Altogether it was not a very

formidable armament with which to undertake to fight "Uncle Sam." Of camp and garrison

equipage there was none, and of accouterments next to nothing at all...

PURCHASING AMMUNITION.

In April, 1861, Gov. Jackson ordered me to St. Louis to purchase arms, ammunition and

camp equipage, and to contract for such supplies as I deemed necessary. I was instructed to

make such purchases, furnished with authority to seize such articles as might be found necessary

in equipping the state troops, and empowered to call upon the military authorities of the First

district for any assistance I may require. I purchased all the powder I could find, some seventy

tons in all. Candor compels me to admit that the powder was sold very unwillingly and in two

instances I was compelled to have the magazines broken open in order that I might purchase the

powder at all, and in these two instances a detail of two companies from the First brigade assisted

me very materially in making the purchases.

The powder was at once placed on steamers and sent to Jefferson City, Capt. Kelly's

company of about 100 men being detailed as escort. Some of the escort never saw St. Louis

again.

Of arms, I purchased all I could find for sale, several hundred in all, principally hunting

rifles. The largest number were purchased from Child, Pratt & Fox, from whom I also purchased

tools and materials for fitting up the armory at the capitol. Spare parts to be used in converting

the flint locks to percussion were procured from Remington's in New York. The dealers in these

articles were all willing to sell, and they were paid, within a short time after the purchases were

made. Of the powder bills, about $40,000 were paid on my certificates. Something more than

$10,000 was paid afterward by act of the legislature, and the balance, something near $15,000 is

unpaid. Why this should have been I am unable to say, for the powder was purchased under full

and proper authority of law. Of camp and garrison equipage, blankets, cloth, clothing, etc., I

purchased nearly $10,000 worth and contracted for 4,000 sets of infantry accouterments. All the

supplies purchased were shipped to Jefferson City. The accouterments were never received...

INCIPIENT WAR.

The day following the capture of Camp Jackson, in company with Gen. Price, I returned

to Jefferson City...Arriving at Jefferson City we found everything in dire confusion and great

excitement prevailing. It had been reported that Lyon with two regiments was on the train from

St. Louis upon which we came. An extraordinary session of the legislature had been held the

night previous upon the receipt of the alarming intelligence of Lyon's approach. Orders had been

given to have the powder, which was stored at the fairgrounds, about one mile from town,

HAULED OUT AND DISTRIBUTED

92

through the country. Powder was hidden in various places, and much of it was afterward

recovered by the federal authorities.

LEGISLATORS STUDYING ARTILLERY TACTICS.

I was sent to Boonville in the early part of June, 1861, to arrange for a proper location for

the state armory and laboratory, the capital [sic] being considered as too much exposed. When I

left home for Boonville I expected to be absent for a week or two, but I did not see Jefferson City

again for ten years.

I secured the fairgrounds east of Boonville, where there were buildings available for our

purposes. Then, removing the little stock of machinery and tools, the arms in process of repairs,

and the laboratory plant, with the two or three skilled workmen I had employed, I soon had the

armory and laboratory re-established at Boonville.

I was getting matters in

PRETTY GOOD SHAPE

and about to return to my home at Jefferson City, when I was surprised at the arrival by steamer

from that place of Gov. Jackson and Gen. Price and staff and a few men, Kelly's company being

of the number. The quarter-master stores I had at Jefferson City were brought up on the boat, but

four unfinished gun carriages and caissons were left behind. This was a real loss at the time.

Gen. Price's order for the assembling of the State Guard was issued on June 12, and at the

same time a proclamation calling for 50,000 men was issued by Gov. Jackson. On the 15th of

June Gen. Lyon was at Jefferson City, and on the 17th he was at Boonville, moving his command

by steamboats. Gen. Price, being seriously ill, left for Lexington on a steamer on the 15th. Col.

Marmaduke was left in immediate command of the hastily gathered force at Boonville, and

which did not number over 650 men. Of these men but a few had even the slight military

experience of the "muster" at Jefferson City, and were armed almost entirely with shot-guns and

squirrel rifles. Kelly's command was the only disciplined company among them, and it was equal

in every respect to any company in the service on either side.

SKIRMISH AT BOONVILLE.

Col. Marmaduke had arranged a system of couriers, and from one of them, Carrol Wood

of Lexington, who acquired his knowledge from personal observation—he received positive

information on the 16th as to the strength and composition of Lyon's command. This

information satisfied him that to attempt to give battle with his 650 unorganized, undisciplined,

and poorly armed men to Lyon's force of 1,900, well organized, armed and equipped, a portion of

them being regular troops of the United States army, including Totten's battery, could result in

nothing but disaster, and he accordingly advised Gov. Jackson to withdraw the command in the

direction of Warsaw, giving orders at the same time for the concentration of the state troops at or

near that point, it being probable that a force sufficiently strong to be able to engage Lyons [sic]

with a fair prospect of success could be thus concentrated. It was agreed that the suggestions of

93

Col. Marmaduke be adopted, and Gov. Jackson made the necessary orders.

The following morning the officers of the state troops present at camp were called

together by Col. Marmaduke, the proposed plan explained to them, and the reasons therefore

fully set forth. Some of the officers insisted upon fighting at all events, confident of success,

notwithstanding the great disadvantages under which they would necessarily be compelled to go

into action. The troops were ordered to prepare at once for the march southward. Two or three

officers, however, rode hastily to Gov. Jackson at Boonville and induced him to rescind the order

made the night previous, which he did, riding down to the camp and delivering the order to Col.

Marmaduke in person, also ordering him to move forward to meet Lyon's forces who, it was now

known, were disembarking two or three miles below. Col. Marmaduke protested against such

action, setting forth as strongly as he could that disastrous defeat would certainly follow. The

governor, however, insisting upon the forward movement, Col. Marmaduke, not willing to bear

the blame and responsibility of the disaster which in his deliberate judgment was inevitable,

tendered the governor his resignation. Gov. Jackson appealed to him to continue in command,

and expressed his willingness to bear all blame and to assume all responsibility for the result.

Reluctantly Col. Marmaduke ordered an advance, and the little force therefore moved down the

river under his command, he making the best disposition circumstances would allow. Meeting

the federal forces, after a short and desultory skirmish, the state troops were routed and fled in

confusion, leaving their camp and equipage and two iron guns. Col. Marmaduke then rode to

Gov. Jackson, resigned his commission in the State Guard and at once left for the south, and was

soon afterward assigned to duty by Gen. A.T. Johnston [sic57

].

TARDY REINFORCEMENTS, [sic]

A small body of men, not exceeding 400, with a four-gun battery (the guns from Liberty

avenue [sic; i.e., arsenal]), who had assembled at Jefferson City, were on their way to Boonville

under command of Gen. Parsons, but did not arrive near town until the skirmish was over, when

they kept on in the direction of Syracuse. The position of the state troops was well chosen, and

on their line of defense were two home-made iron 6-pound guns without artillerists, and with

nothing but a few rounds of solid shot for each gun. Had the State Guard been content to await

the attack in their chosen position it is probable the loss of life on both sides would have been

much greater than it was, although the result could not have been changed, Lyons [sic] being so

much superior in numbers, organization, equipment and artillery. Kelly's company, which was

quartered in the court-house in town, had marched on their way to the front as far as the cemetery

to the east of town, and, meeting the crowd of fugitives, took position behind the wall of the

inclosure to cover the retreat, and with the hope that the routed forces might be rallied. A

company of eighty men, mounted and well armed, who had arrived that morning and had not

been engaged, were ordered to dismount and form on Kelly's left. It will be seen how far this

company had progressed in the rudiments of soldierly duty when you are told that they actually

took a vote, sitting on their horses, as to whether they obey the order. The "noes" had it, and the

company galloped away, "to fight again some other day," which they no doubt did as gallantly as

any. There being no prospect of any support for Kelly, he was ordered to withdraw, and I saw

57 Albert Sidney Johnston is the correct name.

94

him marching off, "drums beating and colors flying." Notwithstanding the seemingly hopeless

demoralization of the state troops at Boonville, it was not long before the greater portion of them

had rejoined their commands. Having no means of transportation, I was compelled to abandon

the supplies which I had in store at the fair ground, and this loss, small as it was in actual

amount, was severely felt by our little command.

AFTER SEEING OUR DEFEAT,

I went to the fair grounds and did what I could toward destroying the ordnance stores there.

Fortunately but few arms remained in the armory, and these were speedily rendered

unserviceable. I had all the powder and ammunition in the laboratory placed in a large cistern of

water, and then drove away in a buggy, having no further time to spare. The battle of Boonville,

as it is termed, was a mere skirmish—enough, however, to demonstrate that war existed. The

result of this, the first hostile meeting between the State Guards and the federal forces, was very

discouraging to the former, but it was impossible that under existing circumstances it could have

been otherwise. The course taken by Gen. Lyon was that of a bold, energetic and competent

soldier, and whilst no doubt the force of the state troops was greatly exaggerated to him (spread

eagle orators had stated it at 7,000), he knew perfectly well its condition, and correctly estimated

the result of an engagement between his own compact, organized and well armed force and a

much larger force of raw, unorganized and poorly armed men. He actually had three times the

force of the state troops. I may be wrong, but I believe had two regiments of the old First

Missouri brigade, as it was at Elk Horn, been in place of the raw troops, Gen. Lyon would not

have moved to attack them with the force he then had; and had he done so, there would have

been no federal victory to record at Boonville on the 17th of June, 1861. Contemporaneous

accounts tell of the great slaughter of the rebels at this "battle." Newspaper reports which I have

seen put the rebel killed at 300.

The fact is that but three of the state troops lost their lives at the battle of Boonville. It is

related of a soldier in Cockrell's brigade, as the small remnant of that gallant command were on

their retreat from Tennessee, after the disastrous result of Hood's advance to Nashville, and were

as comfortable in the mud, rain and sleet as men could be, that he exclaimed as he pulled both

feet out of his old shoes, which were left in the mud: "Boys, the only men in this whole war who

had any real good luck, were them three fellers killed at Boonville."

After leaving the town I drove out to Pilot Grove, some ten miles, where I found quite a

crowd of fugitives, among them being Gov. Jackson. As I remember it, the assemblage was just

a little "rattled" and did not seem to enjoy "war's rude alarms" quite so well as they had

anticipated. Gov. Jackson

MADE A LITTLE SPEECH,

in which he took rather a melancholy view of the situation, and among other things he advised

the men present to go home and stay there. On several occasions later on I came to the

conclusion that the governor gave very good advice at Pilot Grove.

The day before the affair at Boonville several men recommended as crack shots, and as

being especially well qualified as sharp-shooters and independent fighters, came to me for arms.

95

I gave them some excellent sporting rifles of large caliber, and they went down to camp. Their

chief object was to pick off the officers of the enemy, their argument being that if their

commanders were killed or disabled the enemy would speedily become demoralized and easily

beaten. The theory of the plan no doubt was correct, but its practice was another matter. I fully

expected that should Gen. Lyon attack our forces that he and all officers would be certainly

killed. On my way out to Pilot Grove I met one of the sharp-shooters as he came out into the

road from the head of a thickly wooded ravine. He was bareheaded, in his shirt sleeves and had

no gun. The day was hot, the sharp-shooter very fat and short-legged; he was out of breath and,

for reasons unnecessary to mention, had a rather straddling gait. He said, upon my questioning

him, "I've had an awful time of it; no one could stand their bombs; our men are cut all to pieces;

there's very few of us left." I asked him if he had done any shooting and he said: "Well, you see

I didn't have no sort of show, with bombs bursting all around, and bullets flying thicker than peas

in a pod." I asked him where his gun was and he answered "Gun be -----; I'm almighty glad to

get out of it as it is."

I concluded that the independent battalion of sharp-shooters had not especially

distinguished themselves.

From Pilot Grove, in company with Col. Little and a few others, I proceeded on my way

to Lexington, passing through Georgetown. At this place we were joined by Capt. Fox, whose

company was at Boonville, and where one of his men was killed. Fox told us that a member of

his company, who was present at the skirmish, was at home in Georgetown

IN TIME FOR DINNER,

the distance being thirty-five miles...

96

H.T. Barnes' account from the Boonville Weekly Advertiser, Boonville, Missouri, June 13, 1924

(also published in the Chariton Courier, Keytesville, Missouri, August 8, 1924, and the Missouri

Historical Review, Volume 19, pages 725-727 [1925]).

REMINISCENCES OF BATTLE OF BOONVILLE

Marmaduke's Company, which was raised in Saline County, was organized during the latter part

of April, 1861, and elected John S. Marmaduke captain, Lucian Gaines 1st. Lieutenant, James H.

Akin, 2nd. Lieut., James Craddock, 3rd. Lieut. Our company consisted of from fifty to sixty

men. We met about two or three miles south of Marshall and having been ordered to Boonville,

we started to that place, arriving there in the evening of June 12 and went into camp on the bluff

of the river about two miles east of Boonville.

We were almost without military training. There were many camp rumors concerning the

impending battle and it was generally understood that Colonel Marmaduke was opposed to

making the fight because the troops were not sufficiently organized. He favored retreating and

joining the reinforcements from the South. On Sunday evening Rev. Frank Mitchell made a

speech urging the men to do their duty telling them they were engaged in a just cause.

A captain also made a speech saying, "If every one else leaves I will stay and fight it out by

myself." More belligerent than discreet.

The fatal day of June 17, 1861, came on, and we were ordered to fall in by our captain who at

that time was Gaines. We moved about two miles down the river to the W.D. Adams place,

when our march was changed down a fence on the east side of the Adams farm, with heavy

timber east of us. We had no breastworks of any kind. We were halted when we came to the

Rocheport road and heard a shot east of us and soon the beat of horses feet coming up the road.

The rider was a handsomely dressed young man mounted on a black horse. He said, "Boys, they

are coming. They shot at me down there." In a short time we were ordered to fall back into a

wheat field north of the Adams house. Captain Brown's company formed our extreme right,

extending from the Adams house across the road. That company had some protection of trees,

fences and outbuildings. Before taking our position we were fired on by the federal troops. In an

incredulously short space of time Captain Totten's federal artillery came down. Our forces

having no protection in that wheat field were ordered to fall back over the brow of the hill to

escape the missiles, the attacking forces being out of reach of our shot guns and rifles.

Colonel Marmaduke, riding along our line, gave the command to advance to the former position.

The troops failed to obey the order, only three men responding, William M. Price, of Arrow

Rock, a first cousin of Colonel Marmaduke, A.T. Swisher, of Marshall and the writer.

As soon as we were exposed I saw the flash of a cannon. I dropped down as I heard a shot

coming through the wheat. It entered the ground within an arm's reach of my foot. Then we

heard in the timber near us the command to advance. Colonel Marmaduke having returned to the

Adams house and seeing the troops failing to respond to his orders rode down a second time and

97

finding the men in a little ravine said, "If the Yankees catch you in here, they'll kill half of you.

Orders to retreat and every man take care of himself."

The battery kept firing as we retreated through the woods on the west, more for its demoralizing

effect than for its execution. Several of us came through our deserted camp and reaching the east

part of Boonville we found General M.M. Parsons, with his brigade; Gov. Claiborne I. [sic]

Jackson, Col. Marmaduke and other officers.

When ordered to fall in to go down to the battle field a handsome young man, a stranger to me,

fell in on my left. In moving our line, we would sometimes get scattered and would have to

"double quick" to catch up. The stranger on my left, not used to such violent exercise would fall

behind but when we came to a walk he would overtake us, almost out of breath. In the

skirmishing he was struck in the knee by a bullet and died from the wound. I afterwards learned

that he was Jeff McCutcheon, a son of Dr. McCutcheon, of Boonville.

I often thought of the young soldier on the black horse who first announced the coming of the

Federals. In about 1886 and 1887 a gentleman came to Pilot Grove and while he was talking to a

friend of mine I felt I had seen him before. Upon inquiring of him whether he was in the battle of

Boonville or not I learned he was the rider of the black horse and was Tom Stephens of

Bunceton.

Captain Marmaduke was elected colonel while we were at Jefferson City and is an uncle of our

fellow townsman Dr. A.W. Nelson who is a candidate of governor of Missouri.

98

J.C. Walden's account from the Kansas City Times, Kansas City, Missouri, June 21, 1929.

THE BATTLE OF BOONVILLE

J.C. Walden

Missouri State Guard

Monday, June 17, 1861, the report came to the state's quota of "rebels" gathered at Boonville

under the orders of General Price that General Lyon was landing his men on the Cooper county

side of the Missouri River.

General Price had been placed in command of the Southern troops in Missouri after Governor

Jackson, incensed at the breaking of the truce made with General Lyon, had ordered them

mobilized. Orders were sent for 50,000 men to gather at Boonville and Sunday, June 16, they

began to arrive, with their leaders, Governor Jackson and General Price, stationed at the old City

Hotel.

Sunday afternoon General Price, receiving word that General Lyon was approaching from

Jefferson City with a strong force of Federal troops, gave orders for the retreat to Lexington.

Capt. William Brown of Saline county, a firebrand, got up before the men and told them he was

going to fight if he had but a handful to face the Federals. Some decided to cast their lot with

Brown and the others retreated with Price to Lexington.

Monday morning our scout brought word Union troops were landing three miles east of

Boonville on the south side of the river. We immediately were ordered to advance and meet

them. Our equipment was poor; most of us had poor rifles, if any, but all went forward with the

idea that the enemy soon would be vanquished.

We formed in a wheat field and waited quietly. When we heard the clank of the cannon on the

road below us we were told to be ready. "When I raise my hand--fire!["] the captain said. As the

enemy went by us on the road below us, we saw the signal and fired. The Federal column paid

little attention and didn't even break ranks. We fired a second volley, when someone yelled

retreat. I don't know whether it was the captain--but we retreated.

I started for the camp at the old fairgrounds where we had left our knapsacks. I found our things

taken by the enemy and I ran and hid under the river bank. Finally two other Howard County

men and I found our way into Boonville and went to Mrs. Beck's shop on Main Street to get

some ginger cake and cider. While we were there, I heard the clanking of the Federal cavalry up

the street and we hiked without food for the river.

A boat was just leaving for Howard county, and the gangplank was thrown down for us. The

Federals fired and the captain would have stopped if it had not been for the insistence of Captain

Cooper, who was ready to "blow out somebody's brains."

99

R.E. Howlett's account from the "Rural Life Magazine" supplement of the Boonville Weekly

Advertiser, Boonville, Missouri, July 3, 1925.

Dr. R.E. Howlett Veteran Country Doctor Who was First a Confederate Army Surgeon

It was a gray morning in June. Ominous clouds hung low. Heaven's artillery was in

action and there were heavy peals of thunder and vivid flashes of lightning, but the little gray

man in gray jacket, he who for four long years had worn the gray, and who had helped heal the

wounds of war, talked on undisturbed. The next day, he remembered, was the anniversary of the

Battle of Boonville, in which he participated, and in the course of the conversation he digressed

to tell of this. But let us begin at the beginning.

The pleasant mission which took us to Otterville was to see Dr. R.E. Howlett, one of

Cooper county's eldest and most beloved citizens, one whose life has covered almost ninety

years...[goes on about where Howlett lives, his birth in Virginia, his experience as a school

teacher, his graduation from the St. Louis Medical College in the spring of 1861, plans to

practice medicine in Cole Camp]...

In the Civil War

"But I didn't practice medicine in Cole Camp. After arranging for an office I didn't even

go back. About that time Lyons had captured Camp Jackson in St. Louis, so I just quit

everything and volunteered in the army as a private in the company of Captain Wallace Williams,

a merchant of Tipton.

"As I said a minute ago, I was at the Battle of Boonville. I fired one shot and was ordered

to fall back. Our company went across the river and on into Lexington. At this time we were in

the Missouri state service."

Just here Dr. Howlett paused to suggest that in his opinion, if the battle of Boonville had

been differently managed the result would have been very different. He recalled having later met

Marmaduke in Mississippi. "What state are you from?" inquired the intrepid Marmaduke.

"Missouri." was the answer "and I was in the Battle of Boonville." "Well[,] don't say anything

about it," was Marmaduke's only comment....[goes on to discuss his becoming a surgeon in the

Confederate service, Wilson's Creek and later war experiences, and later life]

100

Robert A. Marshall's account from the Confederate Veteran, Volume 28, Number 1, pages 18-19

(1920).

WHEN MISSOURI WENT INTO THE WAR.

By Robert A. Marshall, Delaplane, Va.

...the State guard was then ordered to rendezvous at Boonville, and troops from the

surrounding counties were hurried to Boonville; but Lyon, who had already occupied Jefferson

City, proved himself a man of energy, as he advanced on Boonville with fifteen hundred men and

four pieces of cannon. General price, sick and unfit for duty, had taken a steamer for Lexington.

There were scarcely three hundred and fifty Southern men to oppose this Federal force. Two

companies at least were mounted men, and there was no organization. Col. John S. Marmaduke,

who was the ranking officer, proposed to retreat; but Capt. Bill Brown, who commanded a

company of mounted men from Saline County, said he came there to fight, and he was going to

fight. Marmaduke suffered himself to be overruled. The result is easily anticipated. The

company of scouts to which I was attached certainly obtained no glory. The man who acted as

commander, said to have been an old Indian fighter, rode off somewhere, presumably to

reconnoiter, took a shot at the enemy, and was seen no more by us until the next day. General

Parsons, who was the brigadier for this territory, was hastening up four pieces captured from the

Liberty arsenal, but arrived in the vicinity of the battle field about two hours after the defeat.

This battle occurred on the 17th of June.

A few of us passed the night at houses of friends and found ourselves the next evening,

sometime before sundown, at Syracuse, a station on the Missouri and Pacific Railroad. Here we

met General Parsons and his staff and Governor Jackson and many of the State officers. Colonel

Marmaduke, despairing of success with the Missourians, was seeking a Southern clime. We

remained at Syracuse through the 9th of June and commenced on the 20th a retreat toward

Warsaw...

101

Lucien J. Barnes' article from the Daily Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, June 21, 1861

(republished, in full or in part, in the New York Tribune, and the New York Times on June 24, the

Ripley (Ohio) Bee and the Bangor (Maine) Daily Whig & Courier on June 27, and the Columbia

Missouri Statesman on June 28).

THE CONTEST IN MISSOURI.

WAR CORRESPONDENCE.

Departure of the Expedition from the Capital.

_____ OF THE REBELS EIGHT MILES BELOW BOONVILLE.

Battle of Boonville on the Anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill.

THE ENEMY 4,000 STRONG.

Capture of their Battery of Two Guns.

Their Precipitate and Cowardly Retreat.

Gallant Behavior of our Volunteers.

TWO KILLED, ONE MISSING, AND NINE WOUNDED ON OUR SIDE.

From 50 to 75 of the Enemy Killed and Wounded.

HEARTY RECEPTION FROM THE LOYAL CITIZENS OF BOONVILLE.

"We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours."

From our own Correspondent.

Headquarters Dept. of the West

Boonville, Mo., June 17

The steamers A. McDowell, Iatan and City of Louisiana left Jefferson City yesterday

afternoon, at two o'clock, and reached a point a mile below Providence last night, where it was

thought best to lay up a few hours. Three companies of Boernstein's regiment, under his

command, were left to protect the capital. We were cheered enthusiastically by the little town of

Marion as we passed there yesterday evening. This morning we took as early start, and reached

Rocheport before six o'clock, where we made a short stop, but found the people mostly surly and

not disposed to be communicative. We learned, however, that the enemy were in considerable

force a few miles below this place [i.e., Boonville], and preparing to make a vigorous defence.

Leaving there, and taking the steam ferry boat Paul Wilcox with us, we ran up steadily till we had

passed the foot of the island eight miles below here, and seeing a battery on the bluffs, and scouts

102

hastening to report our arrival, we fell back to a point opposite the foot of the island, and at 7

o'clock A.M., disembarked on the south shore, where the bottom land between the river and

bluffs is some mile and a half wide. No traitors were visible there, and the troops at once took

the river road for this city. Following this road somewhat over a mile and a half to where it

ascends the bluffs, several shots from our scouts announced the driving in of the enemy's pickets.

We continued to ascend a gently undulating slope for nearly half a mile, when the enemy

were reported in full force near the summit of the next swell of ground, about three hundred

yards from our front. The enemy were exceedingly well posted, having every advantage in the

selection of their ground, but as you will see, it has been clearly demonstrated, that one

secessionist is hardly superior to many more than his equal number.

Arriving at the brow of the ascent, Capt. Totten opened the engagement by throwing a

few nine-pounder explosives into their ranks, while the infantry filed oblique right and left and

commenced a terrific volley of musketry, which was for a short time well replied to, the balls

flying thick and fast about our ears, and occasionally wounding a man on our side. The enemy

were posted in a lane running toward the river from the road along which the grand army of the

United States were advancing, and in a brick house on the northeast corner of the junction of the

two roads. A couple of bombs were thrown through the east wall of that house, scattering the

enemy in all directions. The well directed fire of the German infantry, Lieut. Col. Schaeffer on

the right, and Gen. Lyon's company of regulars and part of Col. Blair's regiment on the left of the

road, soon compelled the enemy to present an inglorious aspect. They clambered over the fence

into a field of wheat and again formed in line just on the brow of the hill. They then advanced

some twenty steps to meet us, and for a short time the cannons were worked with great rapidity

and effect. Just at this time the enemy opened a galling fire from a grove just on the left of our

center, and from a shed beyond and still farther to the left.

The skirmish now assumed the magnitude of a battle. The commander, Gen. Lyon,

exhibited the most remarkable coolness, and preserved throughout that undisturbed presence of

mind shown by him alike in the camp, in private life, and on the field of battle. "Forward on the

extreme right." "Give them another shot, Capt. Totten," echoed above the road of musketry clear

and distinct from the lips of the General, who led the advancing column. Our force was 2,000 in

all, but not over 500 participated at any one time in the battle. The enemy, as we have since been

reliably informed, were over 4,000 strong, and yet twenty minutes from the time when the first

gun was fired the rebels were in full retreat, and our troops occupying the ground on which they

first stood in line. The consummate cowardice displayed by the seceshers will be more fully

understood when I add that the spurs or successive elevations now became more abrupt, steep

and rugged, the enemy being fully acquainted with their ground, and strong positions behind

natural defences, orchards and clumps of trees offering themselves every few yards. Nothing

more, however, was seen of the flying fugitives until about one mile west of the house of Wm.

M. Adams, where they were first posted. Just there was Camp Vest, and a considerable force

seemed prepared to defend the approaches to it. Meanwhile, a shot from the iron howitzer on the

McDowell announced to us that Capt. Voester, with his artillerymen, and Capt. Richardson's

company of infantry, who were left in charge of the boats, were commencing operations on the

battery over a mile below Camp Vest. This but increased the panic among the invincible (?)

traitors, and Capt. Totten had but to give them a few rounds before their heels were again in

requisition, and Captains Cole and Miller, at the head of their companies, entered and took

103

possession of the enemy's deserted breakfast tables.

About twenty horses had by this time arrived within our lines with vacant saddles, and the

corps reportorial were successfully mounted on chosen steeds. The amount of plunder secured in

Camp Vest, or Bacon as the citizens here call it, from the name of the gentleman owning a fine

house close by, was very large. One thousand two hundred shoes, twenty or thirty tents,

quantities of ammunition, some fifty guns of various patterns, blankets, coats, carpet sacks, and

two secession flags were included in the sum total.

Leaving Captain Cole in command of the camp, we pushed on toward Boonville, chasing

the cowardly wretches who outmanned us two to one. The McDowell now came along up in the

rear and off to the right from our troops, and having a more distinct view of the enemy from the

river, and observing their intention to make another stand at the Fair Grounds, one mile east of

here, where the State has an armory extemporized, Capt. Voester again sent them his

compliments from the old howitzer's mouth, which with a couple of shots from Capt. Totten and

a volley from Lothrop's detachment of rifles, scattered the now thoroughly alarmed enemy in all

directions. Their flight through the village commenced soon after eight o'clock, and continued

until after eleven. Some three hundred crossed the river, many went south, but the bulk kept on

westwardly. A good many persons were taken at the different points of battle, but it is believed

the enemy secured none of ours.

Captain Richardson had landed below, and with the support of the howitzer from the

steamer McDowell, captured their battery, consisting of two six pounders (with which they

intended to sink our fleet), twenty prisoners, one caisson, and eight horses with military saddles.

The enemy did not fire a shot from their cannon. Speaking of prizes, the brilliant achievement in

that line was by our reverend friend, Wm. A. Pill, chaplain of the First Regiment. He had charge

of a party of four men, two mounted and two on foot, with which to take charge of the wounded.

Ascending the brow of a hill, he suddenly came upon a company of twenty-four rebels, armed

with revolvers, and fully bent upon securing a place of safety for their carcasses. Their

intentions, however, were considerably modified when the parson ordered them to halt, which

they did, surrendering their arms. Surrounded by the squad of five men, they were then marched

on board the Louisiana prisoners of war. The parson also captured two other secessionists during

the day, and at one time, needing a wagon and horses for the wounded, and finding friendly

suggestions wasted on an stubborn old rebel, placed a revolver at his head, and the desired

articles were forthcoming. In time of peace the preacher had prepared for war.

After passing the Fair Grounds, our troops came slowly towards town. They were met on

the east side of the creek by Judge Miller, of the District Court, and other prominent citizens,

bearing a flag of truce in order to assure our troops of friendly feelings sustained by three-fourths

of the inhabitants, and if possible prevent the shedding of innocent blood. They were met

cordially by Gen. Lyon and Col. Blair, who promised, if no resistance was made to their

entrance, that no harm need be feared. Major O'Brien soon joined the party from the city, and

formally surrendered it to the federal forces. The troops then advanced headed by the Major and

Gen. Lyon, and were met at the principal corner of the street by a party bearing and waving that

beautiful emblem under which our armies gather and march forth conquering and to conquer.

The flag party cheered the troops, who lustily returned the compliment. American flags are now

quick thick on the street, and secessionists are nowhere.

As usual, the traitors had destroyed the telegraphic communication with the East, and I

104

have therefore been unable to transmit the news of our victory.

The gallant bearing of our men is the subject of constant remark and praise from the

officers, while Colonel Blair, Lieutenant Colonel Andrews, Adjutant Hancock, Major Conant,

and many others won golden opinions from the soldiers for their fearless and determined

behavior.

There were two men killed on our side--Jacob Kiburtz, commissary of Company B,

Second Regiment, who kept a cigar manufactory on Second Street, St. Louis, between Plum and

Poplar, and M.N. Coolidge, of Company H, First Regiment. Nine of our men were wounded, but

few of them severely. One man is also missing, who was known to have been badly shot. Thos.

McCord, of Lothrop's regulars, was one of the most seriously hurt. The loss of the enemy will,

probably, never be fully ascertained. It did not fall short of fifty, and probably will run nearly as

high as a hundred. Among their dead are Dr. William Quarles, Isaac Hodges, and thirteen others

of the Cooper county company; Francis A. Hulin, of the Pettis county Rifles, and many others

more or less prominent, some of whom have not yet been recognized.

The enemy had two regiments of 1,800 men under command of Col. J.S. Marmaduke, of

Arrow Rock, and nine hundred cavalry, besides other companies who muster rolls have not been

captured. Horace H. Brand was Lieut. Colonel of Marmaduke's regiment. It was reported, and

for some time generally believed, that he was among the dead, but he has since been heard from,

taking a meal several miles away. Gov. Jackson was also seen at three o'clock this afternoon at a

blacksmith's shop about fifteen miles from here. Gen. Price left Sunday morning on the steamer

H.D. Bacon, for Arrow Rock. His health was very poor when he left [emphasis in original].

You can hardly imagine the joy expressed and felt by the loyal citizens here when the

federal troops entered the city. Stores, which had been closed all day, began to open, the national

flag was quickly run up on a secession pole, cheers for the Union, Lyon, Blair and Lincoln were

frequently heard, and everything betokened the restoration of peace, law and order. True men

say had the troops delayed ten days longer it would have been impossible for them to remain in

safety. Irresponsible vagabonds had been taking guns wherever they could find them, and

notifying the most substantial and prosperous citizens to leave. As a specimen of the feeling

here, Mr. McPherson, proprietor of the City Hotel, denounces the whole secession movement as

the greatest crime committed since the crucifixt[i]on [sic] of Our Savior.

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

At one time when bullets were flying thick and General Lyon was at the head of the

column mounted, he undertook to dismount, that his position might be a trifle less conspicuous,

when his horse suddenly jumped with fright, throwing the General to the ground, but without

injuring him seriously. The rumor suddenly spread through the ranks that General Lyon had been

shot from his horse, and the indignation and cries of vengeance were terrific.

At the Fair Grounds several hundred muskets were seized at the armory, where flint locks

were being altered.

Captain Totten says he fired about 100 rounds of ball, shell and cannister [sic].

The following companies of Col. Blair's regiment, though actively engaged in the

skirmishing, had none of their men killed or wounded: Companies A, Capt. Fusch; C, Captain

Stone; D, Captain Richardson; E, Captain Cole; F, Capt. Gratz; G, Capt. Cavender; K, Capt.

105

Burke. Company B, Captain Maurice, has one wounded and one missing; Company H, Capt.

Yates, has one killed and four wounded; Company I, Capt. Miller, one wounded.

The following interesting documents were found among others equally interesting and

more decidedly treasonable.

Headquarters First Reg't Rifles, M.S.G.

Boonville, Mo., June 14, 1861.

General Orders No. 3.--The commanders of companies of the regiment and of the

troops attached will bring their companies to Boonville with the greatest dispatch. They will

proceed to move the instant this order is received, bringing with them all arms and ammunition it

is possible to procure. The expenses of said movement will be paid by the State. All orders of a

prior date conflicting with this from any headquarters whatever will be disobeyed.

By order of

COLONEL J.S. MARMADUKE.

John W. Young, Adjutant.

Captain--Hurry on day and night. Everybody, citizens and soldiers, must come,

bringing their arms and ammunition. Time is everything.

In great haste,

J.S. MARMADUKE.

SECOND LETTER.

Boonville, June 18.

The reportorial corps, determined to distinguish themselves in some way or another,

started out this morning on a plunder expedition. Having been advised of a secession flag

belonging to Geo. B. Harper, teller in the St. Louis Bank, and having a squad of men at their

command, posted one man in front and one at the side entrance, to prevent all ingress or egress,

while with the balance of the squad they proceeded to the drug store of Harper Bros., which

underwent a thorough examination from cellar to third story. Finding nothing there, they took

with them the cashier and visited the bank. Entering that building from Main street, your

correspondent turned to a closet, just to the right and under the stairs leading to the second story,

when, lo! a fine secession flag lay before me, which the reporters carried in triumph to our hotel,

and delivered to Company D.

We next visited several buildings where rebels had deposited their guns as they fled

through the village. Nine of these were taken and handed to Company G. But your

correspondent afterwards got on track of an item which left the above exploits entirely in the

shade. Being fully satisfied of the whereabouts of a quantity of State provisions, Capt. Cavender

kindly gave me a squad of men with which to examine the building, the result of which was, the

finding of 86 sacks of flour, about 80 sacks of dried apples, 40 sacks of meal and 8 hhds. of

bacon. They were all sent on board the steamer and delivered to the Commissary Department.

Parson Pile, to-day, found on the battle-field a check for $4,000 on the American

Exchange Bank, which has been sent to the Secretary of War.

Capt. Stone, with a "squad" of printers, is about publishing the American Patriot

[emphasis in original], to be issued from the office of the defunct Boonville Patriot, whose editor

106

it is said was on the battle field yesterday. It will be issued semi-occasionally until further notice.

I expected there would be an opportunity to send you this sooner by telegraph, or I should

have dispatched a messenger with it. When the damage done by Claib Jackson and his tools can

be repaired Boonville will be again in connection with the outside world. At present we are

pretty thoroughly shut out. B.

Boonville, June 18, 10 P.M.

An opportunity presenting itself to forward our mail to-morrow morning, I hasten to

submit the latest intelligence. The steamers Sunshine and White Cloud arrived from above to-

day, and the War Eagle from below. The rumors are conflicting, and it is difficult to ascertain

facts. One report says the traitors are preparing to make another stand at Lexington. Another

says that Gov. Jackson met several thousand of our troops from the North Missouri and Hannibal

and St. Joseph railroad, and that he was taken prisoner. This is doubtful.

Two large bands of camp equipage were found four miles west of here to-day, left by the

flying enemy, who thought Lyon and Blair were just behind them.

A.W. Simpson, of the Observor [emphasis in original], came here from Jefferson City

last Saturday under very suspicious circumstances, and was arrested last night as a spy but was

released. To-night he became uproarious, and an officer attempted to arrest him, when he drew a

pistol, and the officer then drew his sword and struck him with the side over his head.

Fuller returns give Capt. Yates one killed and six wounded.

The federals captured over one hundred prisoners during the engagement.

107

Thomas W. Knox's article from The New York Herald, June 23, 1861.

IMPORTANT FROM MISSOURI.

THE BATTLE OF BOONEVILLE.

THE DETAILS OF THE FIGHT.

Four Thousand Rebels Routed,

and the Field Occupied in

Twenty Minutes After

the Opening Gun.

Capture of a Camp and Fixtures.

BOONEVILLE OCCUPIED.

A Parson with Four Men Capture

Twenty-four Rebels.

THE NUMBER OF THE KILLED AND WOUNDED.

The Rebels Probably Making a Stand at

Independence,

&c., &c., &c.

SPECIAL REPORT TO THE NEW YORK HERALD.

Booneville, Cooper County,Mo., June 18, 1861.

On the morning of the 16th inst. the steamer Louisiana, having on board Colonel

Boernstein's (Second) regiment, arrived at Jefferson City, and about noon General Lyon, having

transferred the men and lading of the Swon to the A. McDowell, and leaving three hundred men

to hold the city, the three boats, Iatan, Louisiana and McDowell, moved forward up the river.

Before leaving a squad of men, headed by Captain Yates, visited the house of the State

Paymaster General, J.T. Rogers, and arrested that gentleman, seizing his private papers. The

arrest was made to obtain possession of the money appropriated to pay the officers and men of

the celebrated "Southwest expedition" of last autumn. In his valise were found checks for

$45,000, drawn by the State Auditor and countersigned by the Treasurer. Mr. Rogers was in the

village at the time of the visit, and his wife attempted to conceal the valise by carrying it to the

negro quarters in rear of the house, thus awakening suspicion that it contained something of

value. He was released after transferring the checks, so that the payment of the claims of the men

of the Southwest expedition could be secured. Among his papers was a letter from Warwick

Hough, Adjutant General of Missouri, advising Mr. Rogers to refuse to pay the money to the

purpose for which it was appropriated, and devote it to arming the State.

108

The boats moved up to a landing eight miles below Booneville, on the south side of the

river. Here they fastened to the shore, and the troops were debarked. A farmer at work in a field

near the landing stated that the enemy were in camp four and a half miles from that spot, or three

and a half miles below Booneville. The level bottom land of the Missouri was here half a mile in

width to the bluff, but it gradually narrowed as it extended up the river, until it terminated where

the bluff came to the water's edge, two miles from the boat landing. The road followed for a mile

and a half along this bottom, and then ascended the bluff. The latter is a range of low hills or

ridges, about two hundred feet in height, which are separated by ravines, some of them with quite

precipitous sides. The order of proceeding was as follows:--Ten mounted men, the only cavalry

in the expedition, led the advance; scouting parties, detached from the Second regiment, were

thrown out for half a mile to the left and to the river on the right; General Lyon's company of

regulars, led by Sergeant Griffin, and Company B, of the Second regiment, commanded by

Captain Schutte, followed the cavalry; Captain Totten's battery of artillery and his company of

regulars, the latter led by Lieutenant Lathrop, came next, followed by Colonel Blair's (First)

regiment; the rear was brought up by a battalion from Colonel Boernstein's regiment, led by

Lieutenant Colonel Schaffer. On board the boat was Captain Richardson, with Company D, First

regiment, and Captain Boester, with twenty men and a siege (eight-inch) howitzer.

At just three minutes before seven A.M., June 17, the order was given to move. The

morning was cloudy, with occasionally a few drops of rain, but before the battle was over the sun

shone out as clear and bright as ever. As the column ascended the bluff the pickets of the enemy

were seen and driven in. After an advance of three-fourths of a mile one of the advanced guard

rode hastily back to the head of the column and informed General Lyon that the whole body of

the State troops were drawn up a few hundred yards in front. General Lyon at once ordered the

regulars under Sergeant Griffin to the left, and Captain Schutten's riflemen to the right. Captain

Totten's battery was ordered to the front to occupy the road.

The enemy were drawn up about three hundred yards in advance, on the crest of a hill, or

rather a long swell or ridge, over which the road passed at the highest point. The road was

occupied by Colonel Marmaduke, with a small body of horsemen and a battalion of infantry.

Immediately on his left was a brick house filled with rebel troops, and back of this, towards the

river, was a narrow lane, where his left wing was posted. To their rear was a wheat field, and in

this was miscellaneously scattered small crowds of men, apparently without order or regularity.

To his right was another wheat field, separated from an adjacent corn field by a "worn fence,"

and behind this fence his right wing was posted. Soon as our men were in position Captain

Totten unlimbered a twelve-pounder and a six pounder [sic], and sent a shell from the former

into the midst of the men occupying the road. A puff of smoke rising from among them showed

that the gunner's aim had been true. The next shell was directed upon the squads of men in the

wheat field and caused them to make a hasty retreat. The fire now became general along the

whole line; the regulars on the right, and the German troops on the left, advancing in good order.

Our line was formed on a ridge similar to that occupied by the enemy and parallel to it, separated

from the latter by a valley with a gentle descent on either side. To our left was a corn field and

on our right a copse or grove of scattered oaks. The regulars advanced in the corn field, to the

crest of the ridge, creeping up the latter and firing when the opportunity occurred, taking for their

motto that of an Irishman at Donneybrook Fair, "Wherever you see a head hit it." The hollow

between the ridges was full of scattered oaks, and those served as a cover to our men. Captains

109

Stone, Cole and Cavender were sent to support the right of the regulars, and in this way they all

advanced to the fence where the enemy were at first spotted. The battalion from the Second,

supported by Captains Maurice's, Burke's and Yates' companies, were at the same time doing

good work on the right; and in twenty minutes from the time Capt. Totten fired the first shell the

rebels were in full retreat, and our men occupying the lines first held by the enemy. The house

on the right had been completely riddled by the last shots from the battery, and one shell burst in

the very centre of the building, at a time when it was full of soldiers. Several dead bodies of the

rebels were found in the wheat field near the lane, showing that our fire had been effective. In

fact, at the first volley from the right wing several saddles were emptied of their riders, and two

horses galloped over to our lines. The correspondents of the New York Herald and St. Louis

Democrat entered the battle on foot, by the side of the battery, but were very soon mounted,

having succeeded in capturing these runaway steeds.

From this point the Union troops proceeded, still in line, for nearly a mile, over ground

somewhat uneven, but not rough. In a grove at the entrance to Camp Vest, the rebels made a

brief stand, but two shells and a few rounds of Minie balls speedily dislodged them, and the fled

in tumultuous[?] haste towards Booneville. Captain Cole, supported by Captain Miller, entered

and took possession of the camp, capturing a large quantity of provisions, ammunition, rifles and

camp equipage. He secured one secession flag, one lone star flag, and one State flag with fifteen

stars.

The breakfasts of the men were cooking on the fires at the time we landed, as the half-

baked bread, the partially fried pork still in the pans, and the unboiled coffee plainly told. A

large ham was found lying on the ground, with one slice partially severed and the knife still

sticking in the meat. Captain Cole's company was left to take care of the camp, while the main

column moved on towards the town. At the Fair Grounds, a mile below Booneville, was the

camp of a body of Rebels; but a shell from Captain Totten's battery and one from the McDowell-

-that boat having moved up the stream--at the same time, sent them flying to the westward.

General Lyon then advanced to the edge of the town, halted, and awaited the approach of the

Mayor, O'Brien, and several leading citizens. Mr. O'Brien assured General Lyon that there

should be no trouble whatever in entering and occupying Booneville, and offered to ride with the

commanding officer at the head of the column through the principal streets. His proposition was

accepted, and we entered the town, the people cheering as we passed, and from numerous

windows showing the Stars and Stripes. The Court House was at once taken possession of, and

occupied as the headquarters of the officers. Suspected houses were searched, and a large

quantity of war munitions were seized. At the foundry the moulds were still hot from casting[?]

Minie bullets.

Captain Richardson received his command to stay on the boats with much regret, and

some of his men even shed tears because they were unable to join in the battle. After the troops

had marched to the bluff, Captain Richardson advanced, with the McDowell, and with Captain

Boester's howitzer captured a battery of two iron six-pounders about five miles below the town.

He also secured at the same time one caisson, full of ammunition; eight horses, with military

saddles, and twenty prisoners. After this exploit they advanced and threw a shell into the Fair

grounds [sic]. At night when I saw him, with his men, on board the McDowell, he seemed in

better spirits than in the morning. He was confidant he had had his share of the fun.

The number of the killed and wounded on the part of the rebels had not and probably will

110

not be accurately ascertained. Many of those fighting on the rebel side were "loose men," not

enrolled in any company, and fled in large numbers, not to any rallying point, but directly home,

thinking, doubtless, that there was some mistake about the popular belief that Union troops are

cowards. Out of one company (Captain McCulloch's Cooper County Rifles) thirteen are known

to be killed and several wounded. The number of dead already brought into Booneville or taken

to friends in the country cannot fall much short of fifty, and the wounded now heard of are as

many more. Several shells were burst directly in their midst and the Minie balls flew thick and

fast from the rifles of our soldiers, so that the mortality list must have been quite large. On the

side of the Union troops there were three killed, ten wounded and one missing. Capt. Yates'

company lost one killed and had six wounded, owing partially to a withholding of their fire upon

an advancing party, which delivered a volley when quite near, our men supposing the latter to be

friends. Captain Burke, of Company E, First regiment, was saved by his scabbard, a Minie ball

striking it near the top with such force as nearly to cut it through, but not injuring the wearer. An

artilleryman was hit upon the left breast, the ball striking a rib, passing around under his arm, and

being cut out on his back below his shoulder. I have the ball in my possession. It is flattened out

to nearly the shape of a half coffee bean, and must have "hit hard."

We took eighty prisoners, nineteen of whom have been released and the remaining sixty-

one put on board the Louisiana. During the engagement Rev. Wm. A. Pile, of St. Louis, chaplain

to the First regiment, was furnished with a detail of four men to look after the wounded.

Descending to a ravine he came sudden;y upon a party of twenty-four rebels and peremptorily

ordered them to halt and surrender. They evidently considered discretion the better part of valor,

and at once threw up the sponge, i.e., took off their hats and laid down their arms. The parson

soon after reported himself to Gen. Lyon, with his twenty-four prisoners, guarded by four men

and himself. The story is pretty well circulated among our boys, and the chaplain is looked upon

(if his clerical neck choker will allow the expression) as a perfect trump, a decided brick.

Capt. Boester, who managed the siege howitzer on the McDowell at the time the battery

was taken, last evening asked Gen. Lyon to furnish him with harness for his eight horses captured

yesterday, so that he can take his howitzer into action. The captain is an old artillerist and has

seen service in Europe. Gen. Lyon will probably grant his request.

During the skirmish at Camp Vest a mounted man rode up to Capt. Yates and said that

Gen. Parsons had sent orders for all the infantry to come into Booneville, as there were two

steamers ready to take them up the river. After talking with him a few moments they

communicated to him the pleasing information that he was conversing with Union troops and

must be made prisoner. He came in rather reluctantly.

General Price, commander of the State forces, left for up the river the day before the

battle, his health not permitting him to remain. Colonel J.S. Marmaduke had command on the

day of the engagement, and Horace T. Brand, of Cooper county, acted as Lieutenant Colonel.

The latter is reported killed. The rebels, in their flight through the town, left behind them many

of their guns and much of their personal property. A few wagons took away small quantities of

their camp equipage, but the great part is on board our boats. They fled up the river in the

steamer H.D. Bacon and along its banks by land, and are reported to have made a stand twelve

miles above. They have been reinforced by General Parsons, who arrived here during the

engagement, and is said to have a few pieces of artillery, but had no men qualified to work them.

The number of men here at the time of the battle was about four thousand, one half of whom

111

were in the engagement. They were variously armed, with Minie and Hunting rifles, shot guns

and pistols, but made a poor use of them. Nine hundred of them were mounted, but can hardly

be called cavalry. The number that have fled homeward will probably be made up by the

reinforcements, so that at the next engagement we shall have about the same number to contend

with. But few of those taken prisoners are in uniform, the most of them being fresh from the

country. They express great astonishment at the efficiency of our troops, and think the Dutch

portion of them is not so bad after all.

General Parson's private papers, including his commission, are in the hands of General

Lyon.

Governor Jackson is reported to have made splendid time on his retreat. With Union

troops behind him, he could doubtless eclipse the famous riders on the pony express.

General Price's papers, muster rolls and correspondence, to June 13, fell into the hands of

General Lyon. Several prominent men in the State are implicated and will be speedily brought to

justice.

Among the prisoners taken are several who were captured at camp [sic] Jackson on May

10. At that time they gave their parole of honor, taking oath never again to appear in arms

against the government. They will doubtless be executed.

At no time during the action were more than six hundred men engaged on the side of the

Unionists. At the commencement the rebels had not far from two thousand men on the field, a

large number of whom were mounted. Their horses greatly facilitated their departure. Above

Booneville, on their retreat, they pressed into service all the guns, pistols and ammunition they

could find at the houses on the road, and took considerable quantities of provisions.

This morning files of men were moving in various directions in and around the town,

making searches of houses suspected of containing contraband goods. A large lot of provisions,

ammunition and camp equipage was seized, several wagon loads of it at a house four miles from

town on the route of the fleeing rebels. The reportorial corps--the Herald and Democrat

correspondents--by their native inquisitiveness, got trace of various contraband property.

Procuring a squad of men they made several searches, securing a rebel flag thirty feet in length,

eight rifles, and nearly two thousand dollars worth of rebel provisions. The boats Sunshine; War

Eagle, White Cloud, and the Booneville ferry boat, have all been seized for their complicity with

the rebels.

Booneville's four thousand inhabitants appear agreeably astonished that the Union troops

do not pillage the town and slaughter the inhabitants. The report that they would burn every

house and kill all women and children included, has been industriously circulated by the rebel

leaders.

During the engagement Dr. Corwyn, surgeon to the First regiment, saw a soldier with a

wound on the side of his neck, just below the ear, from which the blood flowed profusely.

Fearing his throat had been injured, the doctor gave him some brandy, and asked him to try to

swallow it. Taking a hearty draught, the soldier said:--

"I can swallow first rate, can't I?"

"O, yes," said the Doctor, "your throat is all right, but where is the ball?["]

"I don't know," was the cool reply; "I spit the d---d thing out."

We hear to-night that the rebels are at Arrow Rock, fifteen miles above, and are to move

on towards Lexington, there to make a stand. No orders have been learned from General Lyon,

112

but we expect to move up the river to-morrow.

The telegraph is broken in several places above and below. The repairer of the line came

in to-night, and states that the wire is broken behind him as soon as he repairs it, and men tell

him it is no use to attempt putting it in order.

Dr. William Quarles, of this town, was among the killed on the side of the rebels. M.W.

Cooledge, of Boston, was killed in Captain Yates' company, Colonel Blair's regiment. Jacob

Kiburtz, a German, was killed in Company B, Colonel Boernstein's regiment.

The prisoners taken yesterday were all released upon parole a few minutes since, with the

exception of those who were among the captured at Camp Jackson.

Article by correspondent "L.D.I." from the Scioto Gazette, Chillicothe, Ohio, August 13, 1861.

The War in Missouri.

(Correspondence of the Scioto Gazette.)

Camp McClellan, near Springfield, Mo.

July 12, 1861.

Editor Scioto Gazette--Dear Sir: On the morning of 17th June, the command under Gen. Lyon,

consisting of about 1,800 men, on board three steamers, were moving cautiously up the Missouri

river, two miles above the town of Rockport [sic; Rocheport] and ten below Boonville, when a

scout or picket guard of the enemy was seen running in the direction of their encampment. Our

boats were immediately backed down the stream half a mile. The troops were disembarked as

speedily as possible, and were soon on the march to meet the rebels. Two companies of infantry

were left on board with one sixty-four pound cannon in charge, to protect the boats. After

marching four miles the picket guard of the rebels were fired upon and driven in by our

skirmishers. A half mile further, as we emerged from the timber into the open country, a large

body of the rebels were seen advancing toward us in the road. Gen. Lyon was in advance of our

column. He gave the word, "Here are the rascals, give them a shot." The first section of Capt.

Totten's battery was run forward, and the first piece fired twice down the road. The rebels then

began to advance toward us on each side of the road from the timber. The second gun was now

run into the battery (this gun was named the "Cameron" by her artillerists) and commenced firing

on the larger party on the right of the road in the wheat and corn field. While this piece was

being aimed for the first shot, two officers (mounted) were seen trying to rally the men, who were

in great disorder. The gun apparently did terrible execution. The two officers were seen to fall

from their horses. Both pieces kept up a continual fire for some [t]ime. Great numbers of the

rebels were lying down in the corn and wheat. Many were concealed in the timber and

underbrush, who kept up a brisk fire for half an hour. The fighting covered a space of half a mile

from the river up the ravine. Two or three companies of infantry were engaged on each side of

the road. The rebels charged three times on the battery, and the balls fell thick as hail around us.

We could easily distinguish the difference between the Minie and common rifle balls by their

whistling sound. Several struck our piece and carriage at different places. One of our sergeants

(Armstrong) was hit by a spent ball, and slightly wounded. Gen. Lyon[']s horse was wounded.

We gave them cannister [sic] and spherical case-shot very fast. Soon their ranks were broken,

113

and they fled in great disorder. We were without cavalry, and could not pursue them.

Our boats had by this time come up the river, and our troops took possession of a battery,

and also fired one or two eight-inch shells into their camp, half a mile above the battery. Capt.

Coles' company of First Regiment Missouri Volunteers took possession of the rebel camp,

together with 30 or 40 prisoners and a large amount of camp equipage. The chaplain of the First

Regiment, with four men, took 20 prisoners near the rebel camp. He bears the name of the

"fighting preacher."

The command moved on to Boonville, and took possession of the State Armory,

containing 12000 stand of arms, mostly old muskets and common rifles. Some machinery for

manufacturing war material was also taken. It seems the rebels had started early to meet and

attack us in our boats. Gov. J[a]ckson was off some distance on a hill watching the fight. Gen.

Price had left the day previous, and Col. Marmaduke left just before the fight began,

consequently the rebels had no commander. As it was, they had the best position, and could have

given us a hard battle, had not their officers shown the white feather. Gen. Parsons, with artillery

for the rebel army, met them on their retreat, near Boonville. He turned and fled in company

with Jackson, southward. Many retreated across the river; others up the river in boats to Arrow

Rock and Lexington. The loss on the Federal side was four killed and fourteen wounded. It

could not be correctly ascertained what number the rebels lost but it is generally supposed to be

near 100 killed and as many more wounded. L.D.I.

114

Mr. and Mrs. John Asoltyne's news of recent events at Boonville, published in The Daily

Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, June 28, 1861.

Secessionists in Missouri.

THE BATTLE OF BOONVILLE--HOW THE STATE TROOPS ARE SUPPLIED--ACCOUNT

BY A CITIZEN OF BOONVILLE.

Mr. John Asoltyne and lady, citizens of Boonville, Missouri, arrived at the Weddell

House last evening. They come direct from Boonville; and Mr. A. gives some interesting facts in

relation to Gen. Lyon's recent visit to that place, and the previous operations of the secessionists.

When the treaty was concluded between Harney and Price, the State authorities, instead

of observing it, transferred their forces from Jefferson City to Boonville with orders to take arms

and be prepared for orders at a moment's notice. At Boonville the State troops planted five

pieces of cannon on the river bank, and made preparations for establishing a factory for making

guns and repairing some already in their possession. They also accumulated provisions. Jackson

came to Boonville from Jefferson City some days before Lyon's attack. He took whatever he

wanted from merchants, paying them in "State scrip," worthless, of course. The men he had were

not well armed, and were a lawless, desperate set. Mr. Asoltyne says there is hardly a desperado

in the State who is not a secessionist. The people well understand this fact, and know by

experience that the State troops will plunder their own people whenever opportunity offers. The

Union men, composed of the best class of sober citizens, were overawed by the blustering

secessionists, and could do nothing.

Jackson, when he heard on Sunday that Lyon was coming, ordered his rabble to retreat,

but afterward discovering that the enemy was not so near, told his men they might get ready to

fight if they chose. Lyon came on Monday. The particulars of the fight have already been given.

Mr. A. saw Jackson leave his hotel at Boonville, reserving as a body guard the best armed

company he had. He went to within a mile of the fight, and then fled. The State troops nowhere

"stood up" for a fight, but skulked in the woods, etc., until drawn out by Lyon's feigned retreat.

Even the Secessionists say that Lyon might have mowed them down when he had them in the

lane commanded by his cannon, but he stopped the firing.

Many people who before sympathized with Jackson were disgusted by his cowardice at

Boonville. Immediately after the dispersion of the State troops two companies of Home Guards

were organized in Boonville and other companies are rapidly organizing throughout adjoining

counties, determined that secession shall hereafter have no foothold among them. Indeed, all the

people need is arms, which before Lyon came were all in the hands of the Secessionists. The

Union men know they fight to save their homes from confiscation by unscrupulous, reckless

men, and will fight to the death. The officers cannot control the State troops if they were so

disposed, and all their operations have evinced lawlessness. Colonel Little, formerly of the

U.S.A., was the only man that knew anything of military matters. The entire State force is a band

of disorganized desperadoes, and there was great rejoicing among the citizens of Boonville and

vicinity at their discomfiture. They can never come back now the people have arms.

Missouri, Mr. Asoltyne says, will take care of herself, and see that she is not forced out of

the Union, by Jackson and his hordes. The movement of the U.S. forces has been a decisive one,

115

and secession is virtually dead.

116

Description of the battle by an anonymous "citizen of Booneville," from The Louisville Daily

Journal, Louisville, Kentucky, July 4, 1861.

[No title]

The Battle of Booneville.--The following statement of what occurred at Booneville may

be relied on as strictly true. It was written by a citizen of Booneville who never states as truth

what he doesn't know to be truth:

An account of the fruitless interview between Gov. Jackson and Gen. Price, commander-

in-chief of the Missouri militia, on the one side, and Gen. Lyon and Col. Blair, on the other, you

have no doubt seen, as well as the proclamation of Gov. Jackson, calling for 50,000 State troops,

which followed. Immediately after issuing the proclamation, which named no point of

rendezvous for the troops, steps were taken to move the military headquarters from the capital.

Rumor named diverse points as the future location of this department. The arrival however, of a

portion of the commander in chief's staff, followed by that of the commander in chief himself and

workmen to put in operation the suspended foundery [sic] at this place, and to establish

manufactories of munitions of war and military equipment settled the question. Booneville,

however, you will see, was destined to enjoy these honors for but a brief period.

On Friday morning the 14th last, messengers were sent in all directions charging[?] those

who had volunteered as "State Guards," as well as all armed citizens, to assemble forthwith at

this point. On the same day troops began to arrive and an encampment was formed four and a

half miles east of Booneville on the bluffs on the south side of the Missouri river. The arrival of

troops continued through Saturday and Sunday. On Monday morning, the 17th, at which time

the battle occurred, there were in the camp, probably, 3,500 men. About 500 of these, only,

could be said to be armed--the remainder being furnished with the common squirrel rifle and

shot-gun. The officers' headquarters were at Booneville, where most of the field officers

remained until their forces began a retreat[?]. On Sunday morning the news came to

headquarters that Gen. Lyon, who commands the Federal forces in Missouri, was in sight. A

hasty consultation between the Governor and his officers resulted in a determination to disband

the State troops, and an order to disband was accordingly issued; but some of the more spunky of

the secessionists would not hear to going home without having a fight, and, it having been

ascertained that the report of the near approach of Gen. Lyon was false, the order to disband was

rescinded--not, however, before many had taken advantage of the first order, and had left. Gen.

Price being indisposed (to fight, perhaps), left for his residence up the Missouri river. During the

entire day, and up to the very hour of the battle, men continued to arrive in companies, squads,

and singly. Early Monday morning it was ascertained that Gen. Lyon, who came up the river in

boats, was landing his forces, amounting to two thousand men, about 2 miles below the

encampment. The State troops were called from their breakfast, of which many had not even

tasted, to form and prepare for battle. With the intention, it is supposed, of surprising Gen. Lyon

in the confusion of disembarking, the State troops, many of whom were mounted, left their camp,

and, in double quick time, under the command of Col. Marmaduke, advanced to attack Gen.

Lyon. But the Federal troops had already effected a landing and were marching upon the State

camp when the two armies met at a point less than half way between the point of disembarkation

and the encampment of the State troops. Some skirmishing took place previous to the actual

117

engagement. This last lasted about 20 minutes, a comparatively small number on either side

having been actually engaged. The State troops retreated in the greatest confusion, abandoning

their camp equipage, provision, two iron six-pounders, quite a number of horses, guns, &c., all

which, of course, fell into the hands of Gen. Lyon. The Federal troops took, in addition, about 40

prisoners, losing 2 killed, 11 wounded, and 1 missing. The State troops lost 3 killed and 7

wounded.

Gov. Jackson, with some officers and the only well drilled and well armed company

under his command as a body guard, remained, during the battle, about 3 miles from the scene of

action. Upon the first report of a retreat he and those with him hastened to town, and, after a

hasty horse-back consultation, left for parts unknown. It is supposed that he has fled to

Arkansas. It is due to the State troops to state that they were wholly unprepared to contend with

the men they had to face. They were hastily brought together, undrilled, for the most part

unarmed, and, wholly unofficered, they were compelled to fight each independent of the others.

The Federal officers give them credit for bravery.

General Lyon, with his command, entered the town about 12 1/2 o'clock without any

opposition whatever, establishing his headquarters at the Fair Ground and quartering Col. F.P.

Blair's regiment in the Thespian Hall.

General Lyon came into our midst, with considerable prejudice existing in the minds of

many against him. He had been represented as being blood-thirty and unscrupulous. His men

had been represented as being a band of lawless hirelings--respecting neither the property or

rights of others; but this prejudice is broken down. The General's humanity to our wounded, who

were left on the battle-field by their friends, his kindness to the prisoners, who were finally

released on parole, the promptness with which he punished his men for little depredations

committed on the property of men they regard as enemies--the protection he extends to all, his

accessibility and gentlemanly deportment to even rank secessionists who were a few days ago his

enemies, and morally disarmed many prominent secessionists of their hatred to the government

and making them, if not Union men, at least, willingly passive secessionists.

118

M.P. Lietz' statement about an encounter with Governor Jackson at Boonville, from W.L. Webb,

Battles and Biographies of Missourians or the Civil War Period of Our State, Hudson-Kimberly

Publishing Company, Kansas City, Missouri, pages 279-280 (1900). See also Thoma 2006:8.

...Mr. M.P. Lietz, and old and highly esteemed citizen of Fulton, Mo., who is now beyond eighty

years of age, who in his early manhood accompanied Doniphan to Mexico and who is accredited

by John T. Hughes as author of a part of the latter's "Doniphan's Expedition to Mexico," writes

me the following in a letter:

"...Now for the Missouri command: I was at Boonville, Mo., in June, 1861, the day

before the battle; was sitting in front of the hotel in the shade. Governor C.F. Jackson came

along and took the vacant chair by me. As I was anxious to know what was intended, I asked

him several questions in regard to future action. He then told me that he had appointed Col.

Doniphan commander-in-chief of the Missouri forces and that after keeping the commission two

weeks, he had declined to accept it; and then he pulled Doniphan's letter of non-acceptance from

his pocket and read it to me. Col. Doniphan's reasons were that he had had two children, both

boys, and before this one was drowned and the other accidentally killed by gun-shot. This loss

had shattered his wife's health and he could not get her to consent to let him go to battle, as she

had suffered much while he was in Mexico. Doniphan was commander-in-chief (major-general)

of the Missouri forces for two weeks, only lacking the will to accept. The remarks that Jackson

made at the time are no part of history, and I will not repeat them. At this time the governor had

appointed General Sterling price commander-in-chief of the Missouri forces, and Price was in a

bed sick in the hotel less than fifty feet from where we were sitting."

119

Anonymous eyewitness account from the Louisville Daily Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, June

22, 1861 (see also Frank Moore, The Rebellion Record, Volume 1 [1861], pages 410-411).

(From the Missouri State Journal Extra.)

THE BATTLE AT BOONVILLE.

FROM AN EYE WITNESS.

Per Steamer Sunshine--This Hour.

RELIABLE INFORMATION

The State Troops Retreat.

THEY WERE NOT PURSUED.

TEN FEDERALS KILLED.

Twenty Seriously Wounded.

ONLY THREE STATE TROOPS KILLED.

GENERAL LYON'S REMARKS.

He Must Have Retreated if the Fight had Continued.

STATE TROOPS CONCENTRATED NEAR BOONVILLE.

Ben. McCulloch on the March.

An eye-witness of the fight at Boonville, on Monday last, at 8 A.M., about six miles

below that town, gives us the subjoined facts:

Major-General Price was ill on Sunday, and issued an order for the retirement of the State

troops towards Arkansas. He, himself, left for his home, at Brunswick. The forces under

General Lyon landed near Rocheport, on the south side of the Missouri river, and marched thence

toward Boonville. A few companies of State troops met them about six miles below Boonville,

and attacked Lyon's forces, Company B, Blair's Regiment being the party receiving the fire.

About ten of said company were killed and wounded, as the result of that fire. The company

firing then retreated. Several other State companies, at this point of time, kept firing from

different directions on Lyon's forces. Gen. Lyon then planted his cannon, and fired about twenty

rounds on the State troops, using grape and ball. None of the State troops were killed by this

cannonading, so far as is known. But those who were seeking the State troops, to join in the

fight, were made prisoners to the number of fifteen or twenty, and two or three are known to be

120

killed. These prisoners were taken, and the men killed after a retreat was ordered by the officers

commanding the State troops.

The State troops retired in good order, not more than three hundred having engaged in the

skirmish. Some ten [emphasis on original] of the Federal troops were killed, and as many as

from twenty to thirty wounded, some mortally.

Col. Marmaduke commanded the State troops; and Gov. Jackson was in person on the

ground. No cannon were captured by the Federal troops; all having been saved, except some

pieces which were thrown into the river, these having been placed in position on the river, four

miles south of Boonville.

Gen. Parsons, with some fifteen pieces of ordnance, was advancing to meet the State

troops, at the time they were retreating. All these were saved. No word of disbanding the State

troops was ever heard of; nor of the flight of Governor Jackson, who, on the contrary, coolly

remained two hours after the retreat of the State troops. Gov. Jackson is now with his men; the

order to retreat was given on Sunday, purely as a strategic movement; while some of the boys

determined to have the fun of making the invaders smell burning gunpowder anyhow; and the

attack was made with the distinct purpose of retreating immediately afterward. It was currently

reported at Boonville that Gen. Lyon remarked, if the fire of the State troops had been continued,

he must have ordered a retreat. The Federal forces stood their ground and returned the fire; but

the State troops were covered by a woodland, and fired from different directions on Lyon's

forces. Lyon has now possession of Boonville, and has issued a proclamation. The State troops

are concentrating at a point fifteen or twenty miles West of Boonville, and are organizing, and

preparing fully for the conflict.

Ben. McCulloch, it is stated, is now advancing between Springfield and Tipton with

10,000 men and 20,000 extra stand of arms. Gov. Jackson intends to deal kindly and humanely,

not only with any prisoners who may be taken in battle, but with all those citizens of Missouri,

whether native or adopted, who have been mislead [sic] and deceived by the wicked teachings of

the enemies of the State and its institutions. Those men who have been forced by want of bread

to enter the Federal service, have nothing to fear, either in war or peace, from the civil

government of the State, or from the State troops, who may be made prisoners of war.