Censorship in the Arts in Post Suharto Indonesia:

From a Government Controlled Mechanism to a Public Surveillance of the Morals*

Katerina Valdivia Bruch

Censorship has always existed as a means to control the opinion and freedom of expression

of different communities. These banning and controlling mechanisms are driven mostly by moral,

ideological or religious issues, but also motivated by economical needs. In this introductory text, I

will talk about censorship in the arts in Post Suharto Indonesia (after 1998) and how this practice

has shifted from a control by the government to a blurred social control on the morals and public

behaviour.

Considered to be a secular country with a majority of Muslim believers, the Indonesian

archipelago is known for having a moderate and tolerant Muslim population. However, the variety

of cultural expressions, languages, ethnic groups and religious beliefs makes it difficult to generate

a dialogue amongst these different groups. In fact, Suharto's government (1967-1998), also known

as Orde Baru (New Order), was favouring a single culture, that of Java, which was promoted and

spread throughout the archipelago. Moreover, the introduction of economic neoliberalism and the

fast-paced spread of globalisation and modernity during his mandate, generated a series of

uncertainties in the country that might be seen as part of the reason for the rise of Islamic culture in

the public sphere and a subsequent turn to a more rigorous and ordered way of living.1

Despite having a majority moderate Muslim population, the moral control of society is

1 Among the strict measures introduced during the New Order regime was the depolitisation of university campuses, prohibiting university students to play an active role in politics. However, this restrictive policy known as Normalisasi Kehidupan Kampus (Normalisation of Campus Life) encouraged a growing number of students to take part in Islamic activities. In a global context and inspired by the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Islamic activism among university students reached its peak. In general and as a consequence of the latter, more and more people engaged in activities that promoted a lifestyle according to Islamic social and ideological values, in order to 'clean' and 'purify' themselves from so-called 'vices and evils' of modern society. According to Noorahaidi Hasan 'One remarkable effect of these developments is the proliferation of forms of piety that seem congruous with the principle of individual freedom and democracy, and apart from their religious mooring. Islam is presented in a way that is sophisticated, fresh and hybrid in order to make it an appealing alternative to urban, capitalist cultures'. In: Hasan, Noorhaidi, "The Making of Public Islam: Piety, Agency and Commodification on the Landscape of the Indonesian Public Sphere". In: Contemporary Islam 3, pp. 231-238, Springer, 2009.

affecting the cultural expressions by restricting its view to a single culture, mostly dominated by

religious principles. Nowadays, radical groups have a fertile terrain to spread using brain-washing

methods to attract the weakest population. Freedom of expression, previously controlled by the

New Order government, is now challenged by members of society that decide how people should

behave in the public and private spheres. The point is not about religious belief, it is more a moral

control of symbolic and aesthetic expressions, and ways of behaving in society.

But, what happens to those who for 32 years were told what to do and now have the option

to choose and decide about what to do for themselves? In this context, some groups and

communities become fanatic, due to the need to be part of a group or community that gives them

strength and security. Thus, with the beginning of the new democracy after Suharto's dismissal,

some people lost their sense of belonging and adhered to foreign - sometimes radical - beliefs. As a

consequence of this, the ideal of a homogeneous culture is taken over by radical religious groups,

mainly Muslim organisations intolerant of other cultural views. Today, the paradigm promoted by

these groups is not Javanese, but an Indonesian version of Islam with Arabic influences, coming via

mass media, internet and global networks, following often financial and ideological interests. In

fact, Indonesia's new democracy has opened the way to anti-democratic movements that are

affecting civil society, as well as the diversity and pluralism of Indonesian culture. Interestingly,

these radical groups would not have existed in an authoritarian regime, as they are the offspring of

Indonesia's new democracy that allows the existence of different political parties and organisations.

The Anti-Pornography Bill and the Moral Censorship

The laws on pornography in Indonesia have a long history that dates back to the Dutch

colonial times in the late 19th century. Initially, the censorship board's job was to control press,

public broadcasting and film. In this context, the anti-pornography discourse has changed over time.

During the Sukarno period (1945-1967), it was tasked with the protection of the national identity

against foreign influences and depravity; in the New Order (1967-1998), it was in charge of the

maintenance of national identity and public order, and during Reformasi2, it is a matter of morality

and religion.3

The Bill defines pornography as 'a substance in the media or a tool for communication with

the intention to exploit sex, obscenity and/or erotica. Whereas porno action (pornoaksi in

Indonesian) is an action in public that exploits sex, obscenity and/or erotica'.4 Furthermore,

pornoaksi is conceived as the live enactment of pornography, in definitions that cross between

behaviour and public performance.5 Yet, both definitions of pornography and porno action are

controversial. For Wulan Dirgantoro, the content of the draft criminalises sexuality, targeting mainly

the female body: 'An example of this is Article 25, which forbade the showing of 'sensual' body

parts, namely the genitals, thighs, hips, bottoms, belly buttons and breasts of women, either partially

or completely (...) definitions of 'sensual', 'erotica' and 'morality' were firmly associated with the

female body only. In fact, it seems as if the control over women's bodies was seen as the one and

only solution for maintaining the moral values of Indonesian society'.6

Currently, the Anti-Pornography bill can be used by anyone who considers that something is

pornographic. But, how could anyone unequivocally define pornography in a country with such a

vast cultural diversity? For instance, moving the hips too much, showing the shoulders or legs in

public, or even wearing a koteka7 could be understood as pornographic by some conservative

parties. The Bill in its current form poses a threat for artists and performers, since according to the

law: 'pornography consists of drawings, sketches, illustrations, photos, writing, sounds, moving

pictures, animations, cartoons, conversations, body movement, or other form of messages via

communication media and/or public performance, which contain indecency or sexual exploitation

2 Reformasi (Reformation), also known as the Post-Suharto era, is the term used for the period of transition to a democratic government in Indonesia after May 1998.3 Lindsay, Jennifer. "Media and Morality, Pornography Post Suharto". In: Politics and the Media in 21st Century Indonesia. Decade of Democracy. Ed. Krisna Sen and David T. Hill. Routledge, 2011, pp. 178-179.4 Allen, Pam. "Challenging Diversity?: Indonesia's Anti-Pornography Bill". In: Asian Studies Review, 31:2, 2007, p. 101.5 Lindsay, Jennifer, 2011. op. cit., p. 184.6 Dirgantoro, Wulan. "Shifting Sand: Censorship and the Indonesian Art Wold", In: FOCAS: Forum on Contemporary Art & Society, vol. 6, 2007.7 koteka is a phallocarp that covers the male genitals, traditionally worn by native inhabitants of some (mainly highland) ethnic groups in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea.

that violates the social norms in society'. And, this part of the law directly hits creativity, press

freedom, and art. The Bill affects not only media, but also traditional and contemporary arts as well

as public behaviour. In fact, the passing of the Anti-Pornography Bill in October 2008 was backed

by Muslim organisations, which means that they are gaining influence in state policies and

decision-making. Additionally, there was a political interest in passing the Bill during Ramadan to

attract Muslim voters for the elections in 2009.

Applying Moral Laws in the Arts: Interventions in Public and Private Spaces

Recently, censorship of social behaviour and art in the public space has taken the form of a

criticism of 'Western' cultural expressions, which are considered to negatively influence the younger

generations. Paradoxically, other foreign influences, such as the ones coming from more orthodox

Muslim countries and mainly of Arab origin, are embraced and copied without hesitation. For

instance, in December 2011, a group of 65 punks were caught by police during a concert in Aceh

and were taken to prision. During ten days, these young people were re-educated by the Shari'ah

police that gave them lessons on religion and Muslim values. Before being sent to prison, the 'moral

police' shaved their heads, asked them to take a bath and change their clothes to other ones

according to Muslim dress-codes. As a matter of fact, Aceh instituted the Sharia'ah Law in 2002 and

has been radicalising its control on moral practices ever since.

Banning mechanisms like the monopolisation and control of the public space include

determining what should be regarded as 'proper' Indonesian cultural heritage. For instance, the

removal of a sculpture in the city of Purwakarta in August 2010. The sculpture portrayed Bima, one

of the central characters in the Mahabharata epic that is well known by Indonesians as part of their

cultural tradition, the wayang8. Following this, the radical party FPI (Front Pembela Islam – Islamic

Defenders Front) and FUI (Forum Ummat Islam - Islamic People's Front) argued that the statue did

not represent the values of Purwakarta as a santri9 city and started to demolish it. Other demolitions

8 Wayang is the Javanese word for shadow. The term is associated to a variety of Indonesian shadow puppet theatre.9 Santri is a group of Javanese people that practices a more orthodox version of Islam.

of other wayang sculptures followed. There were also removals of representative statues of other

religions, such as a Maria statue. Their religious hardliners' view is that they promote idolatry.

Curiously, these radical groups consider Islam as the 'proper Indonesian identity' and react against

other religious, symbolic or mythological views. In fact, there is a contradictory practice: accessing

the public domain with private ideas of ownership of a particular 'identity'. These violent (people

destroying public sculptures) and humiliating (Aceh punks treated as criminals) acts were punished

neither by the local nor by the national government.

Another example was the request for removal of Nyoman Nuarta's statue in Riau,

Pekanbaru, in Sumatra in February 2012. The statue Tugu Tari Zapin, based on a traditional

Sumatran dance, was considered erotic due to the large butt of the female dancer. Actually, this is

not the first time that Nuarta's work was taken down from the public space. In July 2010, the

enquiry was about the group of three sculptures Tiga Mojang in Bekasi area, close to Jakarta. Their

claim was that the statues portrayed three Sundanese dancers and, in consequence, were not part of

'real' Indonesian tradition.

Similarly, but related to popular culture, was the clearance of the sculpture of famous

dangdut10 singer Inul Daratista, displayed at Pondok Indah area in south Jakarta. The sculpture was

taken out after five days of its display, because of protests from FPI. As a public figure, dancer and

singer Inul Daratista has been actively giving her opinion against the Anti-Pornography Bill, in

favour of freedom of expression and for the benefit of the improvement of women's position in

Indonesian society. A similar ban was lately transferred to foreign performers, such as the

prohibition of Lady Gaga's concert in Jakarta, planned to take place in June 2012. Some radical

Islamic groups associated the US-American pop singer with a dangdut dancer, by virtue of the

sensual movements of her body considered to be explicitly erotic. Islamic hardliners are intolerant

to other cultural expressions that are not of Islamic origin. Besides this, they consider the public

space as their realm or private space, which they destroy or alter without any permission. They even

10 Dangdut is a uniquely Indonesian genre of popular music and dance, based partly on Malay, Arabic and Indian music. It developed in the late 1960s and 1970s mostly among the working-class Muslim in the island of Java. In the late 1990s, it reached a broader audience in Malaysia and southern Philippines.

decide which cultural expressions are part of 'Indonesian identity' without any request on public

opinion.

In general, there is no public enquiry on what should be placed in the public space. There is

controversy not only about the removal of the statues, but also about the waste of public money.

Whatever the reasons for these acts were, the government failed to intervene. The violent acts

perpetrated by some of these groups were not punished and it seems that the law enforcement

authorities are in some ways blind when it comes to religious issues.

Another example is the exhibition The Unspeakable Horror by Dadang Christanto,

showcased at Bentara Budaya11 in Jakarta in 2002. The exhibition was a reminder of the massacre

of alleged communists in 1965-66. This sensitive issue was illustrated by the artist with sculptures,

paintings and installations exemplifying the horror of the massive killings. After the opening of the

exhibition, a group of people reacted against the display of the installation They Give Evidence

located in the outdoor area of the exhibition space. The installation, composed by 14 life-size

terracotta sculptures depicting the victims of the homicide, was considered pornographic by the

neighbouring population, who demanded the removal of the piece.

Dadang Christanto, They Give Evidence, 2002. Foto: courtesy IVAA

11 Bentara Budaya is an exhibition space owned by Kompas Gramedia Group, one of the biggest publishing and media houses in Indonesia. They have several art spaces in a number of cities in the archipelago.

However, it is not understandable why Bentara Budaya, an institution linked to public media

and newspapers, did not stand by the freedom of opinion of the artist and in some way supported

the claim of the people, as if they had the right to decide about a private initiative of both the

institution and the artist. And, without explaining what the work was about, they preferred to

maintain the audience still. Several articles in newspapers and letters to the editor - including one of

the exhibition curator Hendro Wiyanto and of the artist FX Harsono (an artist whose practice has

been linked to socio-political issues, mostly related to Chinese-Indonesian minorities) - were

written as a critique against the change of the display. For Wiyanto: 'It is a big corporation afraid of

few people'.12 Actually, the topic of the exhibition was not about pornography, but about Indonesian

recent history and the memory of a massacre still considered a taboo. In most of these cases, there is

a pseudo freedom of expression: Kompas Gramedia prefers to keep harmony, so that the business

runs as usual. The newspaper company is very careful in talking about sensitive issues and does

self-censorship or uses metaphors to avoid confrontation.

The most mediated case was the installation Pinkswing Park, presented during the CP

Biennale at the Bank Indonesia Museum in Jakarta in 2005. The topic of the biennale was

Urban/Culture. Based on this, the artists Agus Suwage and Davy Linggar did an installation that

was an allegory about an urban class elite in an artificial paradise. In a digitally manipulated

imaginary landscape, two characters portraying Adam and Eve were posing naked. In the centre,

there was a modified becak (Indonesian version of a three wheel cycle rickshaw) in the form of a

swing. The artists already did self-censorship by putting white circles around the genitals and

intimate body parts. Even so, they were not aware of the effect that their work would generate in the

public. In fact, the case was polemical, because 'Adam' was the well-known soap opera actor

Anjasmara and 'Eve' was the famous top model Isabel Yahya.

12 Personal conversation with Hendro Wiyanto. Yogyakarta, February 2012.

Agus Suwage, Davy Linggar, Pinkswing Park, 2005. Foto: © Agus Suwage, Davy Linggar

During the opening, more than 200 people of FPI demonstrated in front of the biennale

building demanding the closure of the exhibition. A huge number of television reports, media

debates and journalists were attracted by this protest. Suddenly, the artwork became part of

entertainment industry. Later, the actor and the model had to apologise in public and there was a

legal process from FPI against the involved parties. Some of the participating artists were against

Jim Sumpangkat's - the curator of the CP Biennale - decision to close the biennale and removed

their works. But, after that, there was no dialogue between the artist's scene, the media and the

public audience. According to curator Hendro Wiyanto, 'the artist community missed the

opportunity to talk openly on censorship using the media to talk about freedom of expression'.13

The above described phenomenon is a result of the overrated celebrity and entertainment

culture in Indonesia. The active participation of the media transforming it into a sensationalist issue,

instead of criticising or reflecting about the transgression of freedom of expression, is still

questioned today. For Jennifer Lindsay 'the media itself is part of the process of turning behaviour,

performance, ritual or culture into matters of "public morality"'.14 Again, broadcasting media and

13 Personal conversation with Hendro Wiyanto. Yogyakarta, February 2012.14 Lindsay, Jennifer, op.cit., p. 188.

some journalists did not see that they were harming themselves by giving too much attention to

radical Islamic hardliners. In fact, this situation could have happened to them as well, as media

censorship and self-censorship are quite common in these days. The audience and media reactions

towards Pinkswing Park are an example of how paradoxical the opinions about contemporary art in

democratic Indonesia are. Once more, the artwork was not addressed by its content. People were not

really interested in understanding what the work was about. Only the surface/the form was

important and the mass-mediation of content just created a wave of gossip and public opinion that

did not get anywhere.

As we can see from the above mentioned examples, there was no dialogue between the

parties. The artists, curators and art managers reacted to the complaints and petitions to remove or

change the display of the exhibition to appease the active - and sometimes violent - audience. In all

these cases, there was no public authority protecting the artists and their works against the attacks

that were harming their freedom of expression. Although art has a symbolic nature, in many of these

cases it is interpreted according to moral values, emphasising the form rather than the content.

Response of the arts scene

Prior to the passing of the Anti-Pornography Bill, a number of artists and organisations,

mainly from Bali and Java, were demonstrating against the new law, as it was questioning not only

contemporary arts, but also traditional performances. The debate against the draft of the law

excalated between February and August 2006. During that time, a number of artists organised

several activities in the public space criticising the draft of the bill and evidencing its hidden

agenda. Some of these performances were addressing the fact that the bill considered women as the

source for pornography. The campaign Say No to Zero Culture composed by members of the

Aliansi Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Diverse but One Alliance) and the Aliansi Mawar Putih (White Rose

Alliance) expressed formal rejection and critical reviews towards the law in numerous newspapers.

In April 2006, Say No to Zero Culture organised the Pawai Budaya Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in

Diversity Cultural Parade) in Jakarta, following the principles of Pancasila.15 Since then until the

final formulation and approval of the Anti-Pornography Bill, there have been several

demonstrations from civil society, politicians, but also members of other religions, including the

formal opposition of the Catholic church arguing that moral concerns should not be regarded as part

of state policies.

Until today, there are still a number of initiatives and individual artists that reject the

radicalisation of the moral control by members of society. In June 2012, Indonesia tanpa FPI

(Indonesia without FPI) and the Yogyakarta untuk kebinekaan (Yogyakarta pro Diversity) did a

number of public demonstrations in Jakarta and Yogyakarta in favour of the diversity and cultural

pluralism in the archipelago. The same year in February, the artist Bramantyo Prijosusilo performed

in front of the building of the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI) in Kota Gede, Yogyakarta,

addressing Joseph Beuys' concept of social sculpture, a concept that considers that art can change

society. The artist's idea was to perform against the radicalisation of religion and its violent acts.

One day before his performance, he sent a press release about the performance and its intention.

However, once there, he was not able to finish it. The artist was beaten by Islamist groups, arguing

that his work was a provocation against Islam. Interestingly, this act demonstrated exactly what the

artist was claiming: the rejection of religiously-motivated violence.

In fact, the post-Suharto era has brought a new generation of female writers, that surpass

cultural, social and religious boundaries, as it is the case of Intan Paramaditha or Ayu Utami who

talk openly about desire, the female body and sexuality. In this direction, there have been a number

of stage performances responding directly to the Anti-Pornography Bill. For instance, Sidang

Susila, a playwright by Ayu Utami, that was first performed by Teater Gandrik at Salihara Theatre

in 2009. As a common practice of Gandrik's pieces, they use traditional Javanese theatre and

humour to reflect on social and political subject matters. Sidang Susila is about the contradictions of

15 Pancasila is Indonesia's state philosophy, based on five principles: the belief in one God, just and civilised humanity, Indonesian unity, democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultations, and social justice for all the peoples of Indonesia. It was first formulated by president Sukarno, with a slightly different order and in different words, in a speech in favour of Indonesia's independency, while the country was under the Japanese occupation during World War II.

the Anti-Pornography Bill. In the play, the main character, Susila Parna, is blamed of perpetrating

pornography for showing his large breasts in public while he is taking part in a traditional dance,

trespassing with his performance the new law. Susila's argument against this charge is that he is

actually a man with a large chest, that resulted from a tumour. In spite of that, he gets arrested by

the moral police. Butet Kartaredjasa - director of Teater Gandrik - explained to the newspaper The

Jakarta Post that the play exposes a camouflaged moral that the Constitution tries to enforce:

'Sidang Susila hints at the dark shadows of an authoritarian regime that acts under the name of

morality'.16 Moreover, in an interview I had with the theatre director and actor in February 2012, he

added: 'Censorship does not come from above, it is now a horizontal practice that can come from

anyone'. In this sense, the current censorship practice uses democracy as a way to express ideas,

since anyone can give their opinion on morality and tell how people should behave in society.

Although the bill was highly criticised, it has already been put into action: some people have been

convicted of being immoral.

Sidang Susila, 2009 Foto: courtesy Teater Gandrik

16 The Jakarta Post, February 21, 2008 Web link: http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/02/21/teater-gandrik-returns-deliver-moral-message.html

Another theatre piece that addresses the Anti-Pornography Bill and the current moral policy

is Goyan Penasaran (The Obsessive Twist), directed by young theatre director Naomi Srikandi,

based on a story by Intan Paramaditha. Produced by Teater Garasi and premiered at Salihara Theatre

in December 2011, the play tells the story of Salimah, a performer admired for her stage

performances, but condemned by society for provoking moral decadence. Her role was inspired by

Inul Daratista, whose sensual dances became a recurring topic of debate during the outline of the

Anti-Pornography Law. In the play, Salimah falls in love with Ahmad, who is actually a haji (a

Muslim religious teacher). This situation is just the beginning of a series of tensions and

contradictions developed by the main character; she is constantly struggling between being an artist

and the decision to follow religious duties, as if both were not able to concur. The play is set in the

late 1990s, at the beginning of the Islamic rise in Indonesia.

Goyan Penasaran, 2011 Foto: Amin Mohamad

Final remarks

The responses and reflections around the Anti-Pornography Bill and the moral censorship

depict how Indonesians express their opinions in a democratic way beyond state controlled

procedures. At the same time, the public participation and the movements against these concerns

exemplify the alarm and fear towards a growing Islamic conservatism and its possible religious-

based state driven policies.

Generally speaking, the answers to questions such as 'what is art' or 'what is beauty', but also

'what is pornography', are as diverse as the people answering them. The claim of censorship as a

moral subject allows anyone to declare that their view is the 'correct' or 'moral' one. But, it is an

intrusion in private matters of taste, habits and behaviour that should remain a private concern. As

we can see from the above mentioned examples, the borders of what is private or public are blurred

or have been redefined.

After passing the Anti-Pornography Bill, the arts scene has been affected by conservative

movements that are against the freedom of expression, the pluralism and the diversity of the

inhabitants of the world's biggest archipelago. Ultimately, no one knows how these censorship

practices are going to evolve. However, the question is whether the artists will be able to find a

public tribunal willing to protect their legal rights against these attacks. Thus, there are still some

open tasks for the art scene, such as promoting an open discussion about these topics with the

general audience and the media.

* This article is the result of a research about censorship in Indonesia after 1998 during a two month

curatorial residency (December 2011 - February 2012) at Langgeng Art Foundation (LAF) in

Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The residency was supported by the Institute for Foreign Cultural Relations

(IfA) Stuttgart. As part of her research, the author organised a panel discussion entitled Censorship

in the Visual Arts in Indonesia after 1998: Paradoxes of a Practice in a Changing Media

Landscape, which took place on February 17, 2012 at LAF.

Acknowledgements: The author wants to thank Antariksa, Wulan Dirgantoro, Hendro Wiyanto, Arie

Setyaningrum Pamungkas and Edwin Jurriëns for their support and guidance during the research

and writing of this article.

Katerina Valdivia Bruch is a Berlin-based independent curator and writer. Besides her work as a

curator, she contributes with essays and articles for art publications and magazines. Since 2009, she

has organised a number of talks and exhibitions on Indonesian contemporary art. Currently, she is a

PhD candidate for the Research Platform for Curatorial and Cross-disciplinary Cultural Studies,

University of Reading/Zurich University of the Arts. www.artatak.net

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Bramantyo Prijosusilo. Why Do the Police Take Orders From Islamic Vigilante Groups?Jakarta Globe, May 7, 2012http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/archive/why-do-the-police-take-orders-from-islamic-vigilante-groups/

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Kiemas, Taufiq. MPR asks FPI to respect Dayak community.The Jakarta Post, February 13, 2012http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/13/mpr-asks-fpi-respect-dayak-community.html

BT Saragih, Bagus. No love shown to the FPI.The Jakarta Post, February 15, 2012http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/15/no-love-shown-fpi.html

Muryanto, Bambang. Artist’s mockery of violence gets real.The Jakarta Post, February 16, 2012http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2012/02/16/artist-s-mockery-violence-gets-real.html