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Transcript of Can differences in cultural practices create ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby (Lapan, 2014)
Pacific Adventist University
School of Business
Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby?
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in
Leadership and Development
Miskus Eadique Lapan
October, 2013
i
ABSTRACT
Apart from the international conflict in Papua New Guinea during the period of colonial
intrusion, indigenous ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea have been experienced at three
levels; the national, regional and ethnic-local levels, with ethnic-local level conflicts being
more prominent. The causes of these indigenous ethnic conflicts may vary between
primordial factors and constructed dynamics; however, particularly for traditional conflicts,
such were perceived to be part of establishing, maintaining and renewing social relationships
based on Melanesian worldviews, and were connected to community rituals and mythologies.
Occasionally though, these traditional relationships were characterized by both hostility and
cooperation, in the form of vengeance and reciprocity. Such vengeance and reciprocity were
often the results of traditional disputes and rivalry between leaders and community members,
hence inter-tribal warfare was experienced.
The key question in this research was to determine if differences in cultural practices can
create ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Secondary and primary data were collected using
both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Quota sampling was used to identify the
respondents for the study. The Appreciative Inquiry Approach (Cooperrider & Whitney,
1999) and the Narrative Approach (Sikes & Gale, 2003; Kroth & Peutz, 2009) were used to
construct the questionnaires. The General Inductive Approach (Thomas, 2003) was then used
to categorize the transcribed face-to-face interviews and the survey questionnaires data into
main themes.
This thesis confirms that differing cultural practices and perceptions exist among migrants in
Port Moresby. Furthermore, such differences can create ethnic conflicts. Given such
realization, this study reveals that some indigenous approaches were used to settle traditional
ethnic conflict yet some of these approaches appear less restorative than others; thus
escalating the conflicts, instead of resolving them. Especially in Port Moresby, where there is
not only a high concentration of multi-cultures coupled with complex issues and progress of
rural-urban migration and urbanization but where other anti-social collectives are formed
along ethnic and cultural affiliations, that ethnic conflicts could be a serious social problem.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to extend a special thanks to the numerous people who
assisted and supported me in the completion of this research study. Their collective
dedication and professionalism deserve my most sincere appreciation.
It is with sincere gratitude that I acknowledge the tremendous help, guidance and inspiration
of my primary supervisor, Dr Cecile Hoods. Without her guidance and persistent help, the
completion of this thesis would not have been possible. Equally so, my sincere appreciation
with gratitude is also conveyed to my second supervisor, Harwood Lockton, for his helpful
comments and assistance. A special word of thanks is extended to Dr Lalen Simeon for her
additional guidance, and Ellen Faisi, for administrative support.
Included in the team that deserves my sincere word of thanks are Dr Mafileo, Dr Litau, and
Dr Khin for their expert contributions into various aspects of the MLD programme, in
particular, applied research methods.
I also wish to acknowledge the support of my fellow MLD students; Cherry Galokepoto,
Danny Phillip, Selison Faisi, Roboam Kakap, Valarie Maku and Daniel Opa for their
encouragement, cooperation and suggestions.
I would like to thank my participants who assisted me during the period of data collection. A
special appreciation is accorded to the community leaders of Nine-Mile and Vadavada
settlements for their assistance. I also wish to recognize and thank the heads of the two
organizations, for their acceptance of this study at their organization. I also convey my thanks
to Deon Hoods and the PAU Library staff, and the Library staff at UPNG for assisting me
with articles on Port Moresby settlements.
I extend special thanks to my brothers; Sarenos Passingan and Dr Norlie Miskaram for their
financial support and hospitality for the duration of my study. I also offer special thanks to
Brigid Ann Freeman for her support and encouragement. My sincere acknowledgement of the
sacrifice made by my two children, Alice Konio Lapan and Nou Junior Lapan, whose
education were affected during the duration of my study, in 2012 and 2013. Each of you can
share in this accomplishment, for without your support, it would not have been possible.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................. i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................. ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................................ iii
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................... viii
LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................ ix
LIST OF ACRONYMS................................................................................................................... x
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1
1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 1
1.2 BACKGROUND OF THIS STUDY.............................................................................................. 2
1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................................... 2
1.4 CONTEXT OF STUDY............................................................................................................. 3
1.4.1 Diversity in Papua New Guinea. .............................................................................. 4
1.4.2 Early History of Papua New Guinea – Western Intervention ...................................... 4
1.4.3 Structural Adjustments to the Lives of Indigenous Papua New Guineans .................... 7
1.5 RATIONALE OF STUDY.......................................................................................................... 8
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................................... 9
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................. 9
1.7.1 Study Site .................................................................................................................... 9
1.7.2 Timeframe ................................................................................................................... 9
1.8 LIMITATIONS ..................................................................................................................... 10
1.9 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 10
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................. 11
2.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 11
2.2 ORIGIN OF CULTURE .......................................................................................................... 11
2.3 DEFINITION OF CULTURE ................................................................................................... 12
2.4 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES .................................................................................................... 13
2.5 THE NATURE OF CONFLICT ................................................................................................. 14
2.6 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS .................................................................................... 16
2.7 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA ................................................ 17
2.8 FACTORS BEHIND CULTURAL CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA ........................................ 20
2.8.1 Primordial Factors....................................................................................................... 20
2.8.1.1 Competition and Ethnic Conflict ............................................................................... 20
iv
2.8.1.2 Ill-defined Borders and Ethnic Conflict ...................................................................... 22
2.8.1.3 Ethnic Identity ......................................................................................................... 22
2.8.2 Constructed Dynamics ............................................................................................. 23
2.9 URBANIZATION: LAND, CULTUAL DIVERSITY AND ETHNIC CONFLICT..................................... 25
2.9.1 What is Urbanization?........................................................................................... 25
2.9.2 Urbanization and Land .......................................................................................... 26
2.9.3 Urbanization and Cultural Diversity ....................................................................... 27
2.9.4 Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby ............................................................................ 27
2.10 CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES ................................................................................. 29
2.10.1 Types of Conflict Resolution Strategies ...................................................................... 29
2.10.1.1 Force, Competitive and Withdrawal Approaches................................................... 30
2.10.1.2 Avoidance .................................................................................................... 31
2.10.1.3 The Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches............................................................ 31
2.10.1.4 The Narrative Approach ...................................................................................... 32
2.11 CHAPTER SUMMARY........................................................................................................ 32
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................ 34
3.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 34
3.2 RATIONALE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY..................................................................... 34
3.2.1 Rationale.............................................................................................................. 34
3.2.2 Significance of this study ...................................................................................... 35
3.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ................................................................................................. 35
3.4 RESEARCH DESIGN ....................................................................................................... 35
3.4.1 Data Collection Design ......................................................................................... 35
3.4.2 Sampling Design .................................................................................................. 36
3.4.3 Time Frame and Sampling Sites ................................................................................... 36
3.4.4 Face-to-face Interviews ......................................................................................... 37
3.4.5 Survey Questionnaires .......................................................................................... 37
3.5 APPROACHES USED ........................................................................................................... 38
3.5.1 APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY APPROACH ................................................................... 38
3.5.1.1 Constructionist Principle ................................................................................... 38
3.5.1.2 Simultaneity Principle ....................................................................................... 38
3.5.1.3 Poetic Principle................................................................................................. 38
v
3.5.1.4 Anticipatory Principle ....................................................................................... 38
3.5.1.5 Positive Principle .............................................................................................. 39
3.5.2 THE NARRATIVE APPROACH ................................................................................ 39
3.6 PARTICIPANTS ................................................................................................................... 39
3.7 DATA ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................. 40
3.8 MEMBER CHECKING .......................................................................................................... 40
3.8.1 RESEARCH AND SAMPLING BIAS ......................................................................... 41
3.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ........................................................................................... 41
3.9.1 Ethical Considerations: Pre-Research ........................................................................... 41
3.9.2 Ethical Considerations: During the Research .......................................................... 42
3.9.3 Ethical Considerations: Post Data Collection................................................................. 43
3.10 CHAPTER SUMMARY ................................................................................................... 43
CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS ................................................................................. 44
4.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 44
4.2 INTERVIEWS & QUESTIONNAIRES ....................................................................................... 44
4.3 FACE-TO-FACE INTERVIEWS ............................................................................................... 45
4.3.1 Demographics and Interviewee Background ................................................................. 45
4.4 MAIN THEMES................................................................................................................... 46
4.4.1 Significance of Indigenous Cultures ............................................................................. 47
4.4.2 Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflicts ......................................................................... 47
4.4.3 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts ........................................................................................... 49
4.4.4 Settling Ethnic Conflicts .............................................................................................. 50
4.4.5 Ways to Approach and Avoid Ethnic Conflicts ............................................................. 51
4.4.6 Acculturation, Assimilation and Urbanization ............................................................... 53
4.5 QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY ................................................................................................... 55
4.5.1 Survey Questionnaires ................................................................................................. 55
4.5.2 Attitudes of Respondents ............................................................................................. 56
4.5.3 Ethnic Conflicts Experiences in Port Moresby............................................................... 58
4.5.4 Respondents’ Perceptions of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby....................................... 59
4.5.5 Frequency and Involvement: Ethnic Conflicts by Region in Port Moresby ..................... 60
4.5.5.1 Frequency of Occurrences ..................................................................................... 60
4.5.5.2 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Region ............................................................ 61
4.5.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices ................................................. 62
vi
4.5.6.1 Cultural Beliefs .................................................................................................... 62
4.5.6.2 Cultural Significance ............................................................................................ 63
4.5.6.3 Cultural Borders ................................................................................................... 63
4.5.6.4 Cultural Identity ................................................................................................... 63
4.5.7 Preventative Mechanisms to Ethnic Conflicts ................................................................ 64
4.5.7.1 Education and Awareness...................................................................................... 64
4.5.7.2 Legal and Social Control ....................................................................................... 64
4.5.7.3 Etiquette Application ............................................................................................ 65
4.5.7.4 Investment and Opportunity Creation..................................................................... 65
4.5.7.5 Social Interaction.................................................................................................. 66
4.5.7.6 Leadership ........................................................................................................... 66
4.5.8 Predictions Regarding the Future.................................................................................. 66
4.5.8.1 Problematic Views................................................................................................ 67
4.5.8.2 Peaceful and Progressive Views ............................................................................ 68
4.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 68
CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION .................................................................................................... 69
5.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 69
5.2 INTEGRATED DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS ............................................................................ 70
5.2.1 Rural Urban Migration in Port Moresby........................................................................ 70
5.2.1.1 Residence and Land .............................................................................................. 70
5.2.1.2 Ethnic Clustering in Settlements ............................................................................ 71
5.2. 2 Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby ................................................................................ 72
5.2.2.1 Involvement in Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby ..................................................... 72
5.2.2.2 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby ........................................................... 73
5.2.3 Ethnic Conflict Resolutions ......................................................................................... 79
5.2.4 Ways to Prevent Further Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby............................................. 80
5.2.4.1 Education and Awareness...................................................................................... 80
5.2.4.2 Etiquette Application ............................................................................................ 81
5.2.4.3 Legal and Social Control ....................................................................................... 82
vii
5.2.4.4 Social Interaction.................................................................................................. 82
5.2.4.5 Opportunity Creation ............................................................................................ 84
5.2.4.6 Leadership ........................................................................................................... 85
5.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 85
CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION.................................................................................................. 87
6.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 87
6.2 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................................... 88
6.2.1 Injustices by Colonial Intervention ............................................................................... 88
6.2.2 Ethnic Conflicts: Featured by Colonial powers and traditional relationships .................... 88
6.2.3 Frequent Occurrences & Experiences of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby...................... 89
6.2.4 Cultural Differences and Perceptions ............................................................................ 89
6.2.5 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby .......................................................... 89
6.2.6 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby.................................................................. 89
6.2.7 Traditional Conflict Resolution Strategies..................................................................... 89
6.2.8 Prevention of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby............................................................. 90
6.2.9 Migration and Urbanization ......................................................................................... 90
6. 3 RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................................................... 90
6.4 AREAS FOR FUTURE STUDY ................................................................................................ 91
6.4.1 Assimilation of Ethnic Conflicts by Migrants ................................................................ 91
6.4.2 Christian Churches and Ethnic Conflict ........................................................................ 91
6.4.3 Parental and Community Obligations ........................................................................... 91
6.4.4 Indigenous Leadership................................................................................................. 91
6.4.5 Indigenous Historical Leadership and Traditions ........................................................... 92
6.5 LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY.............................................................................................. 92
6.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY.......................................................................................................... 92
7. REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................... 93
APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN ............................................................................................. 99
APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL ..........................................................................103
APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES .................................................107
APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET ........................................................................................111
APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM ...........................................................................112
APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY .............................................................113
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1 PNG Map................................................................................................................ 5 Figure 4.1 Respondents’ Experiences with Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby....................... 59
Figure 4.2 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby.......................................................... 60
Figure 4.3 Respondents’ Record of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby................................... 61
Figure 4.4 Respondents’ Identification of Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Regions....... 61
Figure 4.5 Forecasts for Port Moresby Relative to Ethnic Conflict........................................ 67
ix
LIST OF TABLES
Table 3.1 Method of Data Collection and Communication.................................................... 36
Table 4.1 The Coding Process in Inductive Analysis............................................................. 45
Table 4.2 Demographics of Respondents................................................................................ 56 Table 4.3 Port Moresby – Diversity and Ethnic Conflict……………………........................ 57
Table 4.4 Respect and Ethnic Conflict……………………………………………………… 57
Table 4.5 Cultural Practices………………………………………………………………… 58
Table 4.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices......................................... 62
Table 4.7 Ways to Reduce or Avoid Ethnic Conflicts............................................................ 64
x
LIST OF ACRONYMS
AAP Australian Associated Press ADR Alternative Dispute Resolution
AI Appreciative Inquiry CCCR Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution CEO Chief Executive Officer
Dr Doctor HSC Higher School Certificate
IA Inductive Approach IBR Interest-Based Relational Approach IMF International Monetary Fund
MLD Master in Leadership and Development NA Narrative Approach
NSOPNG National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea PAU Pacific Adventist University PAUREC Pacific Adventist University Research and Ethnics Committee
PEA Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches PNG Papua New Guinea
PNGNG Papua New Guinea National Government POM Port Moresby SMC Strategies for Managing Conflict
TKI Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Model Instrument UPNG University of Papua New Guinea
1
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
Human diversity is among the most intricate yet interesting aspect of understanding
societies. Every person or group of people is characterized by a set of distinct identity
and culture that differentiates them from the rest. These identities and cultures may
come in physical, religious, psychological and behavioural, collective, language,
literary arts, and other forms of manifestation.
A. Payne
1.1 INTRODUCTION
In Port Moresby, a range of ethnic groups with different cultures reside. There are numerous
cultures from each of the four regions in Papua New Guinea: Highlands, Momase, Papua, and
the New Guinea Islands; and even cultural groups from neighbouring Solomon Islands and
Fiji. In addition, there are migrants from New Zealand, Australia, United Kingdom, the
United States of America and Africa and the Asian countries. It is in Port Moresby that
different groups with significant cultural differences converge due to the city's size and
significance as the national capital and leading economic centre.
Kidu (2000) – a westerner (i.e. outsider) but a long-time resident and observer of life in Port
Moresby - believes that the convergence of cultures based on the differences in an urban
setting may create some challenges. Such challenges raise interesting questions. Are there
overt cultural differences that exist in an urban setting like Port Moresby? Do these cultural
differences, coupled with new challenges of urbanization, pose a threat to social progression?
Do such challenges have the potential to create ethnic conflicts, within Papua New Guinea’s
local context? Since traditional relationships, according to Reilly (2008), were characterised
by hostility and cooperation through intermittent tribal warfare between clan groups, is that
still appropriate in an urban setting like Port Moresby? Given that ethnic conflicts may be
inevitable, what conflict resolution strategies would be employed to quell such conflicts?
Furthermore, would the outcome of such conflict resolution strategies, be enduring and or
sustainable?
2
1.2 BACKGROUND OF THIS STUDY
According to Batho, Jackson & Odongo (1980) Port Moresby, since the influx of rural-urban
migration, had been plagued with problems like ‘rascalism, and tribal fighting’ thus affecting
both migrants and original inhabitants (p. 209). Among other factors, the escalation of crime,
according to Gaigo, has been due to the ‘forgotten knowledge of traditional customs and
cultures, non-regulation of unemployed migrants, unemployment and land disputes’ (as cited
in Batho et al., 1980, p. 209). Migrants living in the settlements of Port Moresby congregate
and live in ethnic groupings. Do these ethnic-clustering-cells have any role in maintaining
cultural differences thus creating a fertile environment for conflicts?
Kidu (2000), a then Member of Parliament, asserts that ‘Papua New Guinea suffers from a
culture of violence, coinciding with cultural practices that are now accepted as a way of life’
(pp. 29-33). If this is becoming the norm of Papua New Guinea society, Kidu suggests that
the elements for creating conflict already exist. Coupled with the impacts of urbanization, it
can only intensify. Based on this information, could one assume that these conflicts may
occur due to previously existing cultural differences and perceptions?
As a Papua New Guinean indigenous person, my interest in the study of ethnic conflicts in
Port Moresby is three-fold. First, considering the number of migrants that move into Port
Moresby and relocate themselves on indigenous Koiari and Motu land, anecdotal evidence
shows that landowners are already experiencing land loss due to urbanization. Could losing
land as a resource, and the disparity of wealth be at the helm of such conflicts? Second, could
such cultural practices and perceptions of the migrants in Port Moresby contribute to ethnic
conflicts in Port Moresby? Third, given that ethnic conflict becomes almost inevitable among
migrants or involving them, what conflict resolution strategy would be employed to contain
them?
1.3 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This research aims to contribute to existing literature on cultural differences and perceptions.
Relative to that, the study aims to examine whether urbanization may contribute to such
ethnic conflicts. The research questions for this study are:
1. What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea?
2. Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby
city?
3
3. Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes, initiate
ethnic conflicts encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and
4. What conflict resolution mechanisms would be appropriate to contain these cultural
conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies?
1.4 CONTEXT OF STUDY
The study took place in the National Capital District, Port Moresby, the national capital city
of Papua New Guinea, located on the shores of the Gulf of Papua. Port Moresby was the
historical administrative headquarters of Papua during the era of colonial rule. The official
population of Port Moresby is 318,128 residents, which is 4.5 percent of PNG’s total
population (National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea, 2011, p.13). This population
includes Westerners, Indians, Asians, Polynesians, Melanesians and Papua New Guinean
migrants particularly from out-lying PNG provinces, out-numbering the local indigenous
population.
Since the year 2000, Port Moresby has experienced an average annual growth rate of 2.0
percent; has a gender ratio of 116 males per 100 females; a population density of 1,325.5
persons per square kilometre; and an average household size of 5.5 persons, with its highest
population residing at Tokarara, Hohola and Town areas (National Statistical Office of Papua
New Guinea, 2011, p.13). Port Moresby is predominantly urban or built up land surrounded
by indigenous urban villages, coupled with clusters of squatter settlements within and on the
city’s urban fringes.
Due to lack of affordable housing and the high cost of living in Port Moresby, most migrants
from other parts of Papua New Guinea employed in town resort to settlement
accommodation. Some people, who are unable to find employment in the city, engage in
informal sector activities to make ends meet, while others remain unemployed. Infrastructure
development and other amenities within the settlement areas are either totally inadequate or
do not exist. People living in these settlements mainly cluster into ethnic groups, and there
can be several different ethnic groups residing within one settlement.
There are three electorates in Port Moresby: Port Moresby North West, Port Moresby North
East, and Port Moresby South. Each electorate has a few settlements. The two settlements
involved in this study were Nine-Mile settlement and Vadavada settlement. Nine-Mile
settlement is located in the Port Moresby North East electorate. It is situated on state land and
4
was first settled in 1970. As of the 2000 census, it had 922 household and a total population
of 5 927. Vadavada settlement is on customary land and is located in the Port Moresby South
electorate. It had a household of 363 and a population of 2 048, according to the 2000 census
(Chand & Yala, 2008, p. 11).
1.4.1 Diversity in Papua New Guinea.
According to Reilly (2008), ‘Papua New Guinea is probably the most heterogeneous country
in the world. It has about 852 different languages which translates into exceptional cultural
fragmentation’. (p.13) Reilly remarks that such cultural fragmentations consist of a society
made up of small and largely independent tribal or clan units. This assertion is consistent with
Wolfer’s (1975):
Papua New Guinea is such a linguistically and culturally diverse country, and so
fragmented geographically, that many parts of the country, and many of its people,
seem quite foreign to Papua New Guineans from other areas (p. 5).
Given such realities, Papua New Guinea, in its history, experienced dominant interventions
which were imposed rather unevenly or in a non-uniform manner. In my view, these
interventions introduced new and rather distorted and often contradictory practices - which
came through political conflict of such magnitude that the indigenous people of PNG found
themselves captured in a chapter of powerlessness and silence. It is therefore paramount to
take the advice of C.S Lewis that we need intimate knowledge of the past;
not that the past has any magic about it, but because we cannot study the future, and
yet need something to set against the present, to remind us that the basic assumptions
have been quite different periods and that much which seems certain to the
uneducated is merely temporary fashion (Nick, 2013).
1.4.2 Early History of Papua New Guinea – Western Intervention
The ruins of colonial intervention in PNG history have surely left a legacy on indigenous
culture. In the early 1500s, Spanish and Portuguese explorers landed on the islands of Papua
New Guinea, and found indigenous people already living here. The Dutch and English visited
several of the islands during the next 300 years. In 1884, Germany annexed the north-eastern
parts of New Guinea and all the New Guinea islands off its shores (see Figure 1.1 indicated
North of the red dividing line). They exercised control over all aspects of indigenous
5
communal life, including their resources (land) through ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975) causing
widespread cultural and traditional disintegration. Resentments and attempts to strike-back by
indigenous people were suppressed and they often faced violence and killings, since wooden
and bone weaponry was no match against western imperial steel and gunpowder.
Later that same year (1884), Great Britain took over southern-eastern New Guinea and the
nearby islands (see Figure 1.1 South of the red dividing line). In 1905, Britain handed over
this territory (southern-eastern New Guinea) to Australia, which named it the Territory of
Papua, with no consultation or recognition of the important role of the indigenous people of
Papua New Guinea. Similar to German New Guinea, control of indigenous communal life
and their resources within the Territory of Papua was also through the use of force.
Opposing sentiments and resentments by indigenous people attracted prison sentences, with
hard labour, fines and the death penalty (imported from Australia and enforced, by law, on
the indigenous people of this land). The fate of the indigenous resource owners on the
Australian Papuan side was similar to the fate of those on the German New Guinea side. On
the wings of the colonial powers came the Christian missionaries; Catholics of various
Orders, Lutheran, Wesleyan Methodist Mission, the London Missionary Society, Seventh-
Day Adventists and others. Particularly, for the Catholics, the Society of the Missionaries of
the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus of Issodoun, were French, and drove a corridor for French
culture and Christianity, from Yule Island to the inland regions of Goilala, now part of
modern-day Central province. (Rowley, 1965)
Figure 1.1. PNG Map Adapted from http://0.tqn.com/d/geography/1/0/w/5/pp-150
German New Guinea
British New Guinea
6
In 1914, during World War 1, Australian troops seized the areas held by Germany. In 1920,
the League of Nations officially put these areas under Australian administration. Japanese
forces invaded the New Guinea Islands in 1942, during World War 2. They held much of
New Guinea and several other islands until 1944, when allied troops, from England, Australia
and the United States of America, retook them. After the war ended in 1945, all the islands
again came under the control of Australia.
According to Reilly (2008), Papua New Guinea is a colonial construct. The strategically
employed colonization process predominantly involved Germany, the Allied forces, the
United States of America, Japan, Britain and later Australia. Colonization of Papua and New
Guinea was brought about through a political conflict at the cost of indigenous culture,
indigenous human suffering and indigenous deaths. According to Wolfers (1975):
Many Papua New Guineans fought heroically on both sides of the Japanese lines for
the Australians or the seemingly wealthy Americans. Generally, however, they tended
to acquiesce – in a war that was never really ‘theirs’- to whom seemed to hold local
sway (p. 110).
Central to that effect, ‘forced intervention’ by the colonial masters was focussed on
indigenous communal life, which in most cases contradicted cultural practices and therefore
cultural practices were outlawed. In addition to applying force to working, and removing
their resources, for example, their land, forced intervention affected the existing methods of
conflict resolutions, cultural activities including singsing, customary marriages and divorces.
Even indigenous movements and choices were regulated by the colonial masters. Designated
places were prescribed for colonizers’ use only, certain privileges of food and beverages were
for the colonizers only. Generally, the customs allowed for the indigenous people was subject
to the rest of their (colonizers’) law, and discretionary powers.
Every source of independent initiative and leadership of the indigenous people was
demoralized and suppressed. Traditional leadership and chieftaincy were ‘hijacked’ and
replaced with tultuls, luluais and kiaps (Wolfers, 1975), who became the figures of local
authority, superseding traditional authority and cultural leadership, and outlawing any
traditional authority rendering it subservient, powerless and illegitimate. The colonizers’
oppressive rule and extensive paternalism cultured the indigenous people to depend on them
for advice and guidance, thus disestablishing their own traditional knowledge and doubting
their own capabilities and that of their leaders.
7
Head-taxes (May, 1977), a further oppressive system, were also imposed on the indigenous
population and accompanied the introduction of the western cash economy resulted in
indentured labour (Wolfers, 1975) through the Migrant Labour System (Rowley, 1965). Non-
conformers to the colonial imposed territorial regulations were jailed or forced to labour for a
given period. Breaches of other colonial laws faced several misfortunes; indigenous people
chained to objects, charged with a fine, jailed with hard labour, flogged or even beheaded.
Even in German New Guinea, the treatment of indigenous people was hostile and brutal. It
was the dawn of a ‘new culture’, which took the indigenous population by storm.
Control of the indigenous people was mostly by force if a prompt response was desired. In
the words of Dr (later Sir) William McGregor, first administrator to British New Guinea
There is only one thing the Papuans respect, that is force. They have the most
profound respect for that....... We never fight with them at all if we can possibly avoid
it until we are in a position to make our final and decisive move. We hardly ever have
to fight twice in the same district (Wolfers, 1975, p. 16).
This statement was from the colonizers’ point of view, and this is the general belief held by
them in establishing and enforcing (in their own words), their authority on Papua New
Guineans. While indigenous Papua New Guineans were kind enough to allow them on their
traditional land, the colonizers, in return, used the force described by McGregor. The
McGregor view of respect connected to force is a very one-sided view, which begs the
question: Was it really out of respect or was fear driven into the indigenous people of Papua
New Guinea? The colonizers, with the missionaries on their wings, certainly came, by their
own admission, with an attitude of superiority and force, because they wanted to claim
territories. Such force could equally be called ‘violence’ which seems to be endemic in much
of PNG culture today. Perhaps, the colonial past should share some blame for further
practising the culture of violence which may have already been prevalent in traditional PNG
society.
1.4.3 Structural Adjustments to the Lives of Indigenous Papua New Guineans
Economic interests in the minds of the colonizers including missionaries brought the
cultivation of large cash crop plantations which forced indigenous Papua New Guineans to
transition from their peaceful, subsistent lifestyle to the culture of western economics, placing
the indigenous people continually on the back foot. Indigenous people were forcefully
8
migrated across the country, particularly to coastal plantations-plantations that were grown on
indigenous land that were either obtained by force, deception or acquired through minimal
form of payment. Similarly, indigenous Papua New Guineans were used as ‘indentured or
slave labourers' either by force, rations, or a very minimal cash amount. The imposed ‘head-
tax’ also forced indigenous people to be labourers (rather than owners of their resources) and
non-payment of the one sided head tax attracted tough penalties. Indigenous people thus,
through the 'McGregor force', did not only lose traditional and cultural authority and
leadership, they lost a whole lot more; they lost their land, all their resources and they lost
most of their traditional cultures and norms. The indigenous people either had to adopt the
new culture in a subservient position, or face atrocious punishments and even death.
Traditional leadership, so highly esteemed before colonization, therefore lost its significance.
Today, still prevalent, sadly, indigenous Papua New Guineans, because of the persistent
‘force’ have accepted the ‘abnormal’ as ‘normal’ and are still being forced by international
organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Examples of
such are the ‘Land Mobilization Programme’ and the ‘World Bank’s Structural Adjustment
Programme’ (Hartford). Such force though has had a major impact on a pre-colonial Papua
New Guinea, a repeat of what happened to indigenous people in Australia, New Zealand and
around the world.
1.5 RATIONALE OF STUDY
The title of this thesis is: ‘Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in
Port Moresby?’ Several determining factors and observations prompted the conducting of this
study: first, the researcher personally observed an influx of migrants settling into ethnic
communities in Port Moresby. Second, the documented findings of other researchers about
rural-urban migration (Haree & Knapman 1977; Yamauchi and Umezaki 2005); third, the
settling of ethnic migrants on indigenous land (Albaniel-Evara 2012; Connell & Lea 2002;
Batho et al., 1980; Morauta 1986); fourth, differing identity and value orientations (Barth
1969; Glaser 1994; Tretten 1977); fifth, anecdotal evidence of ethnic clashes in Port Moresby
(Blackwell 2011; Haley & May 2011; Korugl 2011); sixth, the differing approaches to
conflict resolution (Hassall 2006; Young 1998); and seventh, the complexities of
acculturation and assimilation (Bandura 1977; Barth 1969; Funch 1995).
9
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
My own observation and anecdotal reports of considerable ethnic clashes in Port Moresby
point towards a crisis in the city as more and more indigenous PNG move to Port Moresby.
Yet there is a dearth of research done by indigenous Papua New Guineans on this critical
matter that places PNG in a most negative light and being seen to be in crisis on the world
stage. Most documented information and research are from a western viewpoint and some
even from as far as an Asian viewpoint. This study will thus fill the existing research gap;
provide useful information and research from an indigenous Papua New Guinean perspective,
thus adding to the existing body of knowledge. The results of this study may provide useful
information for shaping the future of PNG.
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
For this thesis, a mixture of quantitative and qualitative research was undertaken in 2012 in
two settlements (Nine-Mile Settlement and Vadavada Settlement), and two private
companies, in Port Moresby. Detailed information about these quantitative and qualitative
methods is presented in Chapter 3.
1.7.1 Study Site
For the face-to-face interviews within Vadavada settlement migrants, the Apostolic Church
hall was chosen while the Seventh-day Adventist church building was chosen for Nine- Mile.
The twenty survey questionnaires were completed by employees of two companies - one
located in Port Moresby North East electorate and the other located in the Port Moresby
South electorate.
1.7.2 Timeframe
The timeframe for data collection given for this study was approximately eight weeks. The
prolonged duration was due to the rejection by the first and second choice companies for fear
of losing production time. Significant time had already been lost when acceptance by the
third choice companies was finally granted.
10
1.8 LIMITATIONS
The findings of all research need to be interpreted with due regard for the limitations. The
limitation of this study is worth acknowledging:
The small sample size for the number of face-to-face interviews and the questionnaire
participants was unavoidable given the drawn-out ethical approval stage, difficulty in
accessing the settlement, the safety of the researcher, obtaining permissions from
company managers, budgetary constraints and the time limit of the study.
1.9 CHAPTER SUMMARY
This chapter provides an introduction, background, purpose and significance of the study.
Furthermore, the research questions are listed under section 1.3, the context outlined and the
limitations stated. Chapter 2 covers the literature review for this study. As culture cannot be
separated from ethnicity, a definition of culture is provided, followed by discussions of the
nature of culture. A reflection and connection between culture, ethnic conflict and
urbanization follows. Several conflict resolution strategies, from both Christian (PNG is a
Christian country) and secular viewpoints are discussed. Chapter 3 outlines the methodology
used in this qualitative and quantitative study including descriptions and explanations of how
I collected and analysed the data. Chapter 4 analyses and summarizes the results from the
survey questionnaires and interviews. The interpretations of the findings are discussed in
Chapter 5. Chapter 6 contains the conclusion of the study and the recommendations for future
study.
11
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
For any conflict that touches us where we're vulnerable, where we make meaning or
influence our identities, there is always a cultural component……Cultures shared by
dominant groups often seem to be "normal" -- "the way things are done." We only notice
the effect of cultures that are different from our own.
Cate Malek
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this Chapter is to review some of the significant literature on a range of
aspects related to culture, ethnicity, ethnic conflict and conflict resolution, especially in the
context of PNG. Central to this study, particular focus is on the multi-cultural migrants’
population of Port Moresby, coupled with the impact of the process of modernization through
urbanization.
2.2 ORIGIN OF CULTURE
It may be appropriate to state that culture correlates with humans’ existence (Barth, 1969).
According to Hoods (2012), ‘earliest references to culture can be found in Chinese history,
Buddhist history, and the Holy Bible’ (p. 33). Hoods explained the significance of dragons
during the Tang Dynasty relative to Chinese culture.
The origin of culture can also be traced to the Holy Bible. The sin committed by Adam and
Eve (Genesis 2), and their expulsion from Eden, required the construction of culture
(Bradshaw, 2002, p. 70). Adam and Eve had to craft a culture out of nature to express the
values that became central to humanity, and clothing was one of the first natural elements that
mankind transformed into cultural artefacts. (p. 70)
Batten et al., (2003) express that another account of culture was formed during the ‘rebellion
at the Tower of Babel’ (p.90). Because of this dispersion, and the resulting splitting of the
gene pool, different cultures formed, with certain features becoming predominant in each
group’ (p. 90). Since ‘language’ is an element of culture, the Biblical account suggests the
origin of new culture associated with the new languages.
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Culture has thus been inherent in human’s existence, as acknowledged throughout history.
Now that the brief origin of culture has been stated, it is essential to define what culture is.
2.3 DEFINITION OF CULTURE
Many scholars, including behavioural scientists and anthropologists, have different
understanding of culture and therefore offer different definitions (Bradshaw, 2002). This
observation is supported by Luzbetak (1963): “Anthropologists still argue among themselves
about how culture is to be defined and what some of its essential characteristics are” (p. 59).
Bradshaw (2002) acknowledges that the variety of definitions may range from ‘a total way of
life of a people to a set of techniques for adjusting both to the external environment and to
other people’ (p. 70). The definition of culture is therefore, according to Bradshaw, “a
particular expressions of biblical concepts of the cosmos, the socially constructed matrix that
serves as the arena in which people live, as a necessary response to the fall of humankind ” (p.
70).
O’Neil (2006), on the other hand, defines culture as “that complex whole which includes
knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by
man as a member of society” (p. 1). In the presentation of Christ and Culture, Niebuhr (1975)
states that “Culture is the ‘artificial, secondary environment’ which man superimposes on the
natural, and comprises language, habits, ideas, beliefs, customs, social organization, inherited
artefacts, technical processes, and values” (p. 32).
According to Glaser (as cited in Williams, 1994)
Culture is a group which shapes a person's values and identity, and a single term used
to define a particular culture is often exclusive. For example, the term "Hispanic"
does not take into account cultural differences between Cuban-Americans and
Mexican-Americans...and cultural identities can stem from the following differences:
ethnicity, gender, class, religion, country of origin, and geographic region (p. 2).
As expressed above, some definitions of culture are similar while others may be markedly
different. Many scholars point out that there are more cultural similarities than there are
differences but we tend to focus on the differences. Hoods (2012) adds an important
reminder: ‘All definitions of culture carry one similarity, the clear polarization between two
extremes: the one culture on the one hand and the other culture on the polar opposite’ (p. 34).
13
Notwithstanding the multiple definitions, O’Neil (2006) admits that culture itself is changing.
Similar assertions are shared by Funch (1995), LeBaron (2003) Rosman & Rubel (1998), and
Luzbetak (1963) who agree that, in addition to culture having an elastic nature, there are
constant changes. Bradshaw (2002) adds that ‘culture is never neutral; it is always a strange
complex of truth and error, beauty and ugliness, good and evil, seeking God and rebelling
against him’ (p. 72).
Luzbetak (1963) explains why culture is perhaps elastic and ever changing: ‘Culture is
dynamic – dynamic because the individuals following particular design for living are very
much alive and active’ (p. 115).
Cultures change through time, and often there are ‘internal inconsistencies and contradictions
in cultures forming sub-cultures’ (Rosman & Rubel 1998, p.7). Sub-culture, as described by
Grunlan & Mayers (1988) is a ‘cluster of behaviour patterns related to general culture and yet
at the same time distinguishable from it’ (p. 39).
Essentially, in addition to the ever moving definition of culture, culture and sub-cultural
practice and perceptions feature distinct differences relative to ethnic groups (Barth, 1969;
Bradshaw, 2002; Batten et al., 2003).The nature of cultures and sub-cultures attribute to
cultural differences in society. Perhaps, Luzbetak (1963) summed it up well by stating that
‘cultures are but different answers to essentially the same human problems’ (p. 61).
It is evident from the discussion above that the definition of culture can be varied and
complex based on how it is understood. However, regardless of such varied understanding, it
relates to the social relationships of humans, which feature differences in culture.
2.4 CULTURAL DIFFERENCES
Apart from ‘cultural universals, fundamental similarities shared by all cultures,’ (Rosman &
Rubel, 1998. p. 6), cultural variations and differences co-exist with ethnic diversity (Barth,
1969, p. 9). This diversity may explain the variations in the common components of culture.
These variations may include the differing ‘beliefs, literature, music, art, and food’ (O’Neil,
2006), including ‘values and identities’ (Williams, 1994). ‘What are Cultural Differences,’
(n.d.) explains that laws between different countries, religions, societies and people are also
part of such cultural differences. Although it is generally perceived as ‘an all encompassing
overview of large groups of people’ (see section, para. 1), it can also refer to minority groups
and sub-cultures.
14
Even if a sub-culture is conceived as a cluster of behaviour patterns (Grunlan & Mayers,
1988), some patterns characterize members of subgroups within the society which may
include occupation, social class, or one of the genders. Within subgroups, individuals are free
to choose from a variety of ways of behaving, which is specialized for their particular culture.
Thus, within a subculture, there are ‘specialized groups’. Such ways of behaviour by
specialized groups are known as ‘specialities’ and the liberty to choose between several
behavioural possibilities is known as ‘alternatives’ (Luzbetak, 1963, pp. 112 -113). Cultural
specialities and cultural alternatives may contribute to cultural differences since ‘they are true
elements of culture’ (Luzbetak, 1963, p.113).
Barth (1969) asserts that ‘ethnic groups exist as significant units if they imply marked
differences in behaviour, i.e. persisting cultural differences’ (pp. 15-16). Even within the
same ethnic group, ‘ethnic demarcation between higher ethnic status and lower ethnic
groups’ (Barth, 1969, p. 97; Avruch, 1998) do exist. For instance, inter-ethnic marriages of
residents of the same village may not be sanctioned due to status differences. This infers that,
despite the presence of mobility and social affiliation, the ‘ambivalence towards ethnic
identification associated with stratification’ (Barth, 1969, p. 97) is definitely evident.
It can be concluded that although there are some similarities in some cultures, there are yet
some differences relative to its components. These cultural differences may create conflicts.
2.5 THE NATURE OF CONFLICT
Conflict is an inbuilt trait of human nature, and according to Bradshaw (2002), ‘there is not a
part of the world free from destructive conflict’ (p. 204). In support of Bradshaw, Avruch
(1998) expresses that ‘conflict is a feature of all human societies, and potentially an aspect of
all social relationships’ (see section 1, para. 1). Conflicts thus exist between groups or even
within an individual. The root causes of conflicts differ widely. Avruch and Mazrui (as cited
in Mamak, 1978), relates conflict to ‘competition’ which can be between ‘individuals or
groups over incompatible goals, scarce resources, or the source of power needed to acquire
them’ (p.1).
Furthermore, Avruch (1998) is of the opinion that competition is determined by ‘perceptions
of individuals or groups’, an inherent feature of culture, which may greatly differ (see
summary, para.1). In translating culture, Avruch explained it as ‘socially inherited, shared
and learned ways of living, possessed by individuals in virtue of membership in social
15
groups’ (see summary, para. 1). The author asserts that conflicts are thus not confined within
cultural boundaries and may permeate across ‘cognitive and perceptual’ peripheries (see
summary, para. 1), thus creating inter and extra cultural problems. Berghe and Smith, (as
cited in Mamak, 1978) share similar thoughts about the overlapping boundaries of conflict.
Although ‘pluralism’ was the focal point of reference for both Berghe and Smith, Berghe
dismissed the claim that cultural differentiae should be a defining criterion of pluralism, since
pluralism also exist within the same culture (p. 2). Smith made a point to distinguish between
cultural, social and structural pluralism (p. 2). The inference drawn from Smith portrays
conflict as ‘ambiguous’ since it embodies a blend of culture, social and structure. According
to Berghe’s argument, it is incorrect, to attribute all diverse and differential activities of
conflicts to culture.
Although conflict may be accorded with bias negativism due to its connection with hostility
and violence (Warner, 2000), conflict ought to be viewed relative to its significance.
Proponents of such a view include Williams (1994), and Carlson and Manktelow (n.d., para.
2 & 3), and Banks (2008). Williams asserts that the positive or negative experiences of
conflicts are dependent on the outcomes. Carlson and Manktelow (n.d.) are of the opinion
that conflict is not necessarily a bad thing as it can lead to personal and professional growth.
Banks (2008) remarks that although there are obvious ‘differences relative to the nature and
processes of conflicts and their resolution across the varied societies, there are some broad
generalisations that are widely applicable’ (p. 25) in PNG. Banks indicates that particularly
for traditional conflicts in PNG, these conflicts form part of the continual process of
maintaining and renewing the social relationships that made people and groups, and hence,
the war reparations paid to allies and enemies renewed the relationships between these groups
(p. 31).
Cultural perceptions not only differ between cultures, they are also expandable. Such cultural
divergence and stretchiness often filter through beyond cultural borders or even exist within
homogenous cultures thus create conflicts. In order to view conflict relative to its
significance, a discussion of ethnic and cultural conflict is necessary.
Based on the discussion, although conflicts are intrinsic in humans’ existence and is
widespread, it is unconvincing to attribute all conflicts to culture since culture is active and
such awareness is stretchy.
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2.6 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS
The intricate correlation and complexity between ethnic groups and culture may often
categorise either conflict as similar (Avruch, 1998). According to Warner (2000), cultural
conflicts arise because of differences in values and norms of people’s behaviour. For
instance, a person’s behaviour may be conventional to the norms and values of his or her own
culture but a person having a different worldview might interpret that person’s behaviour
from an opposite standpoint. Within these contexts, people often perceive their behaviour and
beliefs as an ultimate norm forgetting the existence of other cultures. Such situations,
according to Williams (1994), create misunderstanding and can lead to conflict.
Similarly, considering the correlation and complexities of culture, the spread of conflict is
immeasurable and may permeate beyond generalised cultural borders. Such conflicts,
according to Avruch (1998) may also occur ‘simultaneously at many different levels, and not
just at higher levels of social groupings – for example, those that separate Japanese from
American cultures’. (pp. 4-5) Avruch (1998) further elaborates on cultural conflicts:
Conflict occurring between individuals or social groups that are separated by cultural
boundaries can be considered “cross-cultural conflict.” But individuals, even in the
same society, are potentially members of many different groups, organized in
different ways by different criteria: for example, by kinship into families or clans; by
language, religion, ethnicity, or nationality; by socioeconomic characteristics into
social classes; by geographical region into political interest groups; and by education,
occupation, or institutional memberships into professions, trade unions, organizations,
industries, bureaucracies, political parties, or militaries (see section 3, para.1).
On cultural conflict, Glaser (as cited in Williams, 1994) remarks:
Cultural conflicts arise because of the differences in values and norms of behaviour of
people from different cultures. A person acts according to the values and norms of his
or her culture; another person holding a different worldview might interpret his or her
behaviour from an opposite standpoint. This situation creates misunderstanding and
can lead to conflict. (p. 2)
17
In support of Glaser, Warner (2000) believes that cultural conflicts arise because of
differences in values and norms of people’s behaviour. Although the definition of value may
be numerous and diverse, according to Barnhart and Barnhart (1978b), value relates to ‘the
established ideals of life relative to objects, customs, and ways of acting that the members of
a society regard as desirable’. (p.2311)
However, social inheritance and shared beliefs create alliances, and therefore, conflicts may
not be purely ethnic-related. Sisk (2003) expresses a similar belief by inferring that conflicts
may occur beyond cultural borders.
In support of Warner, Barth (1969) explains that organizational requirements are core to
categorization on population sectors, relative to association of identities and value standards,
and refers to both status categories and value standards when referring to value. These two
organizational requirements (status categories and value standards) indicate the positions
within a group, and that there has to be an acceptance of the principle that standards applied
to one category of people can be different from that applied to another. Barth affirms this
indication by stating that ‘The greater the differences between value orientations, the more
constraints there are on inter-ethnic interactions’ (p. 18). It is evident from this definition that
what is desirable to members of one society may not necessarily equate what is desirable to
members of another society, in other words, differences do exist. Hoods (2012) cites Gramsci
and Carter and describes these differences as cultural hegemony, defining cultural hegemony
as the enforcing of one’s culture on another. Can cultural hegemony be a recipe for ethnic
and cultural conflict?
Now that the relationship between culture and ethnic conflicts have been made, coupled with
the components that can often elicit conflicts, it is essential to focus on cultural and ethnic
conflicts in Papua New Guinea.
2.7 CULTURAL AND ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA
On many measures of ethno-linguistic diversity in Papua New Guinea, Reilly (2008) presents
a conventional wisdom: ‘the level of diversity and conflict poses significant challenges to
successful nation building and governance’. (p. 12)
18
Ethnic conflicts in PNG have been widely documented by many observers, and scholars. In a
brief coverage of ethnic conflicts in PNG, Reilly (2008) reveals some general observations
and makes important distinctions between conflicts at various levels in PNG:
National level – Colonial intrusion
Regional level – Bougainville conflict and separatists campaigns of pre-independence
periods
Local level – Intertribal war-fares.
Given that the three levels of ethnic conflicts have been experienced in PNG, local level
conflicts, according to Reilly, ‘take place exclusively and make up the vast majority of the
country’s ethnic conflicts’. (p. 15) Although scholars acknowledge the fractured nature of
PNG society, none of these authors connects the cultural and ethnic conflicts to McGregor’s
use of ‘force’, and therefore cultural hegemony; totally destabilising and structurally
adjusting the PNG society by ‘force’, which included violent laws introduced to punish
indigenous people, head taxes, forced migration and forced removal of lands, rights, culture,
ownership and resources. Although force is featured in today’s ethnic conflicts, it is vague to
ascertain its root to the ‘McGregor force’ since such force was also an integral feature in
traditional inter-tribal and ethnic conflicts.
Relative to resource conflicts in PNG, Banks (2008) made similar observations to that of
Reilly’s regional and local conflicts: ‘The country has experienced many conflicts in areas
around resource developments ranging from family disputes over distribution of
compensation payments through to all-out civil war’. (p. 23)
On the current violence, political leaders within the PNG National Government (PNGNG)
have made similar observations as Reilly and Banks. The late Honourable Bernard Narakobi,
the then Speaker of the National Parliament remarked that:
Papua New Guinea suffers from a culture of violence which abuses all known human
rights . . . these abuses often occur outside the accepted legal order, sometimes
coinciding with wrong political and cultural practices that are now accepted as a way
of life. (as cited in Kidu, 2000, p. 29)
19
In reference to conflict in PNG, Narakobi excludes and absolves the colonizers, foreign
governments, churches (that came on the wings of colonial governments) and westerners who
now claim themselves as owners of PNG resources, of any wrong doing, despite the clear,
continuous, obvious use of the McGregor ‘force’. Furthermore, Narakobi includes PNG
government only to a ‘certain extent’. His focus therefore is mainly on the indigenous people,
and mentions that these conflicts, ‘abuse[s] all known human rights’.
Without ascribing anyone, Carol Kidu (2000) also then a Member for Port Moresby South,
and like Narakobi, attributes conflicts to differences that exist between ethnic groups:
Theory and reality are very different, however, and the reality is that violence and
conflict have become major problems in our homes, villages and urban areas. It must
be stressed, though, that there are marked differences between ethnic groups and
between rural and urban areas. (p. 30)
Kidu highlights ‘marked differences, ethnic groups, rural and urban areas’ - a yet complex
combination of cultural aspects and society. Although cultural and ethnic conflicts are
evident in PNG society, it is often naturally a perplexing puzzle to distinctly ascertain their
root causes.
However complex or absurd it may seem, violence and hostility, in response to the
continuous use of the brutal McGregor ‘force’, in the form of revenge, is significant within
the Melanesian context. Historically though, and in accordance with traditional conventions,
violence and hostility, as featured in revenge, are ‘obligatory and moral’ since they are bound
upon in the ‘rituals and mythologies’ of local communities. (Trompf, 1994)
It is indicative that different authors have acknowledged the prevalence of cultural and ethnic
conflicts in PNG. However, it is clear that the ‘force’ so aptly described and employed by
McGregor, foreign governments, corporate organizations and churches to ‘force’ the
indigenous people, is nearly always seen as ‘good’, while the blame for ethnic conflicts are
almost always blamed on ordinary people. Conflicts, therefore, do not usually occur in a
vacuum, and may be based on two interrelated factors.
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2.8 FACTORS BEHIND CULTURAL CONFLICTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA
Conflicts in PNG occur at three levels of society; the national, the regional, and the local
level, and are factored on both ‘primordial’ and ‘constructed dynamics’ (Reilly, 2008, p. 14).
Its impacts can be both beneficial and injurious to society. Many observers, including
scholars, researchers and community leaders have identified several factors of ethnic conflicts
– most of which are interrelated and often naturally indistinct. Bearing such knowledge in
mind, the discussion on ethnic conflicts below is within the context of Reilly’s of primordial
and constructed dynamics.
2.8.1 Primordial Factors
As discussed elsewhere in this thesis, Reilly (2008) highlighted that although ethnic conflicts
in PNG appears in both primordial and constructed forms, the former features more
prominently at all levels of society. Primordial factors according to Reilly (2008) relate to
‘ascriptive phenomena, based on socio-biological traits such as tribe and language’ (p. 14).
Discussed below are three primordial factors that appear to cause conflicts in PNG.
2.8.1.1 Competition and Ethnic Conflict
Competition or struggle, according to Rosman & Rubel (1998) can be ‘physical or mental’ (p.
64). Conflicts become inevitable when competition exists within society. This statement
agrees with Avruch’s offer that conflicts occur between ‘individuals or groups over
incompatible goals, scarce resources, or the source of power needed to acquire them’ (see
section 1, para. 1). Eidhelm asserts that
one root cause of ethnic conflict is attributed to humankind’s desire to compete with
others for ‘economic and political dominance, inferring that ethnic conflicts do not
exist in a vacuum but occur if it does not coincide with contrasting economic systems
or with firm and enduring political groups’ (as cited in Barth, 1969, p. 39).
Although Avruch uses the word ‘scare resources’ in line with ‘Malthusian thinking’ (the
survival of the fittest) of portraying economics, PNG has an abundance of resources.
However, natural resources are never geographically even in their distribution and so some
communities will be blessed more than others. Given that reality, issues of access and power
21
are always superimposed on the basic geography, hence conflicts may then be directly related
to the attempted power required to access or exploit such resources. Such may be in line with
McGregor’s use of ‘force’, to remove ownership of resources and reduce indigenous people
to workers.
In support of Eidhelm’s view, Reilly (2008) presents detribalizing of society, particularly in
the Highlands of PNG, relative to competitions where
clans compete with each other for access to resources – not only for jobs and other
benefits provided by major resource projects, but also other goods and services and,
perhaps most importantly, public offices which provide an entry-point to the resources
of the state itself (p. 14).
Reay concurs with Eidhelm: ‘Traditional contact in the highlands, for example, often took the
form of intermittent tribal warfare between clan groups’ (as cited in Reilly, 2008, p. 13).
Other scholars share similar sentiments about conflicts in PNG, as it relates to tribal
affiliation, which feature several other broad generalisations. Banks (2008) carefully draws
the attention away from indigenous ownership of mineral resources and focuses on material
resources:
Material resources such as land or pigs, including women were intimately entwined
with the workings of the local societies and the pathways to personhood and identity
formation….although conflicts in some areas were driven by resource scarcity, for the
most part, the conflict and their resolution centred around creation, maintenance and
restoration of networks of social relationships, all of which fed in the construction of
individual and group identity (p. 27).
In response to determined distribution of public goods, several other authors including;
Ferguson & Whitehead, Filer, and Strathern, support the claims that ‘Modernization, land
pressure and competition for resources, have encouraged a retribalisation of society’ (all as
cited in Reilly, 2008, p. 14).
22
Given the accounts documented above, ethnic conflicts relative to ‘competition’ are as
prevalent in PNG, as elsewhere. However, not all ethnic conflicts may be attributed to
competition. Some ethnic conflicts may be caused by poorly- distinct boundaries, which are
appropriately known as ill-defined borders.
2.8.1.2 Ill-defined Borders and Ethnic Conflict
Generally, conflict, may also be associated with what Eidheim describe as ‘ill-defined
borders’ and these ill-defined borders can be numerous and diverse and may include; ‘ethnic
identity’ (as cited in Barth, 1969, p. 39), cultural hegemony (Hoods, 2012, p. 34), systems of
belief (Bradshaw, 2002, p. 12), sorcery and witchcraft practices (Stephen, 1987, p. 23),
McGregor’s ‘force (Wolfers, 1975) and cultural elasticity and perceptions (Funch, 1995;
LeBaron, 2003). For the purpose of this discussion, the focus will be on ethnic identity. It is
important to remember, though, that the elements of these ill-defined borders are
interconnected.
2.8.1.3 Ethnic Identity
Eidheim connects poorly defined borders with ‘ethnic identity’ and views it as social stigma.
Such reproach can create problems relative to ‘social articulation and maintenance’ in
societies where ethnic diversity persists (Barth, 1969, p.39). This statement by Barth is an
appropriate description of the resource-related conflicts in PNG, which can be often
misunderstood. Banks (2008) tries to minimize the retribalized indigenous ownership of
resource conflict and the ‘McGregor force’: ‘While conflicts in PNG have always been, and
still are, driven by disputes over resources, they are better understood as conflicts around
identity rather than resources (p. 23).
Such contention by Banks, although not entirely true, necessitates deep understanding and
recognition that conflicts over resources are profoundly entrenched in social works of society
rather than the mere consideration of these elements as an ordinary part of the external
environment.
In addition, the introduction of ‘forced change’ can be frequently accepted or perceived to be
useful or beneficial, in the same way that colonizers, corporate organizations and
missionaries in the past and present view it as useful or beneficial to themselves, with total
23
disregard for the indigenous people. For the missionaries, some would argue that their
motivations were slightly different and that they mitigated some negative behaviour.
According to Trompf (2004)
they wanted to help the people; they wanted to turn people away from ways of
darkness and savagery to the way of light (which, as a result of their cultural
assumptions, included civilizing them), and to do so before the End of the World (p.
144).
The negative effects however occur if such changes are perceived to be in direct contradiction
to the benefits or usefulness (Rosman & Rubel, 1998). ‘Imposed changes brought about by
outsiders’ have already been identified earlier in this thesis (see section 1.4.2 & section
1.4.3).
Such situations cause resistance and often in the form of ‘payback’. Engans, for example,
practice ‘payback’ killing if a member of their ethnic group is murdered; a practice perceived
to be inherent within their culture for sometime (Greenwell, 2003). The ‘payback’ system is
what Greenwell calls ‘the notion of equivalence’ - satisfaction is achieved if a reciprocal
consequence is suffered. This notion of equivalence featured in the Engan practice is
‘inextricably related to normative explanations of significant events’ (Trompf, 2005, p. 24),
and ‘constitute powerful expressions and integral parts of tribal religious life’ (p. 29), which
the ‘McGregor force’ completely undermines. Trompf (2005) adds that it is ‘not feasible to
dissociate Melanesian war from Melanesian religion’ (p. 29).
2.8.2 Constructed Dynamics
Another form of ethnic conflict that features in Papua New Guinean societies is based on
constructed factors. Constructed factors, according to Reilly (2008) are ‘adaptive ones of
more malleable or constructed identities formed as reaction to external pressures and
incentives’ (p. 15). In essence, traditions even amalgamate ‘practices, arguments, or beliefs
that portray the identity of particular groups of people, delivered through generations over
extended time’ (Bradshaw, 2002, p.28). Bradshaw claims that since traditions are established
‘independently from reason, they are historical and narrative in nature’ (p. 28).
24
Tradition, for instance, ‘perpetuates sorcery, witchcraft and warfare in the highlands of PNG’
(Stephen, 1987, p. 83), even if it appears to infringe on civil peace. Such traditions of
cultures relative to its locality, provide ‘meaning and purpose’ (Bradshaw, 2002, p. 28).
Bradshaw asserts that ‘meaning gives culture authority because people create it according to
the way they construct and perceive reality’ (p. 72).
Culturally though, traditions are at times assumed to elicit conflicts, as in the cases of the
Engans, and the Bardhoshises and Rrushis, discussed previously, the encroachment of Jewish
rituals (Gruenwald, 2003), and the kwj (war) magic and sorcery of the Kalam in Simbai and
Kaironk, in Madang, PNG (Stephen, 1987). Often systems of government can be a factor that
creates ethnic conflicts as can be seen by the ‘McGregor force’. Reilly (2008) asserts:
the design of political institutions such as the electoral systems can have an impact on
the incidence and expression of ethnic conflicts.... and the imposition of
representative democracy has also played a role in formenting such conflicts (p.
16)……The most sustained ethnic violence occurs in relation to access to the state,
and to the benefits in terms of money, jobs, prestige and power that state resources
provide (p. 21).
Reilly (2008) makes no connection between the brutal McGregor force and ethnic conflict,
yet admits it is often difficult to ascertain the forms of ethnic conflicts in PNG with precision
since ethnic identities ‘tend to be manifested as a mixture of primordial and constructed
factors, exhibiting a combination of both basic ascriptive ties and opportunistic adaptation to
contemporary events’ (p. 15).
The extraordinary social structure of PNG, coupled with its many measures of ethno-
linguistic diversity (Reilly, 2008) are not confined to cultural boundaries (Avruch 1998) and
can blend social and structures of society (Mamak, 1978). Such amazing organization often
makes ethnic conflict complex.
As discussed above, cultural conflicts within PNG can be categorised as either primordial or
constructed dynamics. However, it may be appropriate to state that these conflicts are often
indistinct since the factors are interrelated and complex. Such relationship and complexity of
factors are commonplace, which may also be evident in urban areas, as discussed below.
25
2.9 URBANIZATION: LAND, CULTUAL DIVERSITY AND ETHNIC CONFLICT
The four themes that are integral in this thesis are discussed here. First, the definition of
urbanization is given. Second, the problems of land relative to urbanization are presented.
Third, cultural diversity in an urbanized community is discussed, and fourth, experiences of
ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby are provided.
2.9.1 What is Urbanization?
Urbanization can be influenced by a ‘range of demographic, economical, political, historical
and cultural criteria’ (Agyei, as cited in Batho et al., 1980, p.9). Such an array of
characteristics makes urban areas a complex environment and that can be both beneficial and
injurious. Particularly with culture, there may be a parallel dilemma between adaptation and
adoption of introduced cultures, and the realities of maintaining the stereotype ethnic groups
and boundaries as outlined by Barth (1969).
Urbanization can vary in definition and is often connected with or relevant to modernization.
Theoretically, Bissonette (2008) defines urbanization as
People movement from communities concerned chiefly with agriculture to other
communities generally larger whose activities are primarily centred in government,
trade or manufacture.
Although definitions such as Bissonette may be generally accepted, McCreay (as cited in
Haree & Knapman, 1977) cautions against it and signals that social theories must be treated
with great care especially if they are developed in one culture and applied to another.
McCreay is particularly critical of the expectations that experiences between developing
countries and western countries are similar. While urbanization in western countries was in
response to industrialization, its growth in developing countries was impacted on by
‘capitalists on a subsistence economy’ (p. 11). Wolfers (1975) document such impact where
indigenous Papua New Guineans were forced to forego resource ownership and a subsistence
lifestyle in return for being mere labourers and for minimal cash payment. The colonial
experiences (under German control) changed social lifestyle as described by Firth (1986)
26
The Germans exploited traditional rivalries in order to achieve political supremacy,
obtained land by fraud, theft and purchase, recruited villages on three-year-indentures,
imposed labour discipline based on corporal punishment, imposed a head tax and
succeeded in constructing a low-wage plantation economy serving markets in Europe
(p. 5).
Agyei affirms the change from indigenous social control to colonial control; ‘the movement
of rural underemployment to urban unemployment’ has been an attribute to urbanization, thus
creating social problems (as cited in Batho et al., 1980, p. 8). One should not infer that only
developing countries suffer from the ills of urbanization; a quick scan through daily
newspapers, the internet and media news reports confirm that developed countries suffer too,
and even more so than developing countries. The issues that make urbanization in PNG
different are land, cultural diversity and cultural conflicts.
2.9.2 Urbanization and Land
In acknowledging McCreary’s concern, another major problem related to urbanization in the
Pacific, including PNG, is land (Connell & Lea, 2002). According to Serero (1989) ‘land is
marriage, land is history, land is everything. If our land is ruined, our life is finished’
(express.anu.edu). Although ‘land ownership is governed by traditional law and subject to
tribal, clan or even ethnic mandate’ (pngembassy.com), its significance within indigenous
worldviews seem to suggest that it is more than an economic commodity. Maclellan (2005)
affirms that land is at the ‘centre of life, a source of security and identity’ (para. 14). Based
on the Maclellan’s description of land, it includes all the resources tied to the land. Land
shortages, as a result of immigration and population growth in Port Moresby, are problematic.
Moving from their poor or non-existent infrastructure, vast lands blessed with natural
resources in rural areas to urban Port Moresby, people are pressured by circumstances to
move into squatter settlements, and settle without consent or approval from land owners.
These indigenous people have been blamed for law and order problems and land shortages in
Port Moresby. Connell and Lea (2002) claim:
27
Landowners fear losing their land, due to government use, private holdings or even to
migrants and often such develops tension and uneasiness between the indigenous
landowners and migrants (p.130).
Resource owners in urban areas are thus losing their land holdings due to the government’s
intervention, privatization and migrants moving to urban areas. Relative to the maxim that
conflicts in the highlands of PNG was always concerned with women, land and pigs (Chad &
Yala, 2002), and given the influx of highlands migrants in Port Moresby, land in Port
Moresby may yet be an issue. Added to the three main struggles connected to their land, in
PNG, indigenous landowners are challenged by the government’s lack of institutional
response’ (Connell & Lea, 2002, p. 27), and the ‘McGregor force’, which neatly paves the
way, in particular, to ethnic conflict.
2.9.3 Urbanization and Cultural Diversity
Problems associated with urbanization are common, however, it is very diverse and complex,
and may lead to conflict. In the Pacific, one feature of such diversity, according to McCreary,
is ‘ethnic mixtures in their population’ (as cited in Haree & Knapman, 1977, p. 14). Ethno-
linguistic units in some areas are relatively small (clan), and larger in other areas – merging
of several clans to form tribes (Reilly, 2008). Such social structures, according to McCreary,
create an avenue for ‘population groupings whose network is constructed on relationships
which do not come from urban situations’ (p. 15). It is in these relationships where ethnic
networks are established and reinforced. McCreary asserts that the groupings set the ‘basis
for conflict as well as variables in the migrant’s adaptation to urban life’ (p. 15). Given that
view and bearing in mind the constant presence and practice of the McGregor force’, coupled
with the nurtured traditional conflict lifestyle in PNG, it may be perceived that urbanization
influences the changes in the migrants’ attitudes, beliefs, values and behaviour patterns,
which can often have an adverse effect on society.
2.9.4 Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby
The diverse ethnic composition of Papua New Guinea, and particularly, Port Moresby, is
indicative of the number of the various different ethnic groups, including foreigner ethnic
groups, who now reside within its borders. Currently, the asylum issue, introduced through
the McGregor type ‘forced’ bi-lateral agreement with Australia (The National, Wednesday,
28
September 4, 2013, pp. 1 & 2), will now further develop conflict among indigenous Papua
New Guineans; only this time it is against the asylum seekers and the ‘big brother force’,
Australia.
Locally, customs and traditions in PNG, relative to different ethnic groups, are divided, with
some having engaged in low-scale tribal conflicts with neighbouring tribes over time in their
communities of origin (Haley & May, 2011). According to Henry (2005), this is the case
between two neighbouring tribes in the Nebilyer Valley, Western Highlands province in
PNG. Ripple effects of rural ethnic conflicts may be experienced elsewhere, including urban
areas like Port Moresby thus affecting both suburb and settlement residents. Observers with
such thoughts include Carol Kidu (2000):
with the increasing rural-to-urban drift, ethnic enclaves are developing throughout
Port Moresby, and tribal customary law is regularly imposed outside the parameters
of the legal system, sometimes blatantly ignoring the basic principles of universal
justice that are needed in a cosmopolitan city…..In urban electorates such as mine, the
incidence of ethnic clashes and senseless killings and destruction of property is
growing with the increased rate of unmanaged urbanisation (p. 30).
Authors like Kidu find killings ‘senseless’ and destruction of property ‘growing’, yet stops
short of addressing the continuous ‘McGregor force’ which deeply affects the life of the very
indigenous people who Kidu now associates with the current untenable situation.
Lately, in Port Moresby, there have been accounts of severe conflicts. One ethnic clash was
between two warring ethnic groups – the Tari group from Hela and the Engans group from
Enga at Gordon market (Korugl, 2011). This clash resulted in five people being hacked to
death and scores of others injured and hospitalized, affecting civil order.
As land is one major issue faced by migrants in Port Moresby (Batho et al., 1980; Connell &
Lea, 2002), migrants live on indigenous land that the government alienated from the
indigenous owners; nothing is being done, despite concerns raised as far back as 1978 and
1979. As part of their resolutions, landowners agreed ‘not to allow new settlements’ (Connell
& Lea, p. 354). The settlers counteracted by resolving to four alternatives, which included
fighting the landowners to satisfy the amount of contribution that the migrants have made
(Sea and Yeates, as cited in Batho et al., 1980). Is it possible that such sentiments still exist
29
and may escalate to crisis stage? Given that conflicts do arise, what form of conflict
resolution strategy would be employed? The discussion below looks at the characteristics of
some strategies of conflict resolution that may or may not be applied in Port Moresby.
2.10 CONFLICT RESOLUTION STRATEGIES
Human efforts to contain conflicts around the world have struggled, often escalating into
wars. Yet others have used conflict resolution very successfully. Regardless, human effort
has persisted, using conflict resolution approaches – even if some have been less-restorative.
Relative to these approaches and those offered by other analysts or practitioners, Avruch
(1998), referred to Hall’s seminal distinction between high context and low context
communication styles. Low context cultures, according to Avruch (1998), are ‘based on
instrumental, direct, and unembellished use of language’ while high context cultures are
‘oriented around expressive, indirect, and nuanced language use, with high reliance on
paralinguistic cues’ (p. 155).
Given the disparity between high context and low context cultures, features of cultural
hegemony are dominant as illustrated by the McGregor ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975). Inherent
within cultural hegemony is the practical imposition of the dominant group’s culture on every
aspect of life, including the social life of other cultures. In addition, legal structures are
enforced on those groups who do not want to conform (Wolfers, 1975). Such approaches are
completely disrespectful, treat indigenous people ‘inhumanely’ and, as a result of superiority
and acceptance of nothing less than total control and dehumanizing indigenous people, the
dominant culture is completely inconsiderate of indigenous conflict resolution strategies, thus
limiting its practice and making it appear inferior and subservient, which in some instances,
may attract further resentment and other negative social repercussions.
According to Hassall (2006) ‘the resolution of conflict is described as being deeply
embedded in the culture in many societies’ (para. 5). Given the acknowledgement of diversity
in ethnic groups, their cultures, and the different sources of conflicts, it would be appropriate
to state that conflict resolution strategies would be equally diverse and varied. However, there
exist proven strategies that have been devised, adapted, adopted, and applied to solve human
conflicts. Some of these conflict resolution strategies discussed below.
2.10.1 Types of Conflict Resolution Strategies
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The conflict resolution strategies reviewed include; the Alternative Dispute Resolution –
ADR (Hassall, 2006), the Cross-Cultural Conflict Resolution - CCR (Williams, 1994), the
Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument - TKI (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.), the Interest-
Based Relational Approach – IBR (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.), the Prescriptive and Elicitive
Approaches to Conflict Resolution – PEA (Young, 1998), the Strategies for Managing
Conflict - SMC (Warner, 2000), the Narrative Approach - NA (Bradshaw, 2002), and
Biblical perspectives (Batten, et al., 2003).
There are some similarities and differences featured in these strategies. For instance,
negotiation appears in both ADR and in IBR, compromise appears in TKI and in SMC,
accommodation appears in TKI and in SMC. The salient difference in SMC is the use of
‘force’, coupled with withdrawal, while competition and avoiding are featured in the TKI.
2.10.1.1 Force, Competitive and Withdrawal Approaches
These three conflict resolution approaches are distinct however interrelated. Force in
particular, may denote a negative connotation, as pertinently reinforced by Wolfers (1975).
However, some conflicts can be managed through this approach, as the McGregor ‘force’
illustrates, where one party has the means to win irrespective of other parties, or even if
personal relationships are damaged. Such force may also be evident in the competitive
approach (TKI) and is characterised by people who are steadfast, having full knowledge of
desired goals and usually operate from a position of power, drawn from things like position
or persuasive ability (Carlson & Manktelow, n.d.).
The force strategy and competitive approaches are directly dependent on the power one has
relative to the other. This may be applicable in several situations like emergencies or in
defence against selfish exploitation by inconsiderate parties. However, it can leave people
feeling bruised, unsatisfied and resentful when used in less urgent situations, and may
develop further conflicts as in the case with the McGregor ‘force’ (Wolfers, 1975). Thus,
since personal and social relationships are curtailed, this approach, as clearly outlined by
Wolfers, rather than solving the problem, has a potential to escalate into greater harms.
31
The withdrawal approach (Warner, 2000) is ‘suited to those parties whose desire to avoid
confrontation outweighs the goals they are trying to achieve’ (p.18).The power of withdrawal
should not be underestimated, since it can be used as a threat to force reluctant and often
powerful parties to negotiate in a more consensual manner. Force, in such cases is used in a
non-violent fashion, quite opposite to the McGregor ‘force’. Withdrawal used as a threat to
force for negotiation, may be assumed only as a transitional phase or a process in the conflict
resolution strategy; not as a final resolution to conflict.
2.10.1.2 Avoidance
The avoiding approach ‘Seeks to evade the conflict entirely and is characterized by
delegating controversial decisions, and not wanting to hurt anyone's feelings ’ (Carlson &
Manktelow, n.d., para.15). Among other situations, avoiding can be appropriate when victory
is impossible, or when someone else is in a better position to solve the problem. However, the
authors admit that in many situations this is a weak and ineffective approach to take, and does
not actually resolve conflicts – the conflict is still present.
2.10.1.3 The Prescriptive and Elicitive Approaches
The Prescriptive and Elicitive approaches (Young, 1998) are contrasting approaches. The
prescriptive approaches generally ‘Assume universal models of conflict resolution which are
then applied or adapted in particular cultural situations’ (p. 211). Features of the prescriptive
approaches are themes typical of western conflict resolution models including transactional
analysis, stroking theory, listening skills, assertiveness, negotiation, and mediation.
The Elicitive approach, on the other hand ‘Recognizes the existence of distinctive cultural
understandings of conflict and its resolution, which are then clarified, elucidated, and
enhanced through reflection and dialogue’ (Young, 1998, p. 211).The Elicitive approach
features three interrelated steps. First, it sanctions existing leaders by increasing their
awareness of their existing nonviolent approaches to managing conflicts, and includes
indigenous approaches including developing cross-cutting ties through intermarriage,
traditional exchange payments, land and resource reallocation, face-saving reframing, and
costing. Second, it offers other conflict resolution approaches for consideration. Third, it
encourages local leaders to consider changes they might make in their existing methods.
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2.10.1.4 The Narrative Approach
The narrative approach (Bradshaw, 2002) and the Biblical perspectives (Batten et al., 2003)
provide reasons for and answers to how these conflicts could be addressed. Both sources refer
to the Holy Bible and provide practical illustrations in support. It is envisioned that, if the
suggestions are applied faithfully, a positive and enduring relationship may be achieved
(Grunlan & Mayers, 1998). Only then, we can make the proclamation of Apostle Paul in
Romans 10:13 (The Holy Bible) and as cited in Batten et al., (2003): ‘for there is no
difference both of Jew and of Greek, for the same Lord over all is rich to all who call on
Him’ (p. 167).The inference drawn from the content of both sources is relatively focused and
specific to our Christian mission. Since One Blood cogently stress that humankind belong to
only one race, issues relating to the McGregor ‘force’, discrimination, marginalization,
problems and ethnic conflicts are indicative that the human nature is still a long way from
realising the ideals of our CHRISTian mission (Bradshaw, 2002).
2.11 CHAPTER SUMMARY
The existence of and relationship between the McGregor force, cultural and ethnic conflict
and diversity, coupled with cultural perceptions has been confirmed in this chapter. In
relative existence is the confirmation of cultural and ethnic conflicts, including contrasting
ideals between worldviews and biblical truth. Conflicts assumed to be cultural in nature are
often in reality, associated with other factors but easily identified as cultural due to the
inseparable and often ambiguous link with ethnic groups. Importantly, within the same
context, cultural hegemony was, and, in the PNG as an independent country case, is often
superimposed on indigenous cultures by other dominant cultures; whether under the cloak of
laws, structural adjustment programmes of under the semblance of modernization, creating
resentment.
Sources of conflict are numerous but may be related to competition, ill-defined boundaries,
ethnic identity, and cultural perceptions. It is definitely connected to the Wolfers, 1975
description of ‘force’. Some conflicts are amalgamated results of these often interrelated
sources. In humans’ effort to contain conflicts, not necessarily confined to culture, several
33
mechanisms and approaches have been devised and applied in various human situations.
These approaches sometimes exist in amalgamated form; however most of it is less-
restorative than others. We often wonder why we are yet to achieve enduring outcomes, as
conflicts continue to escalate and disintegrate society after society, mostly fuelled by cultural
hegemony. The call for the re-examination of Christian missions (Bradshaw, 2002), Biblical
perspectives (Batten et al., 2003) and integration of the authority and how cultures relate to
Christ (Grunlan & Mayers, 1988), should form the cornerstone to conflict resolution
strategies, especially in a Christian country. Such re-examination may revolutionize cultural
practices of humankind. Given the process of urbanization, where multiculturalism and
pluralism are evident, such a revolution may impress upon it a positive outcome.
This thesis is interesting given the cultural diversity of Port Moresby, the existence of cultural
and ethnic related problems, evidence of ethnic conflicts, conflicts associated with
urbanization and, the different approaches to conflict resolution. The research methodology
used in this study is now described in Chapter 3.
34
CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts; but if he will be content to begin
with doubts, he shall end in certainties.
Francis Bacon
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Attempting to unravel the complexity of defining ethnic and cultural conflicts and
understanding the chaotic atmosphere they create in societies, requires some tailor-made
approaches. This study therefore uses an adaptation of both the Cooperrider and Whitney
Appreciative Inquiry Method (1999), incorporating the terminology of Kroth and Peutz
(2009) and the Sikes & Gale’s Narrative Method (2003). The research design,
implementation and analysis combine both monitoring and interrogation data collection
methods. The General Inductive Approach of Thomas (2003) is used to analyse the data. The
research questions, significance and research design used in this study are discussed in this
chapter. Furthermore, the ethical issues taken into consideration before, during and after data
collection are elaborated on. For the purpose of this research, migrant settlers in Port
Moresby form the main sample. The raw data was collected between July and September,
2012.
3.2 RATIONALE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
3.2.1 Rationale
The title of this thesis is: ‘Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in
Port Moresby? Several determining factors and observations prompted the conducting of this
study: first, the researcher personally observed an influx of migrants settling into ethnic
communities in Port Moresby. Second, the documented findings of other researchers about
rural-urban migration (Haree & Knapman 1977; Yamauchi and Umezaki 2005); third, the
settling of ethnic migrants on indigenous land (Albaniel-Evara 2012; Connell & Lea 2002;
Batho et al., 1980; Morauta 1986); fourth, differing identity and value orientations (Barth
1969; Glaser 1994; Tretten 1977); fifth, anecdotal incidence of ethnic clashes in Port
Moresby (Blackwell 2011; Haley & May 2011; Korugl 2011); sixth, the differing approaches
35
to conflict resolution (Hassall 2006; Young 1998); and seventh, the complexities of
acculturation and assimilation (Bandura 1977; Barth 1969; Frye 1991; Funch 1995).
3.2.2 Significance of this study
Port Moresby has been identified as the fourth most dangerous city to live in, according to
AAP (2010). My own observation and anecdotal reports of considerable ethnic clashes in
Port Moresby points towards a crisis in the city as more and more indigenous Papua New
Guineans move to Port Moresby. Yet there is a dearth of research done by indigenous Papua
New Guineans on this critical matter that places PNG in a most negative light and in crisis on
the world stage. Most documented information and research are from a western viewpoint or
a far eastern viewpoint. This study will thus fill the existing research gap; provide useful
information and research from an indigenous Papua New Guinean perspective, thus adding to
the existing body of knowledge. The results of this study may provide useful information for
shaping the future of Papua New Guinea.
3.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research questions for this study are:
3.1 What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea?
3.2 Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port
Moresby city?
3.3 Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes,
initiate ethnic conflicts, encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and
3.4 What conflict resolution mechanism would be appropriate to contain these
cultural conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies?
3.4 RESEARCH DESIGN
3.4.1 Data Collection Design
After the literature review was completed, there was a need to complete primary research in
order to fill the identified gap in the research. For this study, both qualitative and quantitative
data were collected through face to face interviews to identify the main themes and focus
areas for this study. Once qualitative data were collected, the main themes were extracted.
Thereafter, a survey questionnaire was developed to gather quantitative data. The quantitative
36
and qualitative collection methods are based on the Cooper and Schindler model (2001) as
shown in Table 3.1.
Table 3.1 Method of Data Collection and Communication Processes Based on Cooper and
Schindler Model (2001)
Method of Data Collection Communication Process
Interrogation Prior to data collection: consultation with
organizations and churches
Face-to-face interviews and questionnaires
The experiences and perceptions of Port Moresby migrants were captured through the face-
to-face interviews and the survey questionnaires.
3.4.2 Sampling Design
In this study, simple random sampling were used to obtain a sample of s = 20 for the survey
questionnaires and quota sampling, based on gender as used for the face-to-face interviews.
The initial sample size for the face-to-face interviews was s=10. Simple random sampling is
‘whereby each element in the population is given an equal and independent chance of
selection’ (Kumar, 2005, p.174). Quota sampling features ‘convenience, and is guided by
gender’ (Kumar, 2005, p.178). Both the survey and interview questionnaires were developed
using an adaptation of the Cooperrider and Whitney Appreciative Inquiry Method (1999) and
Kroth and Peutz (2009), and Sikes and Gale’s Narrative Method (2003). Fifteen employees
from two companies formed part of the sample for the qualitative component of the study.
Six participants, 4 males and 2 females were interviewed after contact was made through
church pastors in the settlements. The involvement of the church pastors was for access to the
two settlements, since that could have been problematic.
3.4.3 Time Frame and Sampling Sites
The study was carried out over a period of three months, from July to September 2012. The
survey questionnaires were completed by personnel at two companies between the 6 thAugust
to 13th August 2012. Two companies were approached in Port Moresby, based on the ethnic
make-up of their personnel. Then once the companies agreed, they were sent an information
sheet and question sheet to randomly identify which employees fitted the quota of the ethnic
make-up. Simple random sampling, which then used the fish bowl draw, was used to select
the participants. The interviews were conducted in two settlements in Port Moresby, namely
37
Nine-Mile settlement and Vadavada settlement from the 7th August to 29thSeptember, 2012.
The two settlements were chosen due to their distinct composition of ethnic migrants.
Vadavada is located on indigenous Motuan land and hosts mostly coastal migrants, while
Nine-mile is located on indigenous Koiari land and is predominantly occupied by inland
ethnic migrants. Other coastal migrants, including those from the New Guinea Islands are
sparsely settled within these two settlement areas. The Motuans and Koiaris are the two
indigenous ethnic groups that lay claim to the land on which Port Moresby is located.
3.4.4 Face-to-face Interviews
From the 6thAugust, 2012 to the 13th September, 2012, face-to-face interviews (see Appendix
B, p. 103) were conducted in two settlements in Port Moresby: Nine-Mile settlement and
Vadavada settlement, involving six participants (s=6) to establish the main features that
connect cultural practices and perceptions to ethnic and cultural conflicts. As soon as the
main themes were established, the interviews were discontinued. Some of the information
that was used to construct the interviews was used in the questionnaires. The main themes
and the rest of the information were set aside for analysis.
One of the criteria for selecting the settlements was based on the researcher’s knowledge of
the ethnic cluster settlements. Initially, contact was made with the respective church pastors
of the two settlements, and the information sheets were delivered. Known locals were used to
assist the researcher and ensure safety during visits in the settlements.
Once the pastors agreed, the criteria for quota sampling and the consent forms were sent to
them. The quota included both males and females, with over 5 years of tenancy in the
particular settlement. After the consent forms were signed and returned, the researcher
conducted the pre-arranged interviews, one hour in duration, with the participants at the
church premises in the respective settlements. To ensure the validity of the face-to-face
interviews, a copy of the transcribed information was shared with the participants after the
transcription process were complete, at the same venue were the interviews were held.
3.4.5 Survey Questionnaires
Once the survey questionnaires were constructed (see Appendix C, p.107) using some of the
main themes from the face-to-face interviews, it was piloted for validity with two subjects:
will the answers be valid and answer the research question for this study? After the test, it
was refined in the light of the pilot and then handed out to the two private companies for their
employees to fill out. The two private companies were identified and consent was sought
38
firstly through phone conversation, followed by personal face-to-face contact with the
respective Chief Executive Officers (CEO). One company administered and collected the
questionnaires overnight. The second company held the returned questionnaires in a locked
drawer, and in sealed envelopes. Once all the questionnaires were returned to them, they
contacted me to collect it.
3.5 APPROACHES USED
3.5.1 APPRECIATIVE INQUIRY APPROACH
The Appreciative Inquiry Approach (Cooperrider & Whitney, 1999) features appreciating
what is good and valuable in the present situation, and enabling the discovery and learning of
ways to effect positive change for the future. It is often referred to as the 5D Approach as it
features five phases, each commencing with the letter ‘D’; ‘define’ phase, ‘discovery’ phase,
‘dream’ phase, ‘design’ phase, and ‘ deliver’ phase. Kroth and Peutz (2009) use the following
terms; constructionist, simultaneity, poetic, anticipatory and positive principles. For the
purpose of this study, the Kroth and Peutz terminology is used.
3.5.1.1 Constructionist Principle
The constructionist principle involves making meaning out of our lives and experiences in
conversation with others. This implies that the descriptions of things actually shape how we
see them.
3.5.1.2 Simultaneity Principle
The simultaneity principle relates to the set direction we take when we are genuinely curious,
and ask positive and powerful questions. Depending on the type of questions we ask, the
questions point us in the direction of our thinking and action.
3.5.1.3 Poetic Principle
The poetic principle relates to the stories of our past that we can rewrite in view of new
experience. These experiences in story form, enhances our growth, experiences and
development.
3.5.1.4 Anticipatory Principle
The anticipatory principle acknowledges the concept that what we expect or anticipate about
our future may influence what actually happens to us. This perhaps relates to our sense of
belief and vision.
39
3.5.1.5 Positive Principle
The positive method features support and respect of people thus enhancing their sense of
identity and not compromising their sense of control. This method is often perceived as
difficult as it requires sound empathetic and communicative skills for effective
implementation.
The five principles were integrated and employed in the development of the questionnaires.
3.5.2 THE NARRATIVE APPROACH
The Narrative Method (Sikes & Gale, 2006) primarily focuses on people’s expression of their
life experiences. White (1995) explained that these
Expressions are of people’s experiences of a world that is lived through, and all the
expressions of lived experiences engage people in interpretive acts that give meaning
to their experiences of the world.
The method involves the description or recounting of experiences by the interviewee while
the interviewer records what is being expressed. During the interviews conducted for this
study, the interviewee’s responses were recorded and, if the interviewee mentioned
something interesting, the interviewer jotted it down. After the interviewee’s answer, the
interviewer looked at the information jotted down. If there was a gap in the information, the
interviewer used prompts to allow the interviewee to express themselves.
3.6 PARTICIPANTS
A total of six migrants were interviewed: Barry, Scott and Sandra, reside at Vadavada
settlement, while Philip, Michael and Mary live at Nine-Mile settlement. Quota sampling was
first applied, followed by simple random sampling to determine who the participants would
be. The first criterion was that all interviewees were internal migrants from within PNG. The
second criterion was that all the interviewees should be above eighteen years old. The third
criterion was that the interviewees would include an array of ethnic diversities within the two
settlements. Finally, to avoid criticism for being gender-biased, the inclusion of one female
participant from each of the settlements was essential. The sample included mainly men, as
anecdotal evidence suggests that men were the main instigators of conflict, however with
both genders being victims of such conflicts.
40
3.7 DATA ANALYSIS
Preliminary data analysis started during the recording of each interview using a field journal
and small voice recorder. By recording the interviews, I could remain attentive to the body
language, while making eye contact with the participant, as well as paying attention to the to
the overall mood during the interview. When the interview was complete, I listened to the
recordings and typed the interviews. This transcription of the raw data included my
observations and word-for-word participant’s responses. Thereafter, the transcription was
reviewed by the respondents to see whether the transcribed data represented what the
respondent actually said.
Data analysis included systematically coding and categorizing the interview transcripts to
clarify what was recorded and perceived in the different interviews. For the qualitative part of
this study, I used the general inductive approach of Thomas (2003) to analyse the data. This
approach features categorizing the data, forming themes and patterns from the data.
Thereafter, the themes are collapsed until 3-8 main categories emerge. For this thesis, six
themes emerged.
Each interview was coded. I first made a content analysis that involved identifying, coding,
categorizing, and labelling the primary data patterns with themes. I then searched the themes
for similarities. Once similarities and consistencies were found, the number of themes was
collapsed. For the quantitative study, I avoided the use of intricate statistical tools, as the
sample was relatively small: s = 20, Simple means, median, standard deviation and a range of
graphs were used to analyse the data.
3.8 MEMBER CHECKING
Once the data were collected and transcribed, I showed the transcripts to the participants and
asked for commentary to determine the accuracy of the transcripts. Since one participant was
interviewed in tok pisin, I had to discuss the translated English version with her, and
amendments were made accordingly. I then addressed the issue of congruence and
trustworthiness between participants’ views and the reconstruction and representation of their
views and experiences during the study and gave assurances that I would incorporate their
critiques into the findings (McMillan & Schmacher, 2010).
41
3.8.1 RESEARCH AND SAMPLING BIAS
To avoid research bias, I remained as neutral as possible even if I had my own personal
perspectives about ethnic and cultural conflicts in Port Moresby. I reminded myself of the
influence that I can have and therefore used an interview protocol, validated by my first
supervisor and accepted by the PAU ethics committee; and a field journal. In addition, I
recorded any decisions made and actions observed during the interviews in the field journal.
Sampling biases often occur in research and should be avoided as it can call the credibility
and validity of the data collected into question. Both judgement and simple random sampling
were used in identifying individual participants.
3.9 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
Because of the nature of this study and the current volatile situation in the settlements of Port
Moresby, I took extra care with regards to ethics. Anticipating that in research environments
such as this, ethical issues could arise in the process and considering the fact that apart from
the company employees, six participants lived in two settlement areas, safety and security
was paramount. In addition, two of the interviewees were females, which could be an issue in
the Melanesian context, as the researcher is male. Extensive and continuous consultations
continued with the respective church pastors of the two settlements throughout the study.
Furthermore, throughout this study, I was mindful of the impact of such a study on
participants, since it concerned participants from different ethnic groups, who may already
have had conflicts with others. I ensured that consent was sought prior to me being
introduced into the process and that the identities of the participants were protected
throughout the study. As the ethical considerations for such a study in Port Moresby was
substantial, I elaborate on these considerations by dividing it into three sections: ethical
considerations – pre-research, during research, and post data collection.
3.9.1 Ethical Considerations: Pre-Research
I was granted ethical approval to conduct this study by the Pacific Adventist University
Research and Ethics Committee (PAUREC). Included in my ethical application was the
information letters meant for the participants and the companies involved. After ethical
approval was granted, the Chief Executive Officers of the two private companies were
contacted through a brief phone conversation, followed by face-to-face confirmation. The
face-to-face meetings gave them the assurance that the research process was well thought
through and would not have any adverse effect on their employees during the study period.
42
Through constant consultation with the respective church pastors, similar procedures were
employed for the six interviewees.
The companies provided approval through face-to-face verbal consent. One of the initial
issues with the companies was the reluctance to grant permission if the study appeared to
investigate the propriety of their operations and impact on the production time. The concern
over company propriety information was settled during the face-to-face meetings, and
permission was granted. Since the questionnaires remained with the participants over-night,
the concern of impacting on production time became a non-issue.
The face-to-face interviewees for this research were organized through the church pastors.
Verbal consents were given by the participants through the church pastors, and thereafter,
written consents were signed, prior to the researcher conducting the interviews.
3.9.2 Ethical Considerations: During the Research
Often when participants are involved in an interview, they feel pressured and nervous,
particularly in a study of this nature, which may affect their everyday life. It is therefore
paramount that calm is maintained all throughout the interview process and that the
interviewees know that they are not obliged to answer a particular question if they feel some
sense of discomfort. In the case of interviewing the female participants, it was important to
conduct the interviews in an open area (bearing in mind that the interview must continue
uninterrupted) for cultural acceptance and transparency. In addition, prior to the interviews,
consent was sought from the spouses of the female interviewees, through the church pastors,
and re-confirmed by the researcher.
Generally, all the interviews were conducted as planned. Although it was a first-time-
experience for five of the participants, the ‘small talks’ before the actual interviews were
worthwhile. They were relaxed and spoke as they would do in their normal day-to-day
conversations.
43
3.9.3 Ethical Considerations: Post Data Collection
Since my study involved a small sample of respondents, I allowed my first supervisor to draw
a random sample, code it, then compare the main themes, and validate my finding to answer
the research questions that connect ethnic conflict to cultural practices and perceptions.
Once the data was verified, all contact information of the participants was stored by the
researcher separately from the interview data and pseudonyms were used to protect the
identity of the respondents, which was particularly important to protect them, given the
nature and location of this study. After analysis, it was important to think of what should be
done with the data; should I dispose of it immediately or retain it for a period of time, in order
to answer some questions regarding the study that may arise in the future. Whatever decision
I take, it is important that the participants in the research be informed if, in the future, I want
to utilize the data. All hard copies of the consent forms were stored in a locked drawer at
PAU. In addition, all computer files associated with the study were stored using password
protected files.
Ethical issues during the write-up are as critical as ethical issues during and before data
collection. In particular, I have ensured that I write what the participants intended when they
gave their responses without plagiarising. Throughout the write-up stage, I was thus careful
to place in parenthesis any direct responses from the participants. I took care right from the
onset and was in contact with my supervisor throughout the write-up process.
3.10 CHAPTER SUMMARY
This chapter provides step by step documentation of the objectives, significance, rationale
and background of this study. I outlined the research process followed, including the research
approaches used. A composite approach integrated the Appreciative Inquiry Method and the
terminologies of Kroth and Peutz. A second approach, the Narrative Method was expanded
upon. Furthermore, I defined the sample size, the different measuring instruments, validity of
the instruments and how it was used. The General Inductive Approach was introduced in
Chapter 3 and will be further discussed in Chapter 4. For such a study, the ethical
considerations were paramount. I outlined it step by step to enable future researchers to
replicate such a study. In chapter 4, the findings of the study are documented.
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CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS
Life is mostly froth and bubble; two things stand like stone. Kindness in another’s trouble,
and courage in your own.
Adam Lindsay Gordon
4.1 INTRODUCTION
The aim of this study was to explore the experiences and perceptions of migrants in Port
Moresby with regards to cultural practices and ethnic conflicts. This focus required an
examination and analysis of the face-to-face interviews of migrants from two settlements in
Port Moresby and the survey questionnaire responses from two companies. Each source was
studied separately in the initial data collection stages but then the data was collectively re-
studied during the analysis stage.
The transcribed interviews were analysed and categorised into six themes that emerged from
the participants’ responses, and the findings are documented in this chapter. The themes are;
significance of indigenous cultures, cultural practices and ethnic conflicts, causes of ethnic
conflicts, settling ethnic conflicts, ways to approach and avoid conflicts, and acculturation,
assimilation and urbanisation. A discussion of the results of both the face to face interviews
and the survey questionnaires is presented in Chapter 5, while Chapter 6, the final chapter of
this thesis, outlines the recommendations, opportunities for future study and provides a
conclusion to this thesis.
4.2 INTERVIEWS & QUESTIONNAIRES
The general inductive approach was used to analyse the qualitative data and draw out the
main themes. According to Thomas (2003) the rationale for using the general inductive
approach is threefold:
first to condense the extensive and varied data into a summary format;
second, to establish links between the research objectives and the summary
findings derived from the primary data; and
third, to develop a model or theory about the fundamental structure of experiences
or processes evident in the primary data (Thomas, 2003, p. 2).
45
After condensing the information through coding, categories were created. Thereafter, the
categories were collapsed until 3-8 main themes emerged. For this thesis six main themes
emerged.
Table 4.1 The Coding Process in Inductive Analysis
Initial read
through text data
Identify specific
segments of
information
Label the
segments of
information to
create categories
Reduce overlap
and redundancy
among the
categories
Create a model
incorporating
most important
categories
Many pages of
text
Many segments
of text
30-40 categories
15-20 categories
3-8 categories
Thomas, R. D. (2003) Adapted from Creswell, 2002, Figure 9.4, p.226
4.3 FACE-TO-FACE INTERVIEWS
4.3.1 Demographics and Interviewee Background
Philip is thirty-eight years old, and comes from one of the highlands provinces. He is
currently an elder in the community. He now assumes the leadership role of his ethnic group
since his late father was also a leader within the same community, here in Port Moresby. He
is married with seven children and has been living in this settlement for seven years since
moving to Port Moresby nineteen years ago to study, and he found employment immediately
after completing his study. Five years ago he left formal employment, and is now a fulltime
elder in his community. He accommodates three of his relatives who are formally employed
while his wife conducts small informal activities to earn some money. Philip views other
cultures to be better than his however still admires his own traditional attires.
Michael is thirty-five years old, also from a highland’s province and is currently an employee
at a private firm. He is married with two children and has been living at this settlement for six
years since moving to Port Moresby in 1994. Prior to that, he was employed and living in
Popondetta, Northern Province. He migrated to Port Moresby to look for better education
opportunities and employment. He has special admiration for the yam festival in the
Trobriand Islands, particularly the activities and processes involved.
Mary is twenty-nine year old, and comes from the same province as Michael. She came to
Port Moresby in 1998 and has been in this settlement together with her husband, for fifteen
46
years. She currently assumes the role of a housewife. Being away from home since she was
very young, her recollections of cultural practices back home is vague. Her reason for leaving
home was due to fear of being a victim of tribal conflicts.
Barry is a former public servant having served his career years both in Port Moresby and in
the highlands. In total, he has accumulated about twenty years in Port Moresby. He is fifty-
seven years old, and originates from the New Guinea Islands. Currently, he is employed as an
Operations Manager with a local firm. Apart from his formal employment, he assumes the
role of consultant and assists indigenous landowners within the settlement with legal aspects
relating to their land. Back home, he is the leader of his clan however his younger brother
assumes that role now, in his absence. He is married with two children and has been living at
this settlement for four years now. Although he respects other cultures, he still thinks that his
culture is the best, particularly, the aspects of conflict resolution.
Scott is thirty-four years old and comes from a mixed parentage: from the Highlands and the
New Guinea Islands. He is married with four children and has been living at this settlement
for three years now. He is currently formally employed. He migrated to Port Moresby twenty-
four years ago to pursue further education which then led to employment, and has been
residing at the settlement ever since. His wife’s ethnic group is one of the major groups and
have been living there for longer than most of the rest of the groups. He has been having a
few issues with his wife since he had an extra marital affair.
Sandra spent most of her life in the settlement in Port Moresby since she was one year old.
She migrated here from a nearby province to the settlement when her father secured
employment with an international company in Port Moresby. She was educated in Port
Moresby. She has just completed a Diploma programme from a tertiary institution but is yet
to secure employment, despite several work-related applications and interviews. She has
opted to join the army if further job applications are unsuccessful. She is now twenty-two
years of age and still residing with her parents.
4.4 MAIN THEMES
After the data was analysed using the Thomas’ (2003) general inductive approach, six themes
emerged. These six themes are presented below.
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4.4.1 Significance of Indigenous Cultures
All interviewees acknowledged the importance of indigenous cultures. Barry preferred his
own culture.
I grew up with it and it is my custom. I was born with it and I will die with it because
it is my tradition.
Scott, who by birth and through life is bi-cultural, explained that:
My culture is important because it defines who I am and it distinguishes me from
other people. It identifies me and my origin.
Sandra appeared perplexed considering her minimal exposure to her own indigenous culture:
Well, every province in Papua New Guinea has their own customs and cultures, and
these are important to them so I reckon, it is also important to me.
Philip appeared sympathetic about indigenous cultures:
Culture is very important. It shows where I come from – it shows my identity. I think
our culture (indigenous) is also dying away in our country now. Culture is important
because it helps to raise a person.
Michael, who left home in search of better education and employment, made a short
statement:
Yes, culture is very important.
Mary’s recollections of cultural practices are what she has been taught by her parents:
Yes, culture is important. It is important where I live. There is some goodness in my
customs, so I follow it.
4.4.2 Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflicts
When asked if there is any connection between indigenous cultural practices and ethnic
conflicts, Barry and Philip remarked the following:
I don’t think there is any relationship. It is one of the odd things that come up once in
a while. It comes and goes out. After they solve it, and then, it goes off. (Barry).
48
I think culture doesn’t really create problems. But these problems are basically to do
with the ethnic groups that are living here in Port Moresby – they are viewing and
perceiving people differently. Not like we are one type or group of people live here. I
think the main problem is that. There is no problem with culture. Generally, many of
our cultures in Papua New Guinea, including my own culture, there is no culture
associated with violence. Even if you have a responsibility to protect your tribe when
you make bows and arrows but unless somebody comes along and starts a fight.
Otherwise those fights serve the purpose of protection. So culture does not necessarily
start problems – it is just the attitude of people that creates problems. (Philip)
Scott thought otherwise:
You can always put them together. Cultural practises in terms of how we do things. It
is different practices so when you come across another culture, you are bound to have
a clash somewhere. It will clash when your practices go into another persons’ line of
practice.
Sandra continued to provide her answers with a smile:
That is where misunderstanding comes. Yes, definitely, like I have mentioned earlier,
different people from different provinces, have their own customs. So one’s custom
may not be acceptable to other people from the other provinces.
Michael interjected with his answer even before I completed the question:
Yes, sure. It will bring up conflict. When there is an argument between different
cultures, there is always a conflict there - we end up with a conflict. People from
different cultures have arguments, and if there is no understanding, and an attitude
towards people from different cultures, we end up with conflicts.
Mary, disturbed by her son (who has just become bored) started to throw a few stones during
the interview, quickly remarked:
If others see that some practices are in violation of their own practices, then yes. Such
violation may cause them to be angry and cause problems or conflicts.
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4.4.3 Causes of Ethnic Conflicts
According to Mary:
Conflicts and fights are caused by reasons; they cannot just fight for no reason. When
one ethnic group sees that another group is causing problems for their own group,
fights break out.
Michael’s response was specifically related to an ethnic conflict that occurred within the
settlement a few years back:
It won’t exist but due to criminal activities. That time, someone attempted to grab a
woman who had some money – just K 100.00. The woman resisted in giving the
money, but then the man was murdered. From there, that was the problem and many
lives were lost. And it is still an ongoing conflict.
He further added that some of the conflicts are related to drunkard behaviour and attitudes to
drunkard behaviour.
Sandra attributed the causes of ethnic conflicts to three factors:
I’ll say cultural practices are one cause, misunderstanding one another is the other,
and lack of communication.
Scott’s response to the question was lengthy but made particular reference to the lack of basic
infrastructure in the settlements:
Where a group of people living in a particular area where there is lack of basic
services such as water and basic infrastructure, and leave them to fend for
themselves, they tend to intrude into another’s property, that is when conflict arises.
He highlighted another aspect of social reality that is conducive to ethnic conflicts:
People in the settlement live in groups as a form of security... If anything happens and
you are in large numbers, you are able to repel anything. That is why people live in
groups.
He hinted settlement situation as analogous to rural lifestyle:
50
So if anything happens, that is easy for them because they are in one group. Sort of
like, you go back to the tribal days, where it is inbuilt in Papua New Guinea. So we
live in groups to protect ourselves.
Philip mentioned that origin and attitude is a determining factor:
I think the main reason for ethnic conflict is like, where I see you from this place,
what type of person you are from there, and I am from this place. That is the type of
attitude.
In answering the question, Barry hinted a cause, relative to approaches to conflict resolution:
Ethnic conflict arise when things don’t work out right for the other parties, meaning,
they have their own ways of solving things, and the other groups have their own. In
our case, when things get out of hand. We try to sort it out in a way. But where the
two groups or cultures are having a conflict, this is where problems arise.
4.4.4 Settling Ethnic Conflicts
Philip, whose society is patrilineal, clarified cultural practices of settling conflicts, and
pertinent issues like land and other resources:
Initially, the father of any family is supposed to sort out land and other resources to
members of his family when he is still alive. If this doesn’t happen and members of the
family enter into conflict, then the matter goes before tribal elders. Land and resource
differences are settled by elders in the men’s house. Tribal elders deliberate on the
issue and make decisions accordingly.
Barry, a clan leader back in his village, from a matrilineal society explained:
It is not a matter of getting axes and fighting each other. We sit and talk over it and at
the end of the day, we fix the problem. We don’t jump the gun to go and fight like
other conflicts that comes up in other regions.
We ask people to tell us the story and from there we come to a decision. At the end of
the day, the chief makes the decision. He lets other people to talk about it, and then he
says, ok, this is my decision.
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According to Scott, ethnic conflict:
goes back to the normal village court with land mediators and magistrates. The
normal way of solving issues is through a consultation process or mediation, where
both sides discuss and make assessment. That is where things can be solved.
Sandra remembered how knowledge of ethnic conflicts was explained by her parents:
Ok, this will have to go back to the village elders. They are the ones that know the
issue, or land, properties and boundaries of the clan.
Michael and Mary come from the same area. Mary remarked:
On land, they will have to establish the ancestral owner of the land. How the ancestor
or family members came and settled on the land to ascertain the claims made by
parties involved, even to the extent of inter-tribal fighting.
Michael’s response was extensive:
If two people from the same tribe have a dispute, the elders within the tribe will
deliberate and decide on the issue after establishing facts from historical accounts. If
there is a conflict between two neighbouring tribes, then another two neighbouring
tribes will convene a mediation to try and resolve the conflict. The leaders will
discuss to establish solutions and settle the tribal boundaries. Tribal fights will
obviously erupt if the conflicting parties are not satisfied. This is part and parcel of
tribal activities. After enduring with the period of tribal fighting, pigs are killed,
money is contributed and a compensation ceremony is conducted to settle the conflict
through mediation.
4.4.5 Ways to Approach and Avoid Ethnic Conflicts
The interviewees were asked to suggest ways and approaches to avoid ethnic conflicts.
Michael’s suggestion and approach tackled the issue head-on:
We have to appoint good leaders, leaders who are honest from the different cultural
groups that are living in Port Moresby. We also have to have good law enforcement
like the police, and posted where settlements are located. Our government should also
look at the problem of population increase. We have to appoint good leaders to clean
up the settlements, and the community where we are. And we have to have churches,
52
good church leaders, and that’s part of life, they have to preach and give speeches
and run the settlement in a good way. Keep up with the modern way of life with
investments coming from developers, go along with them, work with them and be
discipline.
Mary suggested:
If we mind our own business, live our own lives and do our own things; we will avoid
conflicts and problems. When you interact with others, you can easily be influenced
by their different ideas and thoughts, good or bad, and sharing these ideas and
thoughts, creates some problems.
Religion is one of the best ways. Going to church and listening to the Word of God
between families and communities, is one way we can avoid all sorts of problems.
Leaders should be involved by formulating rules for people to follow with specified
penalties. Because we don’t have these in place, we are faced with all these problems.
Rural-urban migrations increase population and can create problems for the city.
Scott stated that ethnic conflicts may probably be hard to avoid:
Stop the urban drift, probably educating and creating awareness to people that these
conflicts don’t benefit anyone; nobody is a winner when you have these types of
conflicts and everyone loses out. Educate them on issues of conflicts. And how to
solve these conflicts... and conflicts between two individual doesn’t need to take
everybody to come and it affects everybody... it’s similar to tribal fight, nobody wins.
According to Philip:
Those of us coming through rural-urban drift seem to bring with us our rural ethnic
perception and ways with us. That makes it difficult to change. A lot of the current
migrants are not properly educated to a point where they will appreciate each other’s
culture. So they are still thinking between this cell of ethnic groups and they come
through, so this generation is difficult but perhaps the next generation may be able to
initiate and cause some appropriate change through proper education.
53
Sandra stated:
Laws and regulations needs to be amended and strictly applied including imposed
laws on migration.
When questioned further about people living in ethnic-group in settlements:
We seriously can’t leave them together in the settlement. Probably provide
employment for them to keep them occupied rather than leaving them as they are.
Unemployment will lead to doing extra-ordinary things like crime.
4.4.6 Acculturation, Assimilation and Urbanization
The interviewees were questioned about adopting other cultures, practice of own culture, and
urbanized culture. Their responses varied. Those whose responses were favourable include;
Michael, Mary, Philip and Scott.
Michael stated:
Yes, sure, definitely. I will adopt the culture of those I come into contact with. I will
adopt their way of life; I will definitely change to their lifestyle. I will be with their
culture and practice.
Mary’s remarks were relative to perceived desires and virtues.
Yes, I can follow other cultural practices but it will be challenging and hard. If I see
that some of their things about their culture are good, I can practise it, otherwise it
would be difficult for me to practise their culture. If it is good, I will use it but if it is
not good, I wouldn’t use it.
When asked the same questions, Philip shared similar sentiments to Mary.
I think I can easily adopt another ethnic group’s culture if I consider it to be better
than mine.
Given the nature of cultural adoption, Philip however stated that his ethnic group may have
reservations if the culture he intends to adopt is a bit of concern:
Accepting your new adoption may face some resistance.
54
Scott appeared liberal and adaptable when providing a response to acculturation and
assimilation in Port Moresby. Although his answer was lengthy, he directly replied:
There is nothing hard about it. I think we can adopt each other’s culture and
understand it.
Barry and Sandra were the other two interviewees that were not favour of adopting other
cultures.
Barry commented:
I stick onto my own custom... that is my identity.
When asked about application of his cultural practice, he said:
Yea, it is applicable everywhere.
He was adamant about acculturation:
It will never work till I die. People stick to their own custom. They reckon they have a
better way of solving a problem.
Sandra had this to say when asked if she prefers adopting another culture:
Definitely not. My custom identifies me, and I am a different entity altogether from
some people out there even though I am residing somewhere else, I still have to stick
to my custom because it identifies who I am and where I come from .
The interviewees where then asked if cultural adaptation was possible in Port Moresby. They
offered the following responses.
Sandra remarked:
It will definitely work out for some people but some they stick to their cultural
practices. I’ll say, it is working for example in music and language. If someone is
living with me, he will learn to speak one word in my language.
Mary answered the question in the following statements:
55
We have now adopted urban life that has caused these changes, we have adopted
urban lifestyle. When we go back home, we will try our best to follow these cultural
practices again in the eyes of our tribal leaders and chiefs.
Michael’s opening remarks to on the question was:
Yea, sure I can. Ok, if I am with a different culture, and a different way of doing
things, then I will practise what they do. If it is bad well I will just have to assess it
myself.
When he was asked the question on cultural application, he said:
Ok, if I am alone, I can’t practise my culture. If I go with my family, I will practise
some aspects of my culture.
Scott shared the same sentiments as Michael. His response was:
I’d rather stick to mine but if I go to another place, probably adopt their custom or
practices. If I am on my own, then I cannot really practice it, unless I have a group
from my particular area or region.
Relative to cultural practices, Philip offered the following statements:
If those people who don’t practise tribal fighting get involved with those that practise
tribal fighting, maybe they’ll start tribal fighting.
4.5 QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY
The survey questionnaires (see Appendix C, p.107) were administered to staff personnel from
two different companies in Port Moresby. Twenty questionnaires were completed based on
self-selection after the quota for each category was fulfilled. All the participants were fulltime
employees and above eighteen years old, with some of them assuming leadership roles within
their respective divisions and departments. The results of the questions are documented in
this section. Both qualitative and quantitative questions were included.
4.5.1 Survey Questionnaires
It is notable that the population of male respondents are dominant in the surveyed
organizations (see table 4.2). The ratio of male respondents to female respondents from the
56
private companies is 7:3. Further notable differences are evident in age range, marital status,
and qualification, with only 1.5 years average difference of residency in Port Moresby.
Table 4.2 Demographics of Respondents (sample size: s= 20)
Age group in Years/categories 18 – 23 23 - 28 28 – 33 33 -38 38 -43
Number of respondents 5 8 2 4 1
Qualifications *HSC 3 4
Diploma 1 1
Bachelor degree 1 3 2 4
Post graduate
degree
1
Marital status
Married 2 4
Single 5 8 1
Average years in POM 11 14 16 18 5
Gender
Males 3 6 1 3 1
Females 2 2 1 1
Note: * HSC means Higher School Certificate
All respondents are literate with half having obtained a university degree. The majority of the
respondents are fairly young adults between the age categories of 18-23, and 23 to 28. The
average period of residence in Port Moresby for the age categories 23-28, 28-33, and 33-38,
has a fairly consistent difference, perhaps indicating the age range of Port Moresby’s migrant
population.
4.5.2 Attitudes of Respondents
The respondents were required to choose one of five options on a Likert scale, provided for
each of the attitudes towards ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. The options were; strongly
agree, agree, neither agree or disagree, disagree, and strongly disagree. For the purpose of
this analysis, the responses were combined and are shown in percentages. Column 1 shows
Strongly Agree and Agree, Column 2 shows Neither Agree or Disagree, and Column 3 shows
Disagree and Strongly Disagree (see Table 4.3 below).This section is divided into three parts;
Section A: Port Moresby – Diversity and Ethnic Conflicts, Part B: Respect and Ethnic
Conflicts, and Part C: Cultural Practices
57
Attitude of Respondents towards Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Table 4.3 Port Moresby – Diversity & Ethnic Conflict
Responses Total
(%) Strongly
Agree /
Agree
Neither
Agree or
Disagree
Disagree
/
Strongly
Disagree
(%) (%) (%)
Residing and working in an urban area can change
our perception and behaviour in a positive way
50 35 15 100
Different ethnic groups can co-exist without
problems
55 30 15 100
Multicultural diversity prevents ethnic problems 30 30 40 100 Urbanization can create ethnic problems 75 25 - 100
Conflicts may occur in Port Moresby if land issues are not culturally addressed due to urbanization
65 30 5 100
The responses show that 75 percent of the respondents strongly agree and agree that
urbanization can create ethnic problems; with another 65 percent also in agreement that
urbanization may create conflicts if indigenous resource (land) issues are not addressed.
Table 4.4 Respect and Ethnic Conflict
Responses Total (%)
Strongly
Agree /
Agree
Neither
Agree or
Disagree
Disagree
/
Strongly
Disagree
(%) (%) (%)
Better education can positively influence cultural
perceptions, behaviour and practices
95 - 5 100
Migrants in Port Moresby respect each other’s
cultures
50 50 100
Respecting and understanding other cultures prevents ethnic conflicts
100 - - 100
All the respondents generally agree that ethnic conflicts can be prevented through better
cultural understanding and respect. Such, according to 95 percent of the respondents
features perceptions, behaviour and practices can be realized through better education.
Currently though, respect among migrants in Port Moresby is perceived generally to be low
58
at 50 percent, while another 50 percent of the respondents are indecisive about the existence
of such etiquettes.
Table 4.5 Cultural Practices
Responses Total (%)
Strongly
Agree /
Agree
Neither
Agree or
Disagree
Disagree
/
Strongly
Disagree
(%) (%) (%)
Current cultural practices in Port Moresby promote indigenous cultural harmony
25 35 40 100
Different cultural perceptions and practices can
cause ethnic problems
95 5 - 100
My cultural practices changed since I moved to
Port Moresby
55 35 10 100
Other ethnic groups accept and tolerate my cultural practices and perceptions
40 55 5 100
I accept and tolerate the cultural practices and perceptions of other ethnic groups
55 40 5 100
My cultural practices are unique to my culture 90 - 10 100
Every ethnic groups have different cultural practices
95 - 5 100
The result in this section on cultural practices shows that 90 percent of the respondents
indicated that their cultural practices are culturally unique. Such uniqueness is exhibited by
cultural differences between ethnic groups, as pointed out by 95 percent of the respondents.
The results also show that given the cultural differentials in practices and perceptions, an
equal percentage of 95 respondents generally agree that such can create ethnic problems.
4.5.3 Ethnic Conflicts Experiences in Port Moresby
Given the number of years the respondents from the two companies have been living in Port
Moresby, each of them indicated if they had noticed, witnessed, experienced or been affected
by ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Except for one who skipped this question without
answering it, nineteen participants responded. This information is shown below.
59
Figure 4.1 Respondents’ Experiences with Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
4.5.4 Respondents’ Perceptions of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby have been numerous and their causes diverse. However,
several main causes have been identified by nineteen respondents through the survey
questionnaires. One respondent did not record any response for this particular question.
The respondents identified several factors as the causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby
based on their own recollections. These factors are; misunderstanding, superiority issues,
market space, jealousy between the haves and have-nots, land issues back home, conflict
resolution, alcohol related harassment of a female, revenge and compensation. Some
respondents indicated that some of the conflicts were a combination of several of these
factors. The results are shown in Figure 4.2 below.
60
Figure 4.2 Causes of Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby
As shown in figure 4.2, ‘revenge’ is the main perceived cause of ethnic conflict in Port
Moresby. It has a much higher percentage (about three times the next highest) compared to
misunderstanding, superiority issues, and conflict resolution approaches, which are recorded
as just over 10 percent.
4.5.5 Frequency and Involvement: Ethnic Conflicts by Region in Port Moresby
4.5.5.1 Frequency of Occurrences
The respondents were asked to indicate the frequency of the occurrence of ethnic conflicts in
Port Moresby. There were two categories: frequent and not frequent. Occurrences that were
more than three times within the last five years were categorised as frequent, while
occurrences less than three times within the last five years were categorised as not frequent.
Three respondents however did not provide any information.
61
Figure 4.3 Respondents’ Record of Ethnic Conflict Occurrence in Port Moresby
4.5.5.2 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts by Region
The respondents were asked to identify and specify the involvement in ethnic conflicts in Port
Moresby by regions. The four regions in PNG were listed and the respondents were required
to place a tick that correspond each region. Relative to the number of participants and their
responses, the conflicts usually involve different regional ethnic groups, or even between
ethnic groups from the same region. The results for perceived involvement by regions in
ethnic conflicts are shown in the graph below.
Figure 4.4 Respondents’ Identification of Involvement by Conflicting Parties by Region
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4.5.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices
The respondents were asked to state a self-measure of their awareness of the cultural
practices of other ethnic groups, considering their general knowledge, and experiences of
recent episodes that have transpired within Port Moresby city. Most of the respondents
provided more than one written response. Several broad insights were categorized and
collapsed into main themes using the Thomas Inductive Approach (2003). The four main
themes are; cultural beliefs, cultural significance, cultural identity, and cultural borders.
These four main themes relate to the six main themes (see section 4.4), as determinants of
conflicts in Port Moresby. The respondents’ views are presented in the Table below.
Table 4.6 Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’ Cultural Practices
Perceptions of Other Ethnic Groups’
Cultural Practices
Percentage
Cultural Beliefs 65
Cultural Significance 20
Cultural Borders 10
Cultural Identity 30
4.5.6.1 Cultural Beliefs
65 percent of the respondents indicated that other ethnic groups perceive themselves relative
to their own cultural beliefs and practices against the cultural beliefs and practices of others
(see table 4.4 above). Among the written responses were statements made about ways of life,
attitudes towards others, the presence or absence of etiquettes, and ethnic beliefs. Inclusive
were statements shared about values, which often refer to highly regarded thoughts, and are
the established ideals of life. Such value differentials often portray ethnic identity. Two
respondents’ remarked:
Some ethnic groups value respect and they see themselves as a group rather than as
individuals – they never do anything to intimidate or provoke anger. Instead they
promote peace
Every ethnic group practice what they believe so who are we to judge?
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4.5.6.2 Cultural Significance
One-fifth of the respondents (see Table 4.4) perceived that the cultural practices of other
ethnic groups are important since meaning is inherent. Such meanings therefore serve certain
purposes of the lives of people. Although such claims may seem valid, one respondent
appeared sceptical about two cultural practices that thrive in some parts of PNG:
They all have reasons for the type of cultural practices they have but some tend to
abuse these practices and making them lose their meaning, for example bride-price.
Some practices are even unnecessary, for example, compensation.
Another respondent however remained adamant:
Every individual has the right to be part of an ethnic group whose practices may be
unique, and must perform these practices to prevent them dying out .
4.5.6.3 Cultural Borders
The results in Table 4.4 show that only 10 percent of the respondents perceived cultural
borders to be a feature that some ethnic groups possess of themselves, relative to other ethnic
groups. Two respondents highlighted examples of such:
Ethnic groups are different from each other with one often claiming to be superior to the
other ethnic groups
Highlands plus Momase, especially Sepiks are more aggressive and want to be on top all the
time
4.5.6.4 Cultural Identity
30 percent of the respondents perceive that the cultural practices of ethnic groups symbolize
cultural identity (see Table 4.4). Almost all the respondents acknowledged the uniqueness of
cultures, with one of them protesting against change:
The cultural practices are unique so they (cultural practices) must be left alone to
operate as usual
Interestingly, another respondent stated:
Their cultural practices are unique. I have great respect for that and always want to
learn and find out more about other cultures.
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4.5.7 Preventative Mechanisms to Ethnic Conflicts
Each respondent was asked to suggest two possible ways to either reduce or avoid ethnic
conflicts caused by cultural differences and perspectives. Twelve broad suggestions emerged
and were collapsed into six strategic themes using the Thomas Inductive method (2003).
These six main strategic themes are shown in Table 4.5 below.
Table 4.7 Ways to Reduce or Avoid Ethnic Conflicts
Strategies to Reduce/Avoid
Ethnic Conflicts
Percentage (%) of
Respondents
Education & Awareness 55
Legal & Social Control 40
Social Interaction 25
Opportunity Creation 10
Etiquette Application 55
Leadership 5
4.5.7.1 Education and Awareness
Over half of respondents indicated that there exists a relationship between ethnic conflicts,
education and awareness. In other words, ethnic conflicts are evident due to the lack of
appropriate cultural education and awareness. Even amidst tension, one respondent remarked
that there has to be dialogue aimed at reaching positive outcomes. Two respondents stated
that attitudinal change can also be realized through such initiatives. One other respondent
suggested formalizing such education and awareness programmes through the National
Capital District schools, with the possibility of extension to other parts of the country.
Participant 9, in particular made reference to alcohol abuse as a cause of most fights, and
suggested that community awareness on alcohol-related problems is essential.
4.5.7.2 Legal and Social Control
Legal enactment of current laws by authorities was suggested by 40 percent of the
respondents. Two respondents recommended the re-introduction and amendment of the
Vagrancy Act to regulate the movement of people. Another two respondents favoured the
initiation of a repatriation exercise on unemployed internal migrants. One of them even
suggested the introduction of temporary provincial visas. Law enforcers were recommended
by yet another respondent to thoroughly deal with ethnic fights so to avoid retaliatory
65
practices. Interestingly, respondent 14 contended that the main cause is not cultural practices
but alcohol and drugs. The respondent stated that ethnic conflicts will be minimized through
legislation to eradicate such substances. Respondent 3 was critical of ethnic clustering within
settlement areas:
Ethnic groups should not live in the same area
4.5.7.3 Etiquette Application
Lack of good manners has been identified by over half of the respondents, as an area that
needs to be addressed. Although the respondents did not detail the processes to achieving
such, they collectively but generally stated that ethnic conflicts are often caused by lack of
such decorum as respect, appreciation, understanding, tolerance, humility and acceptance
within society. Nearly all the respondents highlighted that respecting each other and their
cultural differences, practices and perspectives, would contribute to the reduction and or
avoidance of ethnic conflicts. Inclusive among the generalized suggestions, respondent 17
remarks:
The ethnic groups must have respect for each other and not criticize each
other’s cultural practices and beliefs
4.5.7.4 Investment and Opportunity Creation
If unemployment is to share some blame for ethnic conflicts, 10 percent of the respondents
mentioned that the creation and engagement in some form of economic activity may be
conducive to the reduction of ethnic conflicts. Two respondents felt that
The government should invest more money on Agriculture to keep people in their
provinces
Another respondent empathized with the marginalized:
Inclusion of minorities in development and employment opportunities by the
government
According to 20 percent of the respondents, social institutions and the leadership of society
needs to be engaged or involved if society is to free itself from ethnic conflicts. One
respondent suggested maximizing intermarriages or cross-marriage arrangements. The other
three respondents mentioned petitioning authorities to intervene. The final respondent felt
that
66
More awareness to be done by political leaders and religious leaders on the
need to create harmony
4.5.7.5 Social Interaction
25 percent of the respondents suggested that maximizing amiable interactions promotes
peaceful societies, among those; respondent 2 (inter-marriage arrangement), and respondent
16 (bonding). One respondent suggested that social dispersal of ethnic groups, instead of
allowing them to congregate in the same area, while the other respondent opted to maximize
social interaction and association through
Mixing and spending time with each other (open up to them to understand them), and
respect each other
4.5.7.6 Leadership
Although insignificant compared to other strategic areas, 5 percent of the respondents
expressed the need for a collective and collaborative effort by leaders relative to social
interactions. Respondent 4 put it this way:
More awareness needs to be done by political and religious leaders on the need to
create harmony
4.5.8 Predictions Regarding the Future
The respondents were asked to state whether they foresee the future of Port Moresby as
progressive and peaceful or problematic, considering its diverse population and given its
recorded incidences of ethnic conflicts. Their forecasts were categorised into two groups;
progressive and problematic. The graph below shows their responses. Supporting comments
made by the participants are also listed.
67
Figure 4.5 Forecasts for Port Moresby Relative to Ethnic Diversity
4.5.8.1 Problematic Views
Given the experiences relative to rural-urban migration, urbanization, ethnic diversity,
cultural practices and perceptions, and experiences of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, 65
percent of the respondents provided written statements that Port Moresby City would still
experience some problems in the future. Three respondents stated that issues with rural-urban
migration will not only continue but increase (including uneducated minorities), and thus
cause land issues, as reflected in figure 4.5 above. Such statement was also supported by
another three respondents who made the following claims:
Not until landowners are respected and experience benefits.
The future of the city in terms of the migrants’ population would be a problem; land
space shortages, ethnic conflicts, and other social problems would definitely increase.
It depends on how the government address land issues in the city.
One respondent stated that Port Moresby will still experience ethnic conflicts because some
ethnic groups have this, ‘I don’t care attitude’. Another respondent suggested to ‘change the
mindset of young people’ however did not explain the process. One respondent suggested
instituting ‘tougher measures’ as a deterrent to ‘ethnic conflicts’. Yet another respondent
viewed that Port Moresby will ‘progress’ however simultaneously ‘experiencing some
problems’. Such experiences, according to another respondent, ‘regress positive
development’. ‘Culture clash’ was highlighted by another respondent, with the other asserting
that problems will be evident if the ‘issue of ethnic conflicts is not addressed’. Inferring
leadership and indecision, and blaming the government for neglect, yet another respondent
claims:
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Since independence, very little attempt were made by the state to deal with the issues
near the heart of the National Capital District’s residence
4.5.8.2 Peaceful and Progressive Views
Interestingly, only 30 percent of the respondents viewed Port Moresby City as peaceful and
progressive (see figure 4.5). Two respondents attributed such peaceful progression to
education. One of them stated that ‘education will change our way of thinking’, while the
other said:
More young people are given opportunities to be educated to build a society that is
smart, intelligent, respectful and honest and thus we can reduce conflicts between
ethnic groups by using better ways of solving problems
Another respondent referred to the creation of ‘equal opportunities by business-minded
people’. ‘Adoption of western ways’ and being ‘tolerant to other cultures,’ was viewed by
another respondent as a way forward. The other respondent hinted that the ‘multi-cultural
population’ of Port Moresby will work to its advantage since ‘people are learning about other
cultures from each other’, thus peaceful progression will prevail. Respondent 12 hinted
progression relative to positive changes with the remark:
Change starts with us (individuals), and then we can continuously help our tribesman
and communities to respect other people. Introducing the gospel of Jesus Christ can
also have enormous impact in changing lives
One other respondent however stated that foreseeing Port Moresby city as either progressive
or problematic depends on the nature or purpose of individual migrants.
4.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY
Cultural differences and perceptions are the realities of human nature and may create
conflicts, as revealed by the study respondents. Ethic conflict does exist in Port Moresby
between migrants, and is perceived to be more prevalent among certain ethnicities, compared
to others. The results show that ethnic groups are perceived relative to their belief; their
practices and their identity. The respondents in this study have highlighted some suggestions
that may be appropriate strategies to prevent or avoid ethnic conflicts (see Table 4.5). The
significance of these findings is discussed in Chapter 5.
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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION
Not that the past has any magic about it, but because we cannot study the future, and yet need
something to set against the present, it reminds us that the basic assumptions have been quite
different in different periods and that much which seems certain to the uneducated is merely
temporary fashion.
C S Lewis
5.1 INTRODUCTION
This study shows that the McGregor force (Wolfers, 1975) has had a significant impact on the
indigenous people of PNG during the period of colonial rule. This study also shows that
traditional ethnic conflicts have been a feature of establishing, maintaining and renewing
social relationships through hostilities and reciprocity (see section 2.5), and were centred on
primordial factors and constructed dynamics. Much of these traditional ethnic conflicts have
been experienced at the local level however small-scaled by comparison to world standards,
courtesy of Papua New Guinea’s ethnic and cultural diversity.
Most recently though, according to this study, incidences of ethnic conflicts have been
frequent in Port Moresby. Although geographically varied, such ethnic conflicts still
characterize hostilities and cooperation, in the form of revenge and reciprocity, which were
integral features of traditional relationships (Reilly, 2008). Essential within these traditional
relationships and still in practise are conflict-resolution strategies such as peaceful
compromise, consultation, negotiations, compensation, and or exchanged marriages (Trompf,
1994). Such aspects of traditional relationships were and are on many occasions, based on
Melanesian ‘world views’ however connected to ‘community rituals and mythologies’
(Trompf, 1994, p. 30), and may be in response to modernization.
Within this context, Chapter 5 discusses the findings of this study and the literature review in
reference to the relationship between perceived cultural differences and practices, and ethnic
conflicts of migrants in Port Moresby. Although this is not a question of this research, will
the discussion validate the claim stated in Chapter 2 by Glaser, as cited in Williams (1994) &
Warner (2000) that ‘when values and norms of certain cultures are different from the host
culture, they pose an environment for conflict and enforcement of cultural hegemony?’
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5.2 INTEGRATED DISCUSSIONS OF FINDINGS
Cultural differences in practices and perceptions, and ethnic conflicts are portrayed in the
literature reviewed for Chapter 1 and Chapter 2. Such cultural differences in practices and
perceptions are also evident in Chapter 4 as revealed by the respondents. The discussion in
this chapter integrates aspects of both the literature review from Chapters 1 and 2, and the
findings of the respondents from the Chapter 4, relative to urbanization in Port Moresby to
address the research objectives.
5.2.1 Rural Urban Migration in Port Moresby
The indentured labour programme of the colonial era introduced two significant changes;
internal migration and the cash economy. Today, this practice of migration continues, due to
the impact of the cash economy. This has resulted in the form of rural-urban migration, and
Port Moresby city is one recipient of this practice.
The impact of the cash economy on rural-urban migration is significant (see section 4.3.1).
The findings revealed that 83.33 percent of the study respondents migrated to Port Moresby
in search for better education and employment. Such a finding seems to infer a contrast in
rural communities where such opportunities are lacking. Within the same context, anecdotal
evidence show that a significant number of indigenous Papua New Guineans come into Port
Moresby from resource rich areas in PNG, in pursuit of viable investment opportunities.
Apart from the impacts of the cash economy which may be a dominant factor in migration, as
shown in this study, there may be other reasons that dictate the movement of people from one
geographical location to another. According the findings of this study, the remaining 1 out of
6 persons of the migrants moved to Port Moresby due to safety and security issues (see
section 4.3.1). Mary claimed that her reason for leaving home was that she didn’t want to be
a victim of tribal conflict. Such a claim may seem to suggest that ethnic conflicts may be
prevalent back at her home community. Whether such a movement is permanent or
temporary, may yet be a subject of another study.
5.2.1.1 Residence and Land
The process of urban development poses extreme challenges to both migrants and indigenous
resource owners in Port Moresby (see section 2.9.2). The literature reviewed in Chapter 2
reveals that 3 factors seem to be central to ethnic conflicts in the highlands of which land is
one of them (see section 2.8.1.1). Connell and Lea (2002) acknowledge that challenges in
urban areas in the Pacific Regions, which includes PNG, involves land loss by resource
71
owners (see section 2.9.2). Although these challenges may reflect on the government’s socio-
economic incapacity, the rapid impact of urbanization is obvious. Anecdotal evidence in Port
Moresby shows that adequate and decent accommodation is a problem, and some people
resort to affordable housing in the settlement areas, as in the case of the respondents involved
in this study.
While Nine-mile settlement is located on state land, Vadavada settlement is predominantly
customary land. Regardless, these two settlements have seen rapid growth of squatters over
the last few years. Although this study is not able to ascertain the fate of the two settlements
including the squatting migrants, 65 percent of the survey respondents – not including
interviewees, view the future as problematic (see Table 4.3 & Figure 4.5). It is unclear what
the state may decide to do with the land and the settlers at Nine-Mile, while the settlers at
Vadavada are at the mercy of the indigenous land owners. As two respondents put it:
Not until landowners are respected and experience benefits
It depends on how the government address land issues in the city
Particularly for those migrants squatting on the customary land at Vadavada, this study is not
able to establish whether their residential status is permanent or temporary. However, given
that some migrants choose to settle permanently, anecdotal experiences in PNG can often be
problematic, and people make life sacrifices to defend their land. Only time will tell the
outcome of the current trend of land grab in Port Moresby.
5.2.1.2 Ethnic Clustering in Settlements
It is evident from this study, that ethnic groups live in close proximity with members of the
same ethnic group. Philip, for instance, identified several different ethnic groups that reside
together among other ethnic groups at Nine-mile settlement. Scott made the same revelation
about the ethnic groups at Vadavada settlement. Since most of the respondents in this study
claim that they still adhere to their cultures and cultural practices irrespective of the location,
in association with members of their own ethnic group, cultural identity is one cornerstone
value. The findings of this study confirm the statement by Barth (1969) that being together
through hostilities or cooperation is integral for continual existence of ethnic groups as
‘significant units’.
However, the hostilities and cooperation inherent within ethnic groupings have been to
establish, maintain and renew social relationships (Banks, 2008). Perhaps, a significant
72
concept that is central to ethnic clustering within the settlements relates to survival, hence
security, which is paramount. Anecdotal evidence confirmed by Scott (see section 4.4.3) and
Sandra (see section 4.4.5) show that when an ethnic group is together and have a good
support base, they are able to withstand and ward off intruders or potential enemies, both
from within the residential communities and, according to one respondent, maybe from the
fallouts of rural-based conflicts (see section 4.5.4). Ethnic clustering, in this case, may be a
silent proclamation of ethnic defence, and the right to survive, in the midst of adversity.
However, ethnic clustering may pose a negative outlook in Port Moresby, relative to social
harmony, as testified by Scott (see section 4.4.3). Ethnic conflict is easier to perpetrate when
you live in an ethnic cluster with your ethnic peers. Since there is sufficient ethnic support
within the settlement, the impulse to exercise retribution by one ethnic group on another is
phenomenal. This action may parallel the assertion by Trompf that ‘retributive logic is
endemic to humanity’ (p. 2). The inference is that retribution is in response to sustained
injustice, which may often have other social ripple-effects.
5.2. 2 Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
The evidence provided in Chapter 4 suggests that ethnic conflicts have been frequently
experienced in Port Moresby (see Figure 4.3). One such incident of ethnic conflict in Port
Moresby is confirmed by Korugl (2011) in Chapter 2 (see section 2.9.4). Such incidences
have been experienced by 95 percent of the respondents involved in this study (see Figure
4.1). While there appears to be some consistencies about the occurrence of ethnic conflicts
between foreign and local reports, local background knowledge on these conflicts provides a
profound understanding, which may often be vague to foreigners. The respondents involved
in this study presented their understanding and perspectives from an indigenous ethnic and
cultural environment, and added their daily experiences of the ethnic conflicts in Port
Moresby.
5.2.2.1 Involvement in Ethnic Conflict in Port Moresby
It is evident from this study that all ethnic groups from the four regions of PNG have been
involved in ethnic conflict in one way or another. However, according to Figure 4.4, the
ethnic groups from the Highlands of PNG have been the most involved in these ethnic
conflicts. It is clear from the data that the indigenous people from NGI, Papua (Southern),
and Momase regions are not as often involved in ethnic conflict as the Highlanders of PNG.
According to Barry, such a result may be indicative of the type of conflict resolution
73
strategies the Highlanders employ within their cultural settings, coupled with their
worldviews (see section 4.4.4). Given such a situation, a fertile atmosphere for cultural
hegemony may be looming if migration from that region is unabated (see section 2.6). Some
respondents attributed the Highlanders involvement in conflict to their perceived superiority
mentality and attitude towards other indigenous Papua New Guineans (see section Table 4.2).
5.2.2.2 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Ethnic conflict, in the physical sense, which is central to this thesis, is historical, as the
literature review pointed out by Banks (2008), Reilly (2008), and Wolfers (1975), and must have
a legitimate rationale for engagement, according to Mary (see section 4.4.3). These claims
validate the assertion by Eidhelm that ‘conflicts do not exist in a vacuum’ (as cited in Barth,
1969). Acts of violation, injustice or even misconception can be sufficient to create conflicts,
as asserted by Trompf (1994), and confirmed by the respondents involved in this study (see
section 4.4.2). Some of these acts may attract immediate response while others may be
tolerated with reprisals prolonged or deferred until when the moment is convenient, after
which action then eventuates. The Trompf (1994) claim that ‘Resentments may be harboured
in the breast for many years...may bide their time until an opportune moment’ (p. 3) is
consistent with Mary’s response (above).
The factors that incite ethnic conflicts may be diverse, interrelated or may even be multi-
facetted. The respondents in this study have identified nine factors (see Figure 4.2) that have
contributed to the frequent ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby; land issues, market space,
harassment, compensation, revenge, misunderstanding, superiority issues, jealousy, and
approaches of conflict resolution.
Land Issues
As discussed in Chapter 2 (Connell & Lea, 2002; Maclellan, 2005) and confirmed by the
respondents in Chapter 4 , land and land issues are central to indigenous life and people
sacrifice their lives to defend it, among other resources (see Figure 4.2 & section 4.5.8.1).
Intermittent tribal fighting in PNG has often been associated with land disputes (Banks, 2008;
Ferguson & Whitehead; Filer; Strathern, all as cited in Reilly, 2008). This is particularly
evident when indigenous land is acquired and possessed through force, deceit or other
fraudulent avenues.
74
One of the ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, according to the respondents, was factored on
unresolved land issues back in their own home province (see section 4.5.4). However, in Port
Moresby, given the experiences of land-loss by the indigenous Motuan and Koiari people
through the process of urbanization and land-grabbing, and the resource grab by corporate
organizations elsewhere in PNG, the future of conflict in Port Moresby maybe yet set to
escalate. Land, according to Maclellan (2005): ‘is the centre of life, a source of security and
identity’ and such may be on the balance. Based on the responses in Chapter 4 (see Table 4.3
& Figure 4.5), indigenous resource-owners in Port Moresby may find themselves displaced or
alienated from their land and resources, given the current trend of land-grabbing, and
competition over scarce resources (see section 2.8.1.1 & section 2.9.2).
Market Space
The literature review in Chapter 2 reveals that conflicts are often due to competition over
scarce resources, which may include inadequate service facilities (see section 2.8.1.1). The
findings in Chapter 4 ( see Figure 4.2) show that six percent of the questionnaire respondents,
independent of each other, identified disagreements over market space to sell as the cause of
one of the ethnic conflicts at Gordon, Port Moresby, where several people were hacked to
death (Korugl, 2011). Anecdotal evidence from this study show that due to the high
competition among vendors, there exist unwritten claims by certain vendors or group of
vendors to preferred and strategic market space locations. Such preferences may be motivated
by customer access, comfort and daily sales returns.
This scenario neatly illustrates that competition can be over incompatible goals and scarce
resources, however accompanied by ‘force’ - the source of power needed to acquire them
(see section 2.5). Anecdotal evidence suggests that certain ethnic groups dominate the market
facility at Gordon, Port Moresby, and seem to regulate and manipulate other vendors thus
forcing them into submission. Other groups or individuals are therefore relegated to sell their
produce at the least-preferred sections of the market, and thus may create conflict. Given the
current situation at Gordon market, the claim that competition is often over scarce resource
(in this case, market space), is evident.
Harassment
The harassment issue cited by 5 percent of the respondents was alcohol-related (see section
4.5.4). This situation was deemed provocative thus a revenge attack followed. Such an act is
consistent with the maxim central to conflicts in the Highlands of PNG (Banks, 2008) that
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ethnic conflicts can be over resources which include material wealth, land, pigs and women
(see section 2.10.2). The harassment act, although blamed on alcohol abuse, demonstrates
lack of respect (see Table 4.3). The reprisal acts portray an act of identity (see Table 4.4) and
retributive justice (Trompf, 1994), and inherently perceived in culture, according to
Greenwell (2003).
Compensation
Compensation in some parts of PNG is one way of maintaining social relationships (Banks,
2008). It is generally a ceremony or occasion where an exchange of material wealth which
can include pigs, land, food and money are used to settle disputes, claims, demands, debt or
damages. One party recompenses the other, or in some cases, a system of exchange of wealth
occurs. It is general knowledge that all those who have suffered one way or another, in an
ethnic conflict receive an ‘appropriate equivalence’ (Trompf, 1994, p. 106) in quantity and
quality of the wealth being distributed during such ceremonies. Failure, even by a single
member of an ethnic group, to receive such within a given time frame or if the quantity or
quality is below expectation, that is sufficient to create a physical ethnic conflict. Such a
situation was the cause of one of the ethnic conflicts that occurred in Port Moresby over the
past five years; according to five percent of the study respondents (see section 4.5.4 & Figure
4.2).
This traditional approach of indigenous people of PNG is perhaps a fairly humane way, and
in line with the restorative view of Bradshaw (2002). Such an approach is, according to
Trompf (2004) ‘considered as aspect of Melanesian religious life, since it involves ethical
decisions and because intentions to make war or peace are expressed ritually’ (p. 63).
Although, some form of injustice has been caused, social justice can be re-established and
sustained through the practise of compensation, and simultaneously establishing new
relationships.
Misunderstanding
PNG, given its ethno-linguistic diversity should celebrate diversity; however diversity is also
accompanied by challenges. Such diverse societies as PNG represent many different ethnic
groups with often distinct cultural practices, according to Barth (1969). Such representations
may portray what Luzbetak (1963) referred to as ‘cultures are different answers to essentially
the same human problems’ (p. 61). Since different ethnic groups co-exist, particularly in Port
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Moresby, it often creates a situation where understanding each other can become a concern,
as expressed by Sandra:
I’ll say cultural practices are one cause, misunderstanding one another is the other,
and lack of communication.
Such situations may develop conflicts, especially if one ethnic group perceives their own
culture or behaviour as the norm, and is inconsiderate of other ethnic groups (Warner, 2000;
Williams, 1994).
According to this study (see figure 4. 2), five percent of the respondents identified that lack of
cultural comprehension can contribute to ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Since such lack of
knowledge exists, often what is practised by ethnic groups is misrepresented or
misunderstood by other ethnic groups. In some cases, external perceptions may form the
basis for cultural analysis which can often create errors, since they not only differ, but may
also have an elastic characteristic (see section 2.6). According to Philip:
Those of us coming through rural-urban drift seem to bring with us our rural ethnic
perception and ways with us. That makes it difficult to change. A lot of the current
migrants are not properly educated to a point where they will appreciate each other’s
culture. So they are still thinking between this cell of ethnic groups and they come
through, so this generation is difficult but perhaps the next generation may be able to
initiate and cause some appropriate change through proper education.
It is obvious that Philip ascribes misunderstanding to lack of appropriate education and
awareness as confirmed by 55 percent of the respondents (see section 4.5.7 - Table 4.5).
Revenge
The notion of equivalence as portrayed by the Engans (see section 2.8.1.2) is a classical
example of ‘payback’. Although controversial, the Engans’ actions ‘constitute powerful
expressions and integral parts of tribal religious life’ (Trompf, 2005, p. 29). Although this
may appear absurd, vengeance and reciprocity are integrally related to Melanesian
worldviews and it is often ‘not feasible to dissociate Melanesian war from Melanesian
traditional religion’ (p. 29), and ‘rituals and mythologies of their communities’ (p.30).
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The assertion by Trompf is perhaps consistent with findings of this study as depicted in
Figure 4.2. Compared to the other causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, it is significant
that 35 percent of the respondents identified ‘revenge’ as the major cause of ethnic conflict in
Port Moresby. According to Michael, ‘payback’ over the murder of an ethnic member caused
one of the more recent ethnic clashes in Port Moresby (see section 4.4.3). Ideally, retribution
may not necessarily be immediate but harboured until a convenient moment and place, as
perhaps, in this case. Logically, it must however be realized that harbouring of retributive
justice may serve several purposes, among the obvious; to allow divine intervention to
exercise punishment (see section 2.8.1.2); for the ‘residue’ of the initial conflict to settle and
giving a chance for the process of compensation to take place and when both have deemed to
fail, the period allowed is used for strategizing ‘payback’.
‘Payback’ may also be an act to demonstrate inequality over deserved entitlements. This may
be evident when a population of people is deprived of their basic needs and services, and are
forced to fend for themselves, in the case of settlement migrants, as highlighted by Scott (see
section 4.4.3). Such situations set a stage for revenge which can also be harboured until an
opportune time arises and may appear in other forms like vandalism, theft or other criminal
activities – the logic of retributive justice (Trompf, 1994).
However, retributive justice may be perceived from polar opposites of the conflict relative to
values and meanings of the parties involved (see section 2.8.1.2). Unless such ethnic conflicts
are amicably resolved, the dangers of creating enduring cyclic-ripple effect are fertile. There
may also be no guarantee that the ‘hall-mark’ process of compensation will establish absolute
satisfaction and enduring peace, as evident in this study (see Figure 4.2). Considering the
contrast that exists between Melanesian traditional religion and Christianity in PNG, since the
latter denounces the use of aggression and violence, a non-contentious religious shift may be
essential.
Conflict Resolution Strategies
Among the causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, five percent of the respondents in this
study identified that the types of ‘conflict resolution strategies’ employed by some ethnic
groups in attempting to resolve conflict, are in itself provocative thus escalate the conflict.
Barry condemns the use of violence and aggression to solve conflicts. He asserts:
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It is not a matter of getting axes and fighting each other. We sit and talk over it and at
the end of the day, we fix the problem. We don’t jump the gun to go and fight like
other conflicts that comes up in other regions.
We ask people to tell us the story and from there we come to a decision. At the end of
the day, the chief makes the decision. He lets other people to talk about it, and then he
says, ok, this is my decision (see section 4.4.4).
The strategy described by Barry contrasts those applied by the Engan tribal warfare (see
section 2.8.1.3), since it features elements of retributive justice. The logic of retributive
justice however, considers the variation proportionate with personality and culture, and
parallels the assertion by Trompf (1994): ‘The rationale for vengeance in one social setting
may be entirely unacceptable in another’ (p. 3). However, the inference drawn by Barry
contends that the conflict resolution strategies of some cultures are less restorative than
others, and poses detrimental impact on society.
What makes the conflict resolution strategies complex is the intrinsic traditional Melanesian
religion (see Revenge above) that may justify such approaches according to how reality and
meaning is perceived, relative to value and systems of belief. With some fairness though, due
to the pacification process through the Christian missions, anecdotal evidence shows that
most sectors of society in Papua New Guinea have adopted and embarked on appropriating
approaches to conflict resolutions, amidst the persistence of differing value, systems of belief
and cultural practices. A glimpse of such transformation is testified by Mary, who originates
from a community where intermittent tribal fighting is prevalent. She asserts:
Religion is one of the best ways. Going to church and listening to the Word of God
between families and communities, is one way we can avoid all sorts of problems (see
section 4.4.5)
However, although PNG has been ‘Christianised’ for over 200 years, the indigenous people
continue to embattle with the natural phenomena of conflict and conflict resolution strategies,
coupled with modernized social, political and economic changes. Other attributes may often
include the differing and elastic perceptions of ethnic diversity. Despite, these challenges, the
longing for better approaches to conflict resolution is desired. Such generalized sentiments
are shared by Michael, who although originates from the same community as Mary, is liberal
about assimilating other cultures. Michael offered:
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I will adopt the culture of those I come into contact with. I will adopt their way of life;
I will definitely change to their lifestyle. I will be with their culture and practice (see
section 4.4.5)
5.2.3 Ethnic Conflict Resolutions
Section 2.11.1 provides a few of the many conflict resolution strategies that could be used to
settle conflicts. In addition, the respondents acknowledged the successful use of indigenous
conflict resolution strategies within their local communities of origin (see section 4.4.4),
some of which are universally applied.
It is remarkable that the types of conflict resolution strategies presented by the respondents
are almost identical. The strategies feature a ‘general sense of tribal and community
leadership’, and ‘responsibility in addressing pertinent issues that may otherwise escalate to
greater conflicts’. Since Papua New Guineans predominantly have an oral culture, the
narratives provided by the respondents are significant. The responses indicate that conflict
issues are resolved through several interrelated processes like negotiation, consultation,
compromise, and mediation, and often these interrelated processes are synthesised. Michael
indicated that, in some cases, a third-party negotiator, perhaps from another, neutral tribe,
assumes the role of arbitrator. Sometimes the conflict in focus may not be resolved, or the
resolved outcome may not be satisfactory to one or either parties. Such a situation is
potentially chaotic and may escalate to full-scale tribal warfare. Having suffered the
aftermath of the tribal warfare though, a return to the negotiation process is repeated,
however, with additional obligations through reciprocity (Trompf, 2005).
The ‘return to the negotiation process’ is characterized by the exchange of pigs, money and
other valuables through a compensation ceremony, where both allies and enemies are
recompensed for their assistance or for the inflicted damages. Such activities are consistent
with Bank’s (2008) assertion: Part of the continual process of maintaining and renewing the
social relationships that made people and groups, and hence, the war reparations paid to allies
and enemies renewed the relationships between these groups (p. 31).
There is another important aspect to indigenous conflict resolution that perhaps serves as a
mechanism in PNG. Voluminous literature portrays the heterogeneous ethno-lingual diversity
of PNG, and publicise its ethnic conflicts from an often disfigured perspective to the world.
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One aspect is however clearly apparent: Papua New Guinea’s diversity is an advantage to its
unity. Since PNG comprises over 800 different ethnic groups, ethnic conflicts are mostly
confined within a local setting although there may be instances of manipulation to solicit
political coalition and support from others. The indigenous way of conflict resolution is thus
consensually fair, and should be promoted and popularised.
5.2.4 Ways to Prevent Further Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Chapter 2 (see section 2.10.4) and Chapter 4 (see section 4.5.5 & Figure 4.3) show that Port
Moresby has experienced ethnic conflicts within the last five years, and has addressed
conflict however the outcomes have not been sustainable as revealed by the frequency with
which ethnic conflicts occur (see Figure 4.3). The respondents outlined a few suggestions
which they perceive may prevent further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby: Education and
Awareness, Etiquette Application, Legal and Social Control, Social Interaction, Opportunity
Creation, and Leadership. Among the six broad categories, Education and Awareness, and
Etiquette Application were featured as the most favoured approach to preventing further
ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby (see Table 4.5).
5.2.4.1 Education and Awareness
The high percentage of 55 recorded for Education and Awareness perhaps is central to the
fact that although universal education is one of the Government’s priorities, cultural content
within the curriculum is often exclusively minimal compared to foreign ideals and concepts
(see Table 4.5). While westerners continue to impact on the education system of PNG, an
independent country, such overwhelming responses from this study imply that indigenous
cultural knowledge, which is critical and important, is lacking and should be addressed. In
silence, through the PNG education system, foreign influence continues to enculture Papua
New Guineans on a path of indigenous cultural injustice and destruction. While the Bradshaw
view of creation is that of oneness, such foreign influence may produce contrasting outcomes.
The strategies silently ushered in by foreigners may focus on formalized education, yet it is
crucial that all agents of education and change, which includes educational institutions,
parents, the community, churches and other social organizations, and government
departments, need to embark on an approach similar to the Bradshaw creation model (see
section 2.10.1.4). Such may necessitate the inception of an ‘indigenous cultural justice’
programme which addresses the significant strategies used in the past and that fosters the
values and norms of indigenous PNG culture, which has several significant parallels with
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Bradshaw’s creation model (see section 2.10.1.4). The significant existing ‘wantok’ social
media network could be a great vehicle to create awareness of such a programme. Even more
so, the historical-verbal nature of PNG’s society, coupled with its high rural population and
low literacy rate, makes social narratives (see section 2.10.1.4) a formidable approach.
5.2.4.2 Etiquette Application
This study parallels between the lack of indigenous cultural knowledge and the decline of
appropriate etiquette application (see section 4.5.7.3 & Table 4.5). Traditional PNG societies
had within their establishments, constructs and systems that instilled and nurtured values,
which were essential in the maintenance and sustenance of social relationships. An example
of a men’s house was portrayed by Philip. This poignant loss was in part, due to colonial
intervention and today’s modernization, which is a ‘force’ in disguise. Equivalent to
Education and Awareness, 55 percent of the respondents indicated that resolution of further
ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby can be achieved if people apply and demonstrate good
manners towards one-self and others within the midst of their social interactions. The
respondents thus called for a return to indigenous values and systems to maintain social
relationships.
Despite the change in the form of modernization engulfing society, good manners, according
to the respondents, are still essential for harmonious human progression, something that has
historically been lost and is lacking, today. However, given the continuous presence and
shifts in socio-ethnic complexities and challenges within society, etiquette application may be
a monumental struggle. Etiquette application may be a prominent feature of the ‘indigenous
cultural justice’ programme highlighted above.
Having implemented and consolidated the cultural justice programme, where indigenous
cultural practices are taught and popularized through locally initiated institutions, an
inception of a sister programme, ‘indigenous social justice’ may be essential. Such
programmes may feature community- initiated programmes that focus on participating in
community projects, and basically doing things for others. Such a programme may be
conducive to promoting the social virtues of appreciation, respect, consideration, humility,
acceptance, among others, and henceforth create a change of mindset, behaviour and attitude.
Although this may be a vague impression, its legacy could be enduring and in fulfilment of
the proclamation by Apostle Paul and the message conveyed by One Blood which infers that
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the human kind is only one race and treatment of each other should be fair and just (see
section 2.10.1.4).
5.2.4.3 Legal and Social Control
The suggestion for legal and social control has also been offered as a strategy to prevent
further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. The suggestion by the respondents is however based
on their assumption that ethnic conflicts within Port Moresby city are caused by unemployed
ethnic migrants, those who live in the settlement areas, including vagrants. The proponents’
central focus relates to the re-introduction and enactment of the Vagrancy Act, which was
thrown out of the PNG Parliament a few years back since it was deemed to contravene
freedom of movement, as enshrined in the Constitution of Papua New Guinea. The call to
repatriate all vagrants and unemployed migrants and the issuance of temporary urban visas to
rural visitors, are characteristics of the legal and social control strategy.
Although the intention of such a strategy may have good merits, its legality may impede the
constitutional rights of indigenous citizens and instead of being a solution to the problem; it
may add more predicament to the current situation. Furthermore, the employment of such a
strategy may replicate the resentments experienced during the period of colonial intervention,
where force was used to control indigenous life. However, one may ask, how could 40
percent of the respondents choose to have their social life regulated? Is it not surprising that
such a response may be inferred to demonstrate the frustrations caused by a society that
desires amicable progression and change?
Perhaps, provided that the cultural narratives relative to the conduct and organization of
society is well-grounded on indigenous values, inclusive of ethical and moral principles, such
a strategy may be deemed unnecessary. Meanwhile at least, Papua New Guineans should
have acquired some invaluable lessons from PNG’s history. Perhaps, the C. S. Lewis quote at
the beginning of this Chapter is appropriate: it reminds us that the basic assumptions have
been quite different in different periods and that much which seems certain to the uneducated
is merely temporary fashion.
5.2.4.4 Social Interaction
Interface contact and communication was suggested by one quarter of the respondents as
another strategy to prevent further ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. Instead of formulating
new approaches, the current setting already sets the fundamental pillars for ‘just social
dealings’ with the addition of Education and Awareness, and Etiquette Application as pre-
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requisites. The respondents added ‘mixing together’ and living among other ethnic groups as
a practical possibility. Such a suggestion infers the disintegration of the current ethnic
clustering within the settlement areas (see section 4.4.3). This suggestion may however
negate current ethnic solidarity, and expose certain individuals to vulnerability in the face of
retributive justice and payback, under current conditions.
In contrast though, anecdotal evidence shows that individuals from most other parts of PNG
outside the Highlands region are not as vulnerable or involved as others (see Figure 4.4). It is
also interesting that employed individuals from origins known for tribal-fighting, and now
residing amongst other suburban dwellers, are less-vulnerable than their ethnic relatives in
the settlement areas. Ideally though and with optimism, if such is any indication of attitudinal
change, perhaps the process of assimilation through modernization may contribute some
enduring cultural significance. Those who share such optimism include Philip, who also
originates from a community previously known for tribal-fighting:
I think I can easily adopt another ethnic group’s culture if I consider it to be better
than mine (see section 4.4.6).
However, inherent within such adoption, there are often some negative realities – one of
which can be the reversal impact or ‘back-flow’ of such association, in which violent and
other anti-social behaviour are either assimilated or performed as a reactionary response.
Again Philip remarks:
If those people who don’t practise tribal fighting get involved with those that practise
tribal fighting, maybe they’ll start tribal fighting (see section 4.4.6).
Although the possibilities of Philip’s remarks may be substantial, there are some variables
that determine such outcomes. This study reveals that certain practices that characterize
specific ethnic groups can only remain persistent when there is a population of this ethnic
group living together or within close proximity to each other. Scott asserts:
If I am on my own, then I cannot really practice it, unless I have a group from my
particular area or region (see section 4.4.6).
The inference drawn from Scott’s assertion may suggest that certain practices and behaviour
could only be persistent through maximum exposure coupled with a sizeable ethnic
population. Provided that the majority of the population is socially sound, and has a
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dominating effect, positive outcome may be viable thus minimize or prevent physical ethnic
conflict.
5.2.4.5 Opportunity Creation
Chapter 2 reveals that one of the root causes of conflicts is competition (see section 2.5)
According to Avruch & Mazrui, as cited in Mamak (1978); such competition may be related
to incompatible goals and scarce resources – an impact of the cash economy on indigenous
lifestyle. Anecdotal evidence seems to show that a fair population of indigenous migrants in
Port Moresby are unemployed and they may easily get involved in ethnic conflict. The
inference drawn within this strategy implies that these migrants need to be given employment
so that they are able to meet their basic needs and sustain themselves, as suggested by Sandra
(see section 4.4.5).
According to Scott, when such opportunities are not forthcoming, disillusionment and
frustration can be translated into involvement in ethnic conflicts or other anti-social activities
(see section 4.4.3). Anecdotal evidences however show that some of these migrants have
limited education or have no formal skills training, so formal employment may yet be
difficult, as revealed by Philip (see section 4.4.5). Given such realities, the PNG Government
has been accorded some blame for either lack of opportunity provisions, and or neglecting
rural economic development, as pointed out by two respondents. Major investment on
agriculture in the rural areas, plus the inclusion of minority groups in development and
employment opportunities were suggested as ways to maximise people’s potential. Such
purposeful engagement may have a positive impact on the rural population and thus prevent
rural-urban migration (see section 4.5.7.4).
The sentiments shared above may infer that opportunities created by both past and present
governments have been largely unequal or perhaps centralised in urban areas like Port
Moresby at the expense of rural communities. The influx of internal migrants into Port
Moresby and other urban centres may be a direct indication of such inequality as indicated by
83.33 percent of the interview respondents (see section 4.3.1).
Within Port Moresby, like most other urban areas in PNG, the problem of unemployment is a
major issue and even educated migrants like Philip (Nine-mile respondent) and Sandra
(Vadavada respondent) have difficulty in securing formal employment. However, if
opportunities are created as recommended by 10 percent of the study respondents, ethnic
conflicts in Port Moresby may be prevented. As lack of opportunity is an issue, may be a shift
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in approach is needed where initiatives to create self-employment is cultivated instead of
being dependent on the government, which is already struggling to address PNG’s
unemployment problems.
5.2.4.6 Leadership
Chapter 2 and the introduction to this chapter reveal that traditional leadership were
suppressed during the period of colonial intervention, thus indigenous social relationships and
order became disintegrated (Wolfers, 1975). Despite the past, Michael and Mary have
suggested the need to have honest, responsible, and assertive leaders in all sectors of society
(see section 4.4.5 and Table 4.5). Such a suggestion may infer several assumptions; people
have certain expectations of their leaders; past and current leaders across society lack
appropriate leadership skills; and both past and present leaders have not been able to address
some of the fundamental issues of society. The leadership strategy may imply that all these
leaders (Government, church, community) should cooperate with each other, serve as good
role models, and maximise their attention to the needs of their indigenous populations.
Papua New Guinean leaders are often portrayed by newspapers, the media and on the streets
as associated with corruption, and therefore are undeserving of respect, although they are
figures of political authority. Again, anecdotal evidence through the media on countless
occasions have published, broadcasted or televised articles questioning of the dignity and
integrity of PNG leaders, relative to millions of Kina of unaccounted public funds through
misappropriation or fraud. Through effective, assertive, accountable and responsible
leadership, ethnic conflicts may be minimised as indigenous populations will experience and
appreciate tangible development. Such virtues are also acknowledged by Abyad (nd), as
essential elements of intercultural leadership and communication in global business (Abyad
(nd) para, 1).
5.3 CHAPTER SUMMARY
The results of the data collected (see Chapter 4) and the literature review in Chapter 2 show
that real and perceived cultural differences exist amongst the urbanized migrants of Port
Moresby. Furthermore, the results show that these real or perceived cultural differences,
coupled with associated attributes of urbanization, could initiate ethnic conflicts, as revealed
by the study respondents in Chapter 4. Given that ethnic conflicts can often be inevitable,
Chapter 2 provides some conflict resolution strategies, while the respondents in Chapter 4
presented some applicable approaches that are employed locally. Despite such applications,
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the occurrence of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby have been rather frequent thus requiring
endured strategies, as suggested by the study respondents in Chapter 4 (see section 4.5.7).
Chapter 6 presents some of these suggested strategies in the form of recommendations that
needs consideration.
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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION
Peace cannot be kept by force. It can only be achieved by understanding.
Einstein Albert
6.1 INTRODUCTION
This thesis confirms that in Papua New Guinea, known as one of the ‘last great places’ on the
earth, cultural perceptions and practices can cause ethnic conflicts. Ethnic conflicts are
therefore real and do exist in the settlements of Port Moresby and often lead to destruction of
properties and violent deaths. Furthermore, this thesis highlights that ethnic conflicts may be
in part, a legacy of colonial construct, and based on traditional Melanesian religion. Relative
to such bearings, some indigenous Papua New Guinean societies have engaged in localised
intermittent tribal and ethnic conflicts as part of the continual process of establishing and
maintaining the social relationships that made people and groups. Integral after these ethnic
conflicts, the indigenous people do however perform reciprocity through reparations to both
allies and foes. This is remarkable, as reparations are valued and meaningful to indigenous
social life.
Instead of continually pointing a finger and portraying indigenous people with prejudice, they
should be commended for holding on to at least one part – forgiveness and reciprocity
through reparations. Such acts of forgiveness are Biblical and something that Jesus Christ
himself used: Father, forgive them. Forgiveness and reparations thus, in Papua New Guinea
and throughout Melanesia, renew and consolidate the social relationships between groups.
Forgiveness is an integral part of religion and traditional religions have always been
connected to community. However, although there is an intrinsic correlation between
Melanesian traditional religion with mechanisms of establishing, maintaining and renewing
social relationships, the impacts of such practices can have enduring excruciating aftermaths
and negative social repercussions, today. Particularly, in an urban environment like Port
Moresby, ethnic conflicts may hinder and jeopardize PNG’s progression of modernization.
The research questions of this study as previously outlined are:
1. What is the history of conflict in Papua New Guinea?
2. Do cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port Moresby
city?
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3. Do these cultural differences and perceptions, including associated attributes, initiate
ethnic conflicts, encompassing the impacts of urbanization? and
4. What conflict resolution mechanism would be appropriate to contain these cultural
conflicts, coupled with sustainable solution strategies?
The conclusion below provides documentary evidence from Chapter 1 to Chapter 5 which
answers these four questions. The literature review in Chapter 2 argues that colonialism
exacerbates pre-existing tendencies towards violence. Furthermore, Chapter 2 confirms that
cultural differences and perceptions exist (see section 2.4 & section 2.6). Chapter 4 focuses
on the results of the study done in two Port Moresby settlements and two private companies
and also confirms that cultural differences and different perceptions of other cultures do exist
(see section 4.4.2 & section 4.5.2). Furthermore, with rapid urbanization, these cultural
differences and perceptions do lead to ethnic conflicts. The conflict resolution strategies
featuring negotiation, consultation and mediation are acknowledged as integral in communal
life. Chapter 4 also presents sustainable approaches to the prevention of further ethnic
conflicts since these ethnic conflicts have been frequently experienced in Port Moresby over
the last five years.
6.2 CONCLUSION
6.2.1 Injustices by Colonial Intervention
The literature findings reveal that colonial intervention, which included corporations and
missionaries, forced changes upon indigenous cultures. The processes in introducing these
changes were at times brutal and had a negative impact on indigenous culture and social
relationships (see Chapter 2 and section 5.1).
6.2.2 Ethnic Conflicts: Featured by Colonial powers and traditional relationships
The literature findings in this study show that, the Colonial ‘force’ became parallel with
traditional ethnic conflicts - the latter being an integral part of indigenous Papua New
Guinean society (Banks, 2008; Trompf, 1994). Banks (2008) shows that ethnic conflicts
otherwise generally known as resource conflicts are better conceived as conflicts around
identity and social relationships. This thesis confirms the claims by Trompf and adds that the
main purpose for the ‘force’ was complete submission, a total disregard for other human
beings and dehumanizing the indigenous people of Papua New Guinea. Furthermore, this
thesis reveals that ethnic conflicts were part of maintaining and establishing social
relationships, as documented by Banks.
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6.2.3 Frequent Occurrences & Experiences of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Chapter 2 shows the extent of ethnic conflicts on the lives of indigenous people and the
rationale for such engagements. Such conflicts were an aspect of social traditional
relationships in some parts of PNG. With this practice still etched in the mind of some
indigenous people, Figure 4.3 shows that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby over the last five
years have been frequent. Both male and female respondents in this study have shared their
perceptions on these occurrences and experiences of ethnic conflicts relative to cultural
practices and perceptions in Port Moresby. Although there is substantial literature about
ethnic conflicts in Papua New Guinea, there is a dearth of literature been written about Port
Moresby, especially by indigenous Papua New Guineans.
6.2.4 Cultural Differences and Perceptions
This study reveals that apart from certain fundamental similarities shared by all cultures
(cultural universals); there exist cultural variations and differences among the population of
migrants in Port Moresby. These diversities are in line with the creation account, as
everybody is uniquely created and, out of billions of people, creation points out that no two
people are exactly alike (Bradshaw, 2002). Such differences consist of language, systems of
belief, music, food preparation, rituals, values and identities. Although these are the general
differences and similarities of culture, the respondents acknowledged that behavioural
characteristics of some ethnic groups are often distinct thus create differing interpretations
and perceptions that may cause conflict (see Table 4.4).
6.2.5 Involvement in Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
Although ethnic groups from all the four regions of Papua New Guinea have been involved
one way or another, the most prominent ethnic conflicts have been from the Highlands region
(see Figure 4.4).
6.2.6 Factors of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
There were nine causes of ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, as identified by the respondents
involved in this study; misunderstanding, superiority issues, market space, jealousy, land
issues, conflict resolution strategies, harassment, revenge, and compensation. Some of these
factors are interrelated, however, ethnic conflicts as an act of ‘revenge’ has been identified
has a major cause (see Figure 4.2).
6.2.7 Traditional Conflict Resolution Strategies
The respondents in this study acknowledged that traditional ways of solving conflicts exists
within their local communities. Their responses revealed some similarities including
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negotiation, consultation, and mediation, are common. Two other respondents identified
tribal fighting and compensation as their strategies used in conflict resolution (see section
4.4.5).
6.2.8 Prevention of Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby
The respondents perceived that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby can be prevented. They
provided six broad suggestions; Education and Awareness, Legal and Social Control, Social
Interaction, Opportunity Creation, Etiquette Application and Leadership (see Table 4.5).
Chapter 2 provided the Narrative Approach suggested by Bradshaw (2002) and the Biblical
perspective (Batten et al., 2003), as considerations (see section 2.10.1.4).
6.2.9 Migration and Urbanization
The findings in this study revealed that migration is a trend that has increased rapidly since its
introduction during the colonial era through blackbirding and indentured labour. Such a trend
has continued with rural-urban migration in response to modernization and urbanization. The
respondents in this study attributed their motive for migration as the need for better education
and employment. Such motives seem to show the influence of the modern cash economy
compared to the subsistence-based economy. Despite the motivation for better education and
employment in urban areas, particularly in Port Moresby, some respondents are disillusioned
as they are faced with associated urban challenges and problems (see section 4.4.5).
6. 3 RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on this study and the addition of new knowledge as a result of this thesis, I recommend
that:
6.3.1. More indigenous researchers need to be engaged in conducting cultural studies in
Papua New Guinea Cultures for better cultural knowledge, and to ascertain if a return to
indigenous values and systems of maintaining social relationships can have a positive impact
on society.
6.3.2. The various different indigenous ways of solving conflict be highlighted, popularised
and utilised to deal with ethnic conflicts and ethnic perceptions.
6.3.3. There be formulation and inclusion of ‘Cultural Justice’ programmes, featuring cultural
narratives, based on the indigenous models of conflict resolution in the Papua New Guinea
Education Curriculum, as a compulsory area of study.
6.3.4. Educational institutions and social organizations engage in ‘Social Justice’
programmes based on the indigenous model.
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6.3.5. An Integrated Approach to Community Development by Leaders and Agents of
Change.
6.3.6. Diversity to be celebrated and that cultural awareness be maximized through
Community Development programmes.
6.3.7. The participant suggested mechanisms for preventing ethnic conflicts; Education and
Awareness; Social Interaction; Opportunity Creation; Etiquette Application; and Leadership
be considered.
6.4 AREAS FOR FUTURE STUDY
This study raises a few unanswered questions. Future related studies could help provide in-
depth understanding of the dynamics of lifestyle of migrants within the Port Moresby urban
community.
6.4.1 Assimilation of Ethnic Conflicts by Migrants
This study highlighted that ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby are more prevalent among the
highlands’ migrants. The new study should establish why they are moving en masse into
settlements in Port Moresby. Are the movements permanent or temporary? What are the
likely influences of ethnic conflicts on other more pacified ethnic groups?
6.4.2 Christian Churches and Ethnic Conflict
It is documented in this study by Trompf (2005) that the practice of ‘revenge or pay-back’
was part of traditional Melanesian religion. Furthermore, this thesis perceives that
Christianity came on the wings of Colonization. The root word in ‘Christianity’ is Christ.
How is Christianity different or is it the same as the practices of the colonizers? What is the
premise of Christianity in PNG? How is Christianity practiced? Are the practices the same as
the practices of Christ, who gave Christianity that name? Are Christians’ interpretations of
God’s Word consistent with the Bible?
6.4.3 Parental and Community Obligations
This document presented that appropriate etiquette application is lacking within the Port
Moresby urban community. How much parental and community effort is invested in
culturing and nurturing appropriate etiquette? Are parents aware of their roles and do
communities know of their social obligations?
6.4.4 Indigenous Leadership
Given that our communities have numerous leaders in various capacities and occupy different
roles in different organizations, why are people not responsive to their leadership? How was
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indigenous leadership viewed during the past compared to the present? How can leadership
positively impact on indigenous society?
6.4.5 Indigenous Historical Leadership and Traditions
The ‘force’ used in the colonial era disestablished the indigenous leadership with its own
constructs of tultuls, luluais and kiaps. Documenting our real indigenous heritage and
indigenous traditions would greatly benefit our future.
6.5 LIMITATIONS OF THIS STUDY
The findings of all research needs to be interpreted with due regard for the limitations. The
limitations of this study, as previously noted are as follows:
The survey questionnaire sample size of 20 participants from two companies and the six face-
to-face interviews may lead to oversimplification of the findings in this thesis. However, this
limitation does not detract from the validity of the findings as an interpretative approach was
applied and the literature reviews completed suggest that the findings are not limited to the
participants. Furthermore, since Papua New Guinea is an oral culture, the narratives provided
by the respondents are significant.
6.6 CHAPTER SUMMARY
This study showed that cultural differences and perceptions exist among the migrants of Port
Moresby city. It also highlighted that these cultural differences and perceptions, central to
primordial factors and constructed dynamics have been the causes of ethnic conflicts. Such
cultural differences and perceptions may be inclusive to the process of urbanization, and the
incapability of culture to address such challenges. Furthermore, the study revealed that
despite common approaches to conflict resolutions that have been employed, the results have
not been enduring or sustainable, since practices and perceptions often determined such
approaches. The study suggests that cultural fluency and adoption of biblical principles may
be positive initiatives for addressing differences in cultural practices and perceptions, and
ethnic conflicts.
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APPENDICES
APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN
APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES
APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET
APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM
APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY
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APPENDIX A: RESEARCH DESIGN
Research design (the procedures for recruitment and selection of participants, data collection
and analysis methods, dissemination)
1. Survey questionnaires
For the survey questionnaire the sample size is s=30, and simple random sampling and
quota sampling (based on gender) will be used. A total of 15 females and 15 males
(Down-Town Port Moresby and Waigani) will participate in the survey questionnaire.
2. The participant recruitment process – survey questionnaires
I will make an appointment and had a short interview with three different companies
in Down Town Port Moresby and Waigani for permission to allow their employees to
participate in this survey.
During this meeting we will establish a suitable protocol, e.g. when and where to drop
the questionnaires, when and where to collect it, without impacting on the production
hours of the employer.
Between Monday and Thursday afternoon, I will paste the information sheets on the
notice board with these companies. These sheets have my contact details and interested
parties are invited to contact me.
I will use simple random sampling to draw the names of the participants.
The list that I will write their names on, is split into gender ( quota sampling)
Once I have 15 males /15 females, my participant list will be complete.
Once I have the list of possible participants, I will hand deliver the questionnaires and
the consent form in a sealed envelope to their workplace on the following Monday or
Tuesday. I will collect the consent forms immediately once the employee has signed it.
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The date than I will collect the survey questionnaires (by Friday of the same week) will be
clearly stated on the envelope. Furthermore, clear instructions of where participant should
leave the completed questionnaire will also be written on the envelope.
Once completed, the participant will place the completed questionnaire in a sealed
envelope and leave it at their reception desk as per instruction on the envelope.
At the appointed time (written on the envelope) I will collect all the questionnaires
from the three companies’ reception desks.
3. Face-to-face interviews
The sample size for the face-to-face interviews is s = 6. Purposive sampling will be used to
recruit four community leaders and two ordinary citizens from Vadavada settlement and
Nine-Mile settlement. An adaptation of the appreciative inquiry approach (Lehner &Hight,
2006) will be used for the face-to-face interviews. Lehner and Hight describes the
appreciative inquiry approach as revolving around five principles; namely (a) the
constructionist principal, (b) the simultaneity principle, (c) the poetic principle, (d) the
anticipatory principal and (e) the positive principle (p.142). This method allows
participants, during the interview, to share their stories. Therefore, especially given the
storytelling context of PNG, the appreciate inquiry approach is most suited. The face-to-
face interviews will be transcribed and the main themes and categories will be identified
using the general inductive approach (Thomas, 2003). This approach allows main themes
to emerge without the rigidity of theoretical frameworks, which often result in important
information being discarded.
4. The participant recruitment process – face-to-face interviews
I will make an appointment with Vadavada and Nine mile settlement leaders to
discuss the research with them and provide them with an information sheet with my
contact details.
Once the leaders decide to participate, they will contact me directly so that we can
schedule for them to sign consent, and thereafter arrange the face-to-face interview.
Leaders will also be asked to provide the information sheets to residents of the
settlement. Once the residents contact me and express their willingness to participate, I
will schedule a time and place convenient for both the participant and me to conduct the
face-to-face interviews.
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For both categories of participants, the health clinic and a church have been organized
where the interviews can be conducted in a safe and quiet environment.
It I receive more than two names for the settlement participants; I will use simple
random sampling to draw the names of the two participants.
Thereafter I will contact the two prospective participants to arrange a suitable place
and venue and gain written consent.
I will still keep all the names of possible participants, in case of any eventuality
which will require me to use another participant.
Once the interviews are complete, I will thank the participants and arrange for them
to have access to the transcripts of the interviews to ensure that the information has been
transcribed correctly.
When we meet, I will show them the transcripts and do any amendments, if
necessary.
Once the amendments are done, I will remove their names from the transcripts. This
is important as anonymity has been assured. Instead of their names, I will use either
numbers or pseudonyms on every transcription.
The final bound thesis will be held in the PAU library. Furthermore, chapters of this thesis
may be presented at conferences or published in journals.
Travelling arrangement for the fieldwork research will be personally arranged. Dr Cecile
Hoods and Dr Lalen Simeon will be the contact persons, should there be concerns or
issues relating to the study.
At PAU, the researcher will work under the guidance of the two appointed supervisors
during the data analysis, write-up stage and until the final submission of the research thesis
is complete.
5. Has the research been given ethical approval by any other body? If so, by whom?
No.
6. Please summarise how the following ethical issues will be dealt with?
a. How will you ensure informed consent of participants?
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The community will be sent an information form, and, should they want to participate,
they will signal their intention by letting texting me the words ‘I want to take part’ to the
researcher’s mobile phone.
Once they have signalled their intention, the researcher will contact them, answer any
questions that they may have and provide them with a consent form (face-to-face
interviews). Once this form is signed, the researcher will set up interviews and conduct the
interviews.
For the Survey questionnaires, the information sheets will be displayed at the companies
and prospective participants will contact the researcher. Any questions regarding the
research will be answered. The researcher will drop off the consent and survey
questionnaire in a sealed envelope at the employee’s workplace. Once the consent form is
complete, the employee hands the consent form to the researcher in a sealed envelope. The
researcher will be completing the data collection during May – July 2012.
b. How will data be stored and disposed of?
Collected raw data will be kept in a secured, locked cabinet in the supervisors’ office and
will be disposed of after five years.
c. What is the potential harm to participants, the researcher, organisations or
others? How will this be dealt with?
• Cultural insensitivity: Cultures and time agreed by the participants will be strictly
respected and observed respectively.
• Discouragement during the data collection process (researcher): The researcher will
be in touch with the Dr Cecile Hoods and Dr Lalen Simeon. Any difficulties will be
discussed with the supervisor during that period.
Ethnical issue: Issues of traditional and cultural nature will be respected at all times.
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APPENDIX B: SAMPLE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
Differences in Cultural Practices of Port Moresby City Residents and Migrants in the National
Capital District, Papua New Guinea.
Note: Respondents are male and female residing in Port Moresby, including settlement areas.
Company: ____________________________________________________________________
Interviewee (Title and Name): ____________________________________________________
Interviewer: Miskus Lapan
Sections Used:
_____ A: Demographics (no specific questions)
_____ B: Interview Background
_____ C: Differences in Cultural Practice
_____ D: Changing face of POM
_____ E: Cultural Practices and Ethnic Conflict
Other Topics Discussed: ____________________________________________ _____________
________________________________________________________________ _____________
Documents Obtained: _____________________________________________ ______________
________________________________________________________________ _____________
________________________________________________________________ _____________
Post Interview Comments or Leads:
_____________________________________________________________________________
Key Words: Perceptions, Differences, Port Moresby, Conflict, Ethnic, Culture, Land,
Urbanization, Practices and Conduct.
All participants have already received information sheets on the purpose of the interview.
Cultural Practices and Ethic Differences
Introductory Protocol
To facilitate our note-taking, we would like to audio tape our conversations today. I will record your
permission. For your information, only my-self and my supervisor will be privy to the tapes which will
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be eventually destroyed after they are transcribed. In addition, you must sign a consent f orm. This
document states that: (1) all information will be held confidential, (2) your participation is voluntary
and you may stop at any time if you feel uncomfortable, and (3) we do not intend to inflict any harm.
Thank you for your agreeing to participate .
I have planned this interview to last no longer than one hour. During this time, the re are several
questions that I would like to cover. If time begins to run short, it may be necessary to interrupt you in
order to push ahead and complete this line of questioning.
Introduction
You have been selected to speak with us today because you have been identified as someone who has
ideas and information to share about cultural practices and ethnic differences in Port Moresby. My
research project as a whole focuses on whether there are any differences in cultural practices, and
whether these differences can lead to possible ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby. This study does not
aim to evaluate your cultural knowledge or experiences. Rather, I am trying to learn more about
different traditional cultural practices and whether there is a relationship between the differences in
practices and ethnic conflicts.
A. Demographics
How old are you? __________________________________________________________________
How many children do you have? _____________________________________________________
How many people live with you in the same house? _______________________________________
Do they come from the same area as you? _______________________________________________
State the particular tribe or clan you belong to____________________________________________
Are you from a matrilineal or patrilineal society? _________________________________________
B. Interviewee Background
How long have you been …?
_______ in your POM?
_______ at this location (where you are presently living?
Interesting background information on interviewee:
What is your tribal role in the area that you come from? ___________________________________
Can you explain ownership of any land/resources where you come from? ______________________
How do you settle any differences where you are from? ____________________________________
Are there ever any differences that are left unresolved? ____________________________________
How long have you been involving in customary matters? __________________________________
Why did you come to POM? _________________________________________________________
What type of life do you experience in POM? ___________________________________________
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What activities do you do in order to support yourself? ____________________________________
What activities do the people who live with you do, to support themselves? ____________________
Briefly describe your role in this community ____________________________________________
From your knowledge of land tenure and resource acquisition and entitlements, in Papua New Guinea,
where do you place (land) resource owners? _____________________________________________
C: Differences in Cultural Practices
Briefly describe your cultural practices _________________________________________________
How important is your culture or custom to you? _________________________________________
Describe the cultural practices of the other people who live in your household__________________
Which different cultural groups live in your area? ________________________________________
Are there any differences between the way you do things and the way they do things? ___________
Can you describe these differences? ___________________________________________________
How important are these differences? __________________________________________________
How is your daily life affected by these cultural differences in POM? _________________________
Do you apply your customary practise everywhere you live or settle? _________________________
Do you perceive other customs to be better or worse off than others? _________________________
Would you like to adopt and practise another ethnic group’s custom or culture? ________________
Describe to us your cultural practice of how you deal with issues relating to land and community
resources ________________________________________________________________________
Describe your cultural practice of settling conflicts and pertinent issues like land and other resources.
________________________________________________________________________________
Describe how the other cultural or tribal groups settle conflicts, especially those arising from land and
community resources? ______________________________________________________________
Do you believe that the cultural practices of other groups violate the cultural practices of your own
group?
________________________________________________________________________________
D: Changing face of POM
Can you describe to me the extent you have known that life in Port Moresby has been affected due to
the differences in cultural practices? ___________________________________________________
What are the ways that differences in cultural practices have changed life in Port Moresby? _______
What are your daily observations, encounters and experiences, relating to the behaviour and conduct
of the diverse ethnic population of Port Moresby? _________________________________________
To what extent does life in Port Moresby differ from what it used to be considering the numerous
groups of people that live in and around the city? __________________________________________
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Comment on any changes that you have noticed in Port Moresby relating to buildings, roads or the
ways in which the different cultural groups interact with each other. ___________________________
Do you think the changes happening to Port Moresby; will make it better or worse _______________
Are differences in cultural practice, a threat to your existence in Port Moresby? __________________
What significant difference has different cultures (from other parts of Papua New Guinea) made to
Port Moresby? _____________________________________________________________________
Do you believe that life in Port Moresby is fast-changing, and that more land will be needed for
expansion? ________________________________________________________________________
At present times, development projects, including new buildings, even settlements and re-settlements,
and the signs of rural-urban migration, are evident in Port Moresby. In your view, are there any
connections between resource ownership, behaviour and lifestyle? Do you think life in Port Moresby
is improving for you and your family/group? If life is improving, explain how or in what ways? If life
is not improving, what has got worse?
_________________________________________________________________________________
E: Cultural practices and Ethnic conflict
Is there any ethnic conflict in POM that you are aware of? ___________________________________
Why do you think there is ethnic conflict in POM? ________________________________________
Is there a connection between cultural practices and ethnic conflict? ___________________________
In your view, can differences in cultural practices lead to ethnic conflict? _______________________
If all ethnic groups practiced the same culture, do you think ethnic conflicts will still exist?
__________________________________________________________________________________
How do you think Port Moresby city can avoid possible ethnic conflicts, and maintain law and order?
__________________________________________________________________________________
Thank you so much for your time and for taking part in this research.
Is there anything else that you would like to add?
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APPENDIX C: SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE: CULTURAL PRACTICES
My name is Miskus Eadique Lapan. I am a student on the Master of Leadership and Development at
the Pacific Adventist University. I am currently completing a piece of research related to cultural
practices and perceptions of Port Moresby Migrants.
Aim of the project:
The primary goal of this research is to add to the existing of knowledge on cultural practices and
perceptions and its impact on people in Port Moresby. This study will add to the body of knowledge.
Throughout this research project, your privacy would be ensured and no reference will be made to you
personally. Your data will only be used for the purpose stated above. The results of this research
forms part of a thesis and may be used for conference presentation and publication purposes. Your
interview records will be freely available to you at all times. The findings of the project will be
available in the PAU library and via electronic journals.
Consent to Participate:
Your involvement in this research is entirely voluntary. By completing the questionnaire, you consent
to being a participant in this research. If you complete the paper questionnaire, you will be given a
consent form to sign before starting this questionnaire.
Confidentiality:
The information of personal details such as name and address is not required in this questionnaire. In
adherence to university policy, the collected data will be kept in a locked cabinet for five years before
it is destroyed.
Further Information:
This research has been reviewed and given approval by PAU Research Ethics Committee. If you
would like further information about the study, please feel free to contact me on 7023 2171 or by
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email: [email protected]. Alternatively, you can contact my supervisor Dr Cecile
Hoods on 328 0200 or email: [email protected].
Thank you for your involvement in this research. Your participation is greatly appreciated.
1. Demographics
What is your sex?
Male Female
2. What is your age group?
Age Category Please tick
18 < 23
23 < 28
28 < 33
33 < 38
38 < 43
43 < 48
48 < 53
53 and Above
3. What is your marital status?
Status Please tick
Single
Married
4. What is your highest qualification?
Award Please tick
HSC
Diploma
Degree
PGD
Master Degree
PhD
Others: Specify
5. How long have you lived in Port Moresby? ________________________________
6. These questions are about cultural practices. Tick where appropriate.
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Questions 1
Strongly
Agree
2
Agree
3
Neither
Agree or
Disagree
4
Disagree
5
Strongly
Disagree
Every ethnic groups have
different cultural practices
My cultural practices are unique
to my culture
I accept and tolerate the cultural
practices and perceptions of
other ethnic groups
Other ethnic groups accept and
tolerate my cultural practices
and perceptions
My cultural practices changed
since I moved to Port Moresby
Different cultural practices and
perceptions can cause ethnic
conflicts
Respecting and understanding
other cultures prevents ethnic
conflicts
Migrants in Port Moresby
respect each others’ cultures
Better education can positively
influence cultural perceptions,
behaviours and practices
Current cultural practices in
Port Moresby promote
indigenous cultural harmony
Conflicts may appear in Port
Moresby if land issues are not
culturally addressed due to the
process of urbanizations
Urbanization can create ethnic
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problems
Multicultural diversity prevents
ethnic problems
Different ethnic groups can co-
exist without problems
Residing and working in an
urban area can change our
perceptions and behaviour in a
positive way
7. Since your initial time of residence in Port Moresby, state if you have noticed, witnessed,
experienced, or has been affected by any ethnic conflict. Please specify:
___________________________________________________________________________
8. In relation to the question above, state the nature of the ethnic conflict, if you know!
___________________________________________________________________________
9. Comment on the frequency of these ethnic conflicts in Port Moresby, over the past five years.
___________________________________________________________________________
10. Identify and specify the involvement of ethnic groups in these conflicts (if any) by regions.
Region Please tick
New Guinea Islands
Papua (Southern)
Momase (Northern)
Highlands
Others: Specify
11. What is your perception of the cultural practices of other ethnic groups?
___________________________________________________________________________
12. Suggest at least two possible ways to prevent or avoid ethnic conflicts caused by differing
cultural practices and perceptions.
___________________________________________________________________________
13. Considering the diverse composition of Port Moresby’s migrant population, do you foresee
the future of the city as progressive and peaceful or problematic? Please comment and
explain.
_____________________________________________________________________
14. Is there any other information you would like to share? _____________________________
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Thank you so much for your time and for taking part in this research.
APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET
TITLE: Can Differences in Cultural Practices Create Ethnic Conflicts in Port Moresby?
You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Miskus Eadique Lapan,
student of Master in Leadership and Development Programme, School of Business, Pacific
Adventist University.
The main aim of the study is to determine whether there are differences in cultural
practices amongst the urban population of Port Moresby city. The findings of this study
will be used for completing my Masters degree. After completing this degree, the findings
may be presented at symposiums, conferences or published in papers.
I would appreciate your participation in this study, although it is entirely voluntary. There
are no known or anticipated risks from participating in this study because all the given
information will be treated confidentiality and your name and personal details will not be
given to anybody or used in the study. Please send a text message to me on 731 83653
with the words ‘I want to take part’.
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact me on
328 0200 or by email: [email protected]. If you have any concerns or questions
about this study, you can contact Cecile Hoods, Convenor and supervisor of the Masters in
Leadership and Development programme at PAU by telephone extension 227 and via
email: cecile.hoods@ pau.ac.pg. You can also contact the Post Graduate Director of
Research, Dr Lalen Simeon via email: [email protected].
It is important for you to know that any information that you provide will be totally
anonymous and confidential. All of the data will be summarized immediately once you
complete the interview/survey. The questionnaire will take approximately 20 minutes of
your time. Thank you so much for participating in this study.
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APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM
I hereby consent to participate in a study of the Differences in Perception in Port Moresby.
Please sign and return this page
I agree to be interviewed by the researcher Yes No
I understand that my participation is voluntary, that I can choose not to participate in part
or all of the project, and that I can withdraw at any stage of the project without being
penalised or disadvantaged in any way.
I understand that any data that the researcher extracts from the interview for use in reports
will not, under any circumstances, contain names or identifying characteristics.
I understand that none of the information that I provide will be used against me.
I understand that any information I provide is confidential, and that no information that
could lead to the identification of any individual will be disclosed in any reports on the
project, or to any other party.
I understand that reports based on the interview(s) will be kept in a secure storage and
accessible to the Unit examiners only. I also understand that the reports held by the
university will be destroyed after the completion of the Unit.
Participant’s name :
Signature :
Date :
Interviewer’s name : Miskus Eadique Lapan
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APPENDIX F: APPLICATION FOR EXTENSION OF STUDY
The Pacific Adventist University
Private Mail Bag
Boroko
National Capital District
05th, May 2013
The Coordinator
Post-graduate Studies
The Pacific Adventist University
Private Mail Bag
Boroko
National Capital District
Papua New Guinea
Request for Further Extension for Thesis Completion
Dear Dr Lalen Simeon
As per our discussion, I Miskus Eadique Lapan, student number s41355, a Post-Graduate Student in
Masters and Leadership and Development, hereby apply for a further extension to complete my thesis.
I am working through Chapter (4) four, Chapter (5) five, and the Conclusion. I also need the
extension for re-editing and proof-reading of all Chapters, prior to final submission. My delay has
been due to a few issues, which have not improved since my last request for a second extension. In
particular;
1. Accommodation is still a crucial issue
2. Financial constraints
3. No designated allocation of computer in the Post-Graduate room
4. My computer crashed and was just repaired on Saturday, 04th May, 2013
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I am really eager to complete my thesis within the time given and qualify for graduation at the end of
this year, and perhaps a further extension would be of great assistance. I thank my supervisors, Cecile
Hoods and Harwood Lockton for their tireless effort and professional support. I also thank you, Dr
Lalen Simeon, for your inspiration, and encouragement.
I thank the Pacific Adventist University for this opportunity.
Yours Sincerely,
Miskus Eadique Lapan