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Byzantium Westernized, Byzantium Marginalized: Two Icons in the Supplicationes variae Author(s): Amy Neff Source: Gesta, Vol. 38, No. 1 (1999), pp. 81-102Published by: on behalf of the The University of Chicago Press International Center of Medieval

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Byzantium Westernized, Byzantium Marginalized: Two Icons in the Supplicationes variae*

AMY NEFF

University of Tennessee, Knoxville

Abstract

The Supplicationes variae, a richly illuminated manuscript of the late dugento, presents an unusual case of western ad- aptation of Byzantine iconography. Images of the Transfigu- ration and the Man of Sorrows appear in characteristically late Byzantine forms that were invented probably only a few decades before the making of the Supplicationes. These types are used not only as full-page devotional images but also as illustrations in the manuscript's margins. While the Man of Sorrows retains its devotional function even as a marginal image, excerpts from the Transfiguration do not. My essay in- vestigates how the meaning and function of the two icons build on Byzantine precedent, yet are radically changed by their assimilation into a Franciscan program of devotion. I also speculate about the attitudes that would allow a Byzantine icon to be dismantled into marginal droleries.

This essay brings together the devotional image and the

drolerie. While both subjects have engaged art historians concerned with the thirteenth century, there has been little or no overlap between the two. As one would expect, scholars concerned with Byzantium and its reception in the west have focused on devotional images and religious narratives in many media, but not marginal art.' And scholars of the droleries and gargoyles that enliven the marginal spaces of manuscripts and buildings have dealt almost exclusively with French and English material.2 In one monument, however, there is an un- usual conjunction of these categories. In the illuminations of the Supplicationes variae (Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Plut. XXV.3), Byzantine icons are not only adapted to west- ern use as devotional images; they are also fragmented and placed on the edge, in the margins.

The manuscript called the Supplicationes variae was made in 1293 for use in Genoa.3 Its style, although well within the parameters of the late dugento, has been difficult to localize, and scholarly attributions have ranged from Tus- cany to Emilia (Bologna) to Genoa itself.4 My arguments for an attribution to Venice will be published elsewhere. For now, without entering into a lengthy stylistic and iconographic argument, suffice it to point out that St. Clare in the Suppli- cationes wears a distinctive habit, a horizontally striped man- tle, that is seen almost exclusively in Venetian images.5 The specific attribution of the Supplicationes variae, however, is of only secondary importance for this essay. More critical is the fact that the principal artists had a strong and active in- terest in the art of contemporary Byzantium. Byzantine style

and iconography affected the execution of nearly every image, so much so that the book has been described, erroneously, as a faithful copy of a Palaeologan original.6 Actually, the con- cept of the book was purely western, and the number of Palae- ologan images known to the artists was probably quite small.7

The Supplicationes variae is an early example of a richly decorated devotional manuscript made for private use. Al- though its texts are more numerous and varied than what is commonly found in Gothic psalters or early Books of Hours, its contents are generally similar, including a calendar, several offices, devotional psalters (Psalter of the Virgin and Psalter of St. Jerome), prayers, sermons, meditations, and an extensive cycle of images intended to guide the reader in his spiritual life. While not necessarily a friar, the patron was certainly deeply affected by Franciscan spirituality, as indicated by the inclusion of several Franciscan texts.8 Franciscan concerns were also reflected in the manuscript's program of illustra- tion, which is Christocentric, emphasizing the Passion, and presented so as to elicit a deeply felt emotional response.9

The Supplicationes functions as a vehicle through which the reader/viewer may experience compassion and, ultimately, imitate Christ. This goal of personal transformation was surely a primary motivation for the appropriation of Byzantine imagery. Inspired by the spirituality of the mendicants, the illuminators of the Supplicationes variae sought images that could be both accessible to the viewer and sacred, images that could speak to personal experience and at the same time uti- lize sensory and emotional stimuli in order to achieve spiritual goals. Byzantine art served this aim effectively. Because of its naturalism and emotionalism, it could be related to personal experience, while its idealized, somewhat remote beauty, and its association with spiritually potent relics and icons, sug- gested an aura of sacredness.10 Thus, for instance, a Byzantine iconography lies behind such poignant scenes as the Lamen- tation, with its tender, pathetic embrace of Christ by the Vir- gin, its distraught angels, and the seemingly realistic basket of nails, hammer and sponge-details that evoke the painful tor- ments of the Crucifixion (Fig. 1). Similar compositions and motifs appear in Byzantine images of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, for example, at St. Panteleimon, Nerezi, of 1164, and at the church of the Peribleptos, Ohrid, ca. 1300 (Fig. 2)." Even though Italian artists frequently altered Byzantine models, dramatically reformutining Byzan- tine iconography in order to suit their own purposes, in this

GESTA XXXVIII/1 ? The International Center of Medieval Art 1999 81

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Lamentation as in numerous other examples, they apparently valued and retained the expressive qualities of the Byzantine prototype.12 An unusual use of Byzantine imagery in the Sup- plicationes variae, however, might lead us to ask whether, by the late thirteenth century, western artists might occasionally have approached the sacred art of Byzantium with a some- what less positive attitude.

By 1293, Byzantine images like the Lamentation had been thoroughly assimilated and transformed by many Italian artists. But the two images I will discuss do not fit this pat- tern. To the artists of the Supplicationes they were recent

imports from Palaeologan Byzantium, as yet rarely seen in western Europe. In the Supplicationes, the Transfiguration and the Man of Sorrows are tinted drawings, part of the cycle of forty-five full-page drawings placed at the end of the

manuscript (Figs. 3, 11). The two images derived from Byz- antine art also inspire marginalia (Figs. 14-21). As newcomers to the repertoire of Italian art, these images present an excel- lent opportunity for questioning attitudes toward Byzantium in the late dugento. Each one reproduced a recently invented

iconographic type, and, in the Supplicationes, each was used twice, once as a full-page image and once marginalized.

The Transfiguration

The Transfiguration (Fig. 3) is part of the manuscript's pictorial life of Christ.'3 After reading the verbal text, one "reads" through a narrative of pictures. From the Annuncia- tion to the Last Judgment, the viewer can follow step by step, page by page, in the footsteps of Christ. While the verbal texts of the Supplicationes offer prayers and meditations on the Passion, it is only here, in the visual text, that one can chronologically follow Christ's life. In the physical and mental

process of turning these pages, the viewer becomes involved in an imitatio Christi, a practice that is at the core of Fran- ciscan spirituality. That these images can be understood as an

equivalent of Christ's life is underscored by the fact that they number thirty-three, the number of years he was believed to have lived.14

In the visual arts, such extensive Christological cycles were rare in thirteenth-century Italy. Depictions of the Trans-

figuration were similarly uncommon, most likely because in the west, there was no universal celebration of a feast-day for the Transfiguration until the fifteenth century."5 The Trans- figuration is not included in the essentially Roman calendar of the Supplicationes.16 It was, however, celebrated in medi- eval Venice, and mosaics of the scene were prominent in San Marco, placed at the apex of the barrel vault to the east of the central dome, and, on the island of Murano, in SS. Maria e Donato, on the tympanum wall above the arch that frames the apse (ca. 1170).17 We do not know the iconographic details of these twelfth-century scenes. The San Marco mosaic was thoroughly refashioned in the sixteenth century, and nothing remains of the Murano Transfiguration. Nevertheless, these

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mosaics and the celebration of the feast-day in Venice must be related to the relatively high number of Transfiguration scenes extant from later medieval Venice.'18 The scene func- tioned in various ways. In San Marco, it was part of a pro- gram derived from the feast-day cycle of the middle Byzantine church.19 At SS. Maria e Donato, it complemented the mosa- ics of the Annunciation on the spandrels of the arch and the Virgin and Child in the apse, representing a theophany medi- ated by the Incarnation.

More importantly for the program of the Supplicationes variae, the Transfiguration had special significance in Fran- ciscan thought, both as a divine revelation on earth, which ushered in a new era of history, and as a prototype of Francis's own transformation on Mt. Alverna. Besides the Venetian mosaics, surely the most important image of the Transfigura- tion in dugento Italy was that frescoed in the north transept of the Upper Church of San Francesco in Assisi, probably by an English master working sometime between 1260 and 1275 (Fig. 4).20 Within a complex program concerning Franciscan doctrines of history, eschatology, and the apostolic church, this Transfiguration is a key image, a revelation of God prefigur- ing the era of the eternal church.21

While the role of the Transfiguration in the Supplica- tiones is somewhat different from its role at Assisi, in both cycles the Transfiguration is placed at a critical point within a Franciscan program of history. If one divides the thirty- three Christological images of the Supplicationes into equal thirds, the first section ends at the Transfiguration (Scene 11), the second at the Crucifixion (Scene 22; Fig. 8), and the third at the Last Judgment (Scenes 32 and 33; Figs. 9-10). Scrip- ture links the Transfiguration of Christ precisely to these later events by Christ's words, which refer both to his future Pas- sion and to the parousia.22 Both links are also manifest in the Transfiguration of the Upper Church at Assisi. The unusual poses of Moses and Elijah, kneeling and supplicating Christ, recall the intercessory figures of Last Judgment iconography (Fig. 4).23 And, while the juxtaposition may not have been originally intended, by the late 1270s or 1280s the Assisi Transfiguration was also connected to the Crucifixion, when a huge image of it, designed by Cimabue, was painted on the wall below.

In the Supplicationes variae, the triad of the Transfigu- ration, Crucifixion, and Last Judgment orders the life of Christ in a trinitarian pattern. This type of organization, while hardly unique to the Franciscans, reflects a habit of mind that runs both broad and deep in Franciscan thought. What John Flem- ing has called a "radical Trinitarianism" informs many of the most fundamental expressions of Franciscan spirituality, such as the Itinerarium mentis in Deum, the Lignum vitae, and the De triplici via, all by Bonaventure, as well as the programs of the Assisi Upper Church.24

While the sanctuary at Assisi presents the heavenly king- dom ushered in by the parousia, the Supplicationes variae is dominated by the Passion. In the manuscript, the connection

between the Crucifixion and the Transfiguration is high- lighted by the repetition of the small triangular mountain in each scene. Mt. Tabor is like Calvary. Admittedly, a mountain setting in itself is not at all exceptional in either image, but one detail stands out. Central within each mountain is a small cave of similar shape and size. While the cave is typical in Crucifixion iconography, it is an anomaly in the Transfigura- tion. Its presence prompts recollection of Christ's words on Mt. Tabor, predicting his suffering.25

Very possibly, this cave suggested yet more to a viewer steeped in Franciscan allegory. Francis's stigmatization was a miracle of such astonishing magnitude that in the 1290s it would surely have had a vivid presence in the mind of any Franciscan devotee.26 In his reception of Christ's wounds, Francis conformed not only to Christ crucified, but also to Christ transfigured. This typology was explicit when Bona- venture quoted Matthew's account of the Transfiguration in his narration of the stigmatization:

When the true love of Christ had transformed his lover into his image . . . , the angelic man Francis came "down from the mountain" [Matthew 8:1], bearing with him the image of the Crucified ... engraved in the members of his

body.27

On Alverna, Francis's own mountain of transformation, Fran- cis was said to have inhabited a cave or "cell in the side of the mountain."28 While this description could be historically ac- curate, it also could have been intended to evoke a tradition of eremitic caves of penitence and revelation. According to the fourteenth-century Fioretti di San Francesco, the caves of Alverna reminded Francis of the Crucifixion, for he under- stood that they were a result of Christ's death, when:

"the rocks split" [Matthew 27:51]. And God wanted this to be manifested in a special way here on Mount Alverna in order to show that the Passion of Christ was to be re- newed on that mountain ....29

Moreover, the cave was the "cleft in the rock" of Canticles 2:14, the "hollow place in the cliff" which for mystical Franciscans, as for St. Bernard before them, was an allegory of the wound in Christ's side, refuge for the soul and source of salvation.30 From ca. 1270 through the fourteenth century, the stigmatization was often pictured near to or even within a cave.31

This imagery was especially popular from around 1300 to 1330 in Venetian panel paintings, which frequently show the saint entirely enclosed within a triangular cavern, as in the stigmatization on a panel in the Norton Simon collection (Fig. 5). Within the cave, written next to Francis is an in- scription from Psalm 50, a psalm of penitence. The passage painted near Francis describes the sacrifice acceptable to God: "A contrite and a humbled heart, O God, thou wilt not

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despise."32 Bonaventure used this same text in conjunction with the cave metaphor to speak of penitence, humility, and, recalling the psalm's theme of sacrifice, the Passion. Within Christ's wound, the "cleft in the rock," the ardent devotee finds Christ's humbled heart and may himself attain charity, com- passion, and, most of all, "a heart contrite and humbled."33 While so intricate a matrix of allegory may be too much for the tiny cave of the Supplicationes variae to bear, it is relevant to the manuscript to appreciate the close interconnections in Franciscan thought of cave, Transfiguration, Crucifixion, and stigmatization.

It was believed that by virtue of the wounds he received, Francis was enabled to intercede for mankind.

Present, Father [Francis], to Jesus Christ . . his sacred stigmata, and let him see the marks of the cross in your side, feet, and hands, that he may mercifully deign to show his own wounds to the Father, who because of them will indeed be ever gracious to us miserable ones.34

The stigmatization, therefore, is linked also to the Last Judg- ment, the third event pictured in the manuscript's triad of scenes (Figs. 9, 10). The small jagged cave could remind the Franciscan viewer of the consummation of Francis's imitatio

Christi and of the salvific power of that consummation. Imi- tation of Christ and ultimate salvation were precisely the goals of the devotee contemplating the images of the Supplica- tiones variae. While a Franciscan interpretation of the cave may seem far-fetched to a modern viewer, the hagiographical allusion is not unique in the manuscript's Christological cycle and corresponds to its core raison d'etre: an imitatio Christi inspired by the example of Francis.35

Thus, the Transfiguration in the Supplicationes plays an important role within a Franciscan presentation of Christ's life. Franciscan typology, however, does not readily explain the startling and radically new Palaeologan iconography of the

drawing. The apostles neither kneel in awe and homage nor awaken from slumber, as in numerous Byzantine and western images, but instead, the three tumble down precipitously, stunned by the supernatural light emanating from Christ. This is an iconography that hardly ever appears in Italy, and the rare cases in which it is seen can be traced to a Venetian sphere of influence.36

The iconographic source, however, was surely from the east. The highly dramatic, falling apostles were part of a

Byzantine imagery developed in response to an intense theo-

logical interest in the uncreated light of the Metamorphosis, a concern that was central to the Hesychast movement from the mid-thirteenth through the fourteenth centuries.37 In Byz- antium, the new iconography of the Transfiguration can be seen in an early form, with only one apostle tumbling down backwards, at Boiana in Bulgaria in 1259. By ca. 1300, in a fresco at the Protaton of Mt. Athos, which was the center of the Hesychast movement, all three apostles fall, as in the Sup- plicationes.38 Their unrestrained drama is repeated in several miniatures and icons of the early fourteenth century (Fig. 6),39 and a similar, slightly earlier, image from an icon could have been the model for the drawing in the Supplicationes. Even the detail of the cave in the center of Mt. Tabor can be seen in contemporary Byzantine art, for example, in a fresco in the

Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson of ca. 1290-1295 (Fig. 7), where the dark, triangular cave is centrally placed in the mountain, its apex near the beam of light that shines down vertically from Christ. This cave may also allude to the Crucifixion but surely not to Francis's stigmatization.40

The Transfiguration in the Supplicationes faithfully cop- ies Palaeologan iconography. The overall effect of the draw-

ing is slightly stilted, as the apostles seem contained within the shape of the mountain, lacking the sharp, free movement of many Byzantine examples. Still, the drawing replicates a type that was only very recently developed in Byzantium and hardly known in Italy. It would have been new and exotic, and could have been recognized as Byzantine by both the owner of the book and the artists, who may have directly cop- ied a Palaeologan icon. Even though Byzantine concerns with uncreated light were probably of little consequence to the Latin patron, and even though the significance and function of the image were utterly changed and made Franciscan, the

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Transfiguration of the Supplicationes still respects and de- rives much of its power from its Byzantine model.

The Imago Pietatis

The drawing of the Man of Sorrows or imago pietatis (Fig. 11) is also closely patterned on a late Byzantine model, almost certainly an icon. This image is not part of the manu- script's Christological narrative cycle but is part of a sequence of twelve devotional drawings that follow the narrative. It is one of three images of Christ, the other two being a trinitar- ian Throne of Grace and a Holy Face that was probably a copy of the Mandylion icon venerated in an oratory in St. Peter's in Rome.41

There is no need to repeat the persuasive arguments of Pallas and Belting that place the genesis of the imago pietatis within the context of new Byzantine Passion liturgies of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.42 With its imagery of the Sav- iour dead, yet not illustrating any one specific event, this icon was admirably suited to use in the liturgy. Alone, it could evoke a wide range of conceptual and emotional re- sponses to the Passion. The pose of Christ in the Supplica-

tiones most likely reflects a Palaeologan variant of the Byzantine iconography of the Man of Sorrows, a variant that can also be seen in the miniature mosaic icon in S. Croce in Gerusalemme in Rome (Fig. 12).43 Although this particular icon was not yet in Italy when the Supplicationes was made and therefore cannot be considered a direct model for the drawing, it could have been copied at Mt. Sinai or in Con- stantinople.44 Such a copy, either of the icon now in S. Croce or of a closely related image, might have served as the model for the western illuminator.

Whatever the exact model, the drawing and the icon in S. Croce differ from what was apparently the original icon- ographic type in Byzantine art, known from the twelfth cen- tury on, for example, on a double-sided icon in Kastoria (Fig. 13).45 This earlier type showed the figure half-length, arms hanging at his sides, the forearms unseen. The addition of crossed arms, reminiscent of the pose of the dead Christ prepared for burial, strengthens the image's evocation of the Lamentation and Entombment but does not essentially alter its significance. The late Byzantine Man of Sorrows remained a Passion portrait associated with the Eucharist, although, as in earlier times, it was also used in private devotion.46

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FIGURE 11. Supplicationes variae, fol. 387: Man of Sorrows (photo: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivitai culturali).

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FIGURE 12. Man of Sorrows, Rome, S. Croce in Gerusalemme

(photo: after Belting, The Image and its Public, Fig. 14).

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FIGURE 13. Double-sided icon, Man of Sorrows, Kastoria, Byzan- tine Museum (photo: after New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Glory of Byzantium, 125).

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FIGURE 14. Supplicationes variae, fol. 183v, detail of Fig. 15 (photo: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivitia culturali).

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Belting has stressed the multiplicity of meanings carried by western images of the Man of Sorrows, and the drawing in the Supplicationes variae is no exception.47 Like the Byz- antine icon, it crystallizes into one figure a whole range of Christological concepts. It functions as a contemplative im- age, without direct liturgical or ritual reference, although such references may well have figured on a secondary level of as- sociation. Primarily it is the target for personal, highly emo- tive prayer. After chronologically following Christ's life in thirty-three narrative drawings, the reader/viewer of the Sup- plicationes progresses to the series of twelve devotional im- ages. This is a spiritual progression from the contemplation of events in historical time to a meditation on divine images that are beyond time.

The altered pose in the icon in S. Croce in Gerusalemme allowed for a display of Christ's hand wounds. This pose is not common in surviving Byzantine icons but is repeated in all known thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century adaptations in the west, many of which are Venetian.48 And many western adaptations, including that in the Supplicationes, differ from both the icon in S. Croce and all other known Byzantine exam- ples in their emphasis on blood and wounds. In contrast to the nearly bloodless dead Christ of the Byzantine image, the Christ of the Supplicationes variae drawing spurts bright red streams from his hands and side (Fig. 11; compare Figs. 12- 13). His side wound is a long, curving red slit rather than a small, inconspicuous opening. The posture and proportions of the figure intensify the effect of the blood. Christ's raised hands and elongated torso extend the length of the thin lines of red, while his face is proportionally smaller and less cen- trally placed than in the Byzantine icons. The red blood- streams and wounds catch the eye and affect both the meaning and the emotional tenor of the image, bringing to the fore concerns of particular significance to the Franciscans. Christ's wounds were the signs of his humanity and suffering, which, in the form of the stigmata, also marked Francis, becoming the visible signs of his utter conformity to Christ. The cults of the five wounds and the Sacred Heart of Jesus developed in part out of these Franciscan concerns,49 and, as noted ear- lier, Bonaventure makes explicit the mystical goal of enter- ing Christ's side wound in order to find the Heart's love, charity, devotion and compassion.s0

Indeed, a key text in the history of these cults is found in the Supplicationes variae. Two treatises previously uni- dentified in the manuscript are actually chapters from the Stimulus amoris of James of Milan.51 Little is known about this Franciscan who lived in the second half of the thirteenth century. His Stimulus amoris was widely read, however, and served as the basis for such popular vernacular works as the Middle English Goad of Love. James's text was profoundly influenced by Bonaventure and expands the conceit of the side wound into a paean of metaphor and mysticism, in which the devotee enters into Christ through his wounds:

O dearly loved wounds of my Lord Jesus Christ! For, when I entered them once, my eyes were filled with blood; and since I could see nothing, I began to enter with my hand feeling the way until I came to the inner- most organs of his charity . . . And so, I will live there . . . ; and there I will abound in a sweetness about which I would be unable to speak.52

It was on account of so much love that He opened His side in order to give His Heart to you. He willed to have His hands and feet pierced so that when you should come to Him your hands could enter into His, and your feet into His, that you might be inseparably joined to Him.... Ah! you loving, wounding wounds, piercing stony hearts, setting fire to frozen spirits, making unyield- ing hardness melt; most surely you are our life, our sweet- ness, and our hope.53

James ardently wishes to share Christ's wounds, to suffer with Christ in order to receive his joy and love:

I ask of you, Lady [Mary], neither the sun nor the stars, but I ask for wounds . . . It is shameful and disgraceful for me to see my Lord wounded and you, O my lady, wounded with him, and me, a most worthless servant, passed over, unhurt .... I will ask this of you ceaselessly, with loud cries and tears, fallen down at your feet... ; should you grant me [wounds] or beat me, so that I retreat, still I will stand by, and I will sustain your scourging un- til I am wounded everywhere; I ask from you nothing but wounds.54

To James, Christ's wounds were the cave of revelation and the gate of paradise; they were the windows leading into the healing apothecary's shop, the entryways into Christ's womb that nurtures and gives birth, and the three tabernacles made on Mt. Tabor at the Transfiguration:

For "it is good to be here" with Him, and in Him I want to "make three tabernacles" (Matthew 17:4): one in His hands, another in His feet, but yet one more.., in His side; and there I want to rest and sleep, eat and drink, read and pray.55

It is only in the context of these shifting metaphors and in- tense fixation on Christ's wounds that we can understand the impact of the Man of Sorrows in the Supplicationes variae. Yet the power of the image also derives from the Byzantine icon, the naturalistic figure of Christ dead yet standing, in- timately confronting the viewer. Like the Transfiguration, the Man of Sorrows is used in a different context and with a different meaning from that of the Byzantine icon, yet its

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sacred character and emotional impact are developed from its Byzantine origins.

The Marginal Images

In the full-page drawings of the Transfiguration and the Man of Sorrows, the Italian artist assimilated and adapted Byzantine icons, altering and enlarging their scope of mean- ing, but not challenging their sacred status. Although these drawings are no longer icons, the Byzantine parentage of their iconic prototypes is an asset to their effectiveness within a Franciscan program of progressive devotion to Christ. The re- lationship to Byzantine art is, therefore, one of intelligent ad- aptation rather than passive reception, implying esteem for the model selected. But what of the reuse of both images in the margins?

As in many dugento manuscripts, the page layout of the Supplicationes variae follows standard patterns of trans- alpine Gothic illumination, even while the miniatures' style and imagery recall Byzantine models. Incipits are marked by illuminated initials, and bar borders extend from these ini- tials to frame the text column (Figs. 15, 16, 21). Along these bar borders, foliage, geometric patterns, human figures, and animals, both natural and monstrous, enliven the margins.

The Man of Sorrows is placed in the margin below a meditation on the Passion, which is intended, as explained in the rubric next to an image of the alleged author, St. Bernard, to "commemorate God and to inflame the spirit with the love of God" (Figs. 14, 15).56 Although influenced by Bernard's writings, the text is not actually by him. Possibly, the author was a Franciscan, as, in another chapter of this text, he in- forms us that true religion is based on poverty, obedience, chastity, humility, and charity.57 While these ideals are com- mon to many religious orders, the emphasis on poverty might suggest the friars. In any case, the intended audience was male and in religious life.58

The stated functions of this text-commemoration and a kindling of love-are precisely those expected of devo- tional images in the late middle ages.59 The miniature of the imago pietatis acts as an auxiliary to a highly emotional read- ing. The pose of the figure duplicates that of the drawing of the Man of Sorrows on fol. 387 (Fig. 11), but the side wound is partially hidden and the bright red rivulets of blood flow- ing from the hands are wavy and delicate. Nevertheless, Christ's blood is much more emphatically displayed than in Byzantine icons (Figs, 12, 13). The cross behind the figure, often included in icons of the imago pietatis, was probably also in the Byzantine model.60 Without illustrating the event, the image provokes recollection of the Crucifixion, as does the text, which calls for an intense involvement with the crucified. Although the language is not so graphic nor the metaphors so extravagant as those found in the Stimulus amoris, this anonymous text similarly presents the physical

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FIGURE 15. Supplicationes variae, fol. 183v, incipit of the Auctoritates beati Bernardi, with St. Bernard and the Man of Sorrows (photo: by per- mission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivita culturali.

reality of wounds and blood, especially in its opening pas- sages:

O how vehemently you embraced me, good Jesus, when the blood went forth from your heart, the water from your side, and the soul from your body.... Surely, I am the cause of your suffering.61

The reader is then told, "Christ's hand is extended to you so that you might do as he did; his side, so that you might feel what he felt; his feet so that you might walk where he went." He is urged, in guilt and remorse, to "gather the falling drops of Christ's blood" and to guard both these drops and the state of his own soul.62 A later passage relates how Christ chooses the elect "when the nails cry out, when the wounds speak."63 The strong emotions stirred up by the text can be focused on the image, which, like the text, intensifies the viewer's sorrow,

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(photo: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attiviti culturali).

guilt, empathetic suffering, and yearning for ultimate redemp- tion. Through the image, all of these affective responses are more firmly fixed in the heart and memory. This Man of Sor- rows is given the dignity of a frame and a gold ground even if it is in the margin. The former Byzantine icon effectively fulfills its new role as a devotional image whose message is one of salvation achieved through Christ's physical suffering.

On this page, no hybrid creatures or grotesques challenge the mood of fervent piety created by the text, the illuminated initial and the marginal roundel. This restraint is typical of this part of the Supplicationes. Very few droleries are placed near the texts of sacred offices or meditations. Distorted or

hybrid figures are rare on these pages, obscene or nude figures absent. The few human figures in the margins are almost all

supplicants in prayer or caryatids who hold up the major illuminated initials.

In contrast, the calendar was apparently considered a less sacred portion of the manuscript, recording not only holy days but also the positions of the sun and the moon, the

passage of months and constellations, in short, the tempo- rality of the mundane world. Thus, unlike the relatively sober borders of the rest of the manuscript, the initials and margins of the calendar are animated by small, brightly colored figures, including half-naked caryatids exposing their genitals (cary- atids placed next to sacred texts are fully clothed), dragons, spaghetti-men with long, looping necks, archers hunting birds, a half-man poking his spear into a monkey's behind, naked warriors, and-unexpectedly-the apostles of the Transfigu- ration. Four pages of the calendar include one of these apos- tles in their striking and uncommon Palaeologan poses (Figs. 16-20). A fifth, turbaned figure mimics the apostles' poses (Figs. 21, 22). Nowhere in his studies of Byzantine icons and their use in the west does Belting discuss an analogous case,

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FIGURE 17. Detail of Fig. 16 (photo: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivita' culturali).

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FIGURES 18-20. Supplicationes variae, details, fol. 16, calendar page for January; fol. 16v, calendar page for February; fol. 17, calendar

page for March (photos.: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivitii culturali).

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in which the icon is similarly fragmented and displaced from its original sacred context. Unframed, the apostles float, each detached from the others, like acrobats, around roundels de- picting the Labors of the Months.

In the context of what is normal for marginal imagery, these apostles are exceptional. Generalizations about the mar- ginalia in Italian manuscripts are difficult, since no synthetic overview and very few case studies have been written.64

Nevertheless, it is clear that the practice of including marginal illustration was derived from northern European models, and that many motifs in dugento manuscripts are like those used in contemporary France and England. Other motifs, found primarily in Bolognese manuscripts, are extraordinary for the artists' revival of classical themes and use of contemporary Byzantine style. None other, however, to my knowledge, presents a situation analogous to that of the Supplicationes, in which sacred figures were transposed from a Byzantine icon and reused in the margins.

A simple explanation might be that the apostles in the margins illustrate the calendar entries for Peter, James, or John, the witnesses of the Transfiguration, but not all the pages on which they appear include feasts of these saints. And, if the dr6leries were meant to be portraits of holy men, surely they would have been presented in more conventional poses or within coherent narratives.

Alternatively, the apostles, like the awkward and ungainly peasants placed close to them in the Labors of the Months, might be thought to be objects of condescension, satire or mockery.65 But a satire of the apostles or of the Transfigura- tion is very unlikely. The published and unpublished Italian material I have seen suggests that in Italian, as in northern Gothic manuscripts, the appearance in the margins of holy figures like Christ or the apostles was usually intended to illustrate or augment the devotional function of the text, as we have seen in the case of the Man of Sorrows.66 As in medieval religious drama, sacred characters may share the stage with satirical elements, but the disbeliever, the lascivi- ous, the knave, or the fool is the object of scorn; Christ, Mary, and the apostles are not.67

If the apostles are not being satirized, are they, in their incongruous positions, still meant to be amusing? The most helpful comparison for the marginal apostles in the Supplica- tiones might be the medieval religious parody. Only slightly irreverent, these parodies used sacred forms, such as the Bible or the life of a saint, as springboards for puns and jokes that did not condemn religion but primarily, simply, aimed to be funny.68 They were often written by and for clerics, and thus, like the owner of the Supplicationes variae, the audience for religious parodies was educated and, in general, devout. The floating apostles of the Supplicationes are like the verses of a cento, a literary form composed by rearranging passages from a well-known text. In the biblical nonsense-cento, quo- tations from the Bible were excerpted from their normal

contexts and transposed into nonsensical, non-scriptural, hu- morous pastiches.69 While other forms of medieval parody ridiculed such common human failings as avarice and gluttony, the nonsense-cento did not address morals or institutions. Its humor stems from the contrast between the expected and the unexpected, when familiar verses form unfamiliar and silly messages. For its effect, the joke depends upon the reader's thorough knowledge of the original text, the Bible, which is the solemn foil for play. Without criticizing or subverting the Bible's authority, the biblical cento playfully explores the mechanics and limitations of textual meaning by making comedy out of familiar but displaced phrases from a very serious text.70

Like the quotations in a cento, the apostles in the calen- dar of the Supplicationes have been displaced to an incon- gruous situation. Only the viewer who recognizes them as excerpts from the Transfiguration fully appreciates their non- sensical situation. They are playful but not maliciously or critically satirized, and they raise questions of meaning. In seeing elements isolated from the narrative, the medieval viewer might have questioned, just as we question, how these elements change from sense to nonsense, from sacred author- ity to mild comedy. Because of the uniqueness of these mar- ginalia, I cannot point to similar examples in other dugento manuscripts, but the interpretation of the apostles as a visual cento seems plausible.

Whether or not this interpretation is correct, and whether or not the medieval reader thought them funny, the acrobatic apostles of the Supplicationes are not the privileged holy icons described by Belting. The icon of the Transfiguration has been dismantled. The status of the Bible as the ultimate, divinely revealed authority was not challenged by the mild parody of the literary cento. We have no evidence to suggest, however, that westerners would have viewed a Palaeologan icon of the Transfiguration as equally sacrosanct. Indeed, the iconography of the Transfiguration with dazed, falling apos- tles was new and unusual in Italy. The fragmentation of the icon, though not necessarily satirical, might reflect the atti- tudes of a society in which the prestige of Byzantium and of contemporary Byzantine images was in doubt. Contemporary events allow such speculation.

Although in the thirteenth century there was more con- tact than ever before between Byzantium and the west, there was also more mutual misunderstanding, distrust and dislike. This was not entirely new. Mutual resentments had existed for centuries, but in the thirteenth century they were greatly intensified. Several historians have noted this state of affairs. John Meyendorff wrote of an unprecedented "institutional, social and conceptual bifurcation . . . between the Latin West and the Greek East."71 Deno Geanakoplos noted a new sense of absolute ethnic separation, "a permanent hostility that permeated every level of society."72 George T. Dennis stated that total estrangement was a reality only in the thirteenth

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century; "groups of Christians became strangers to one an- other."73 Greeks thought of Latins as greedy barbarians; Latins thought of Greeks as perfidious, schismatic and cowardly traitors.74 Although a formal division in the universal church had been in effect since 1054, only in the thirteenth century was there real, absolute schism, made inflexible by codifica- tions of canon law that implicitly demanded uniformity and obedience, allowing no tolerance of different religious prac- tices.75 Religious identities of Latin and Greek, as well as political and ethnic identities, were more stringently defined and divergent, tied to a new sense of nationality.76

By the end of the thirteenth century, the lack of good will and community between east and west was extreme. In 1281, in the wake of failed attempts to achieve church union (which, in the west, meant Greek submission to Rome), Pope Martin IV excommunicated the Byzantine emperor Michael VIII, "patron of the Greeks who are inveterate schismatics and ... therefore also heretics."77 With the Greeks officially dubbed heretics, Charles of Anjou, in league with Venice, planned an attack on Constantinople, thinly veiled as a cru- sade. Although this attempt at reconquest was ultimately averted, the enmity fostered by military threat and religious schism remained. From 1282 to 1332 there were no direct for- mal communications of any kind between the papacy and Con- stantinople. Venetian trade with Byzantium was banned from 1282 to 1285, then resumed, but only with mutual hostility manifested in numerous squabbles and short-term treaties.78 Genoa had enjoyed privileged trade and political ties with

Constantinople in the 1260s, but this alliance weakened during the reign of Andronicus II (1282-1328). Genoese chronicles and notarial documents of the period present a Byzantium viewed with distrust, a Greek world no longer connected to Europe, a world that could be abandoned in its decline.79

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FIGURE 22. Detail of Fig. 21 (photo: by permission of the Ministero per i beni e le attivitii culturali).

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I do not intend to suggest a direct connection between historic events and marginal images in the Supplicationes variae. In the late thirteenth century, however, there was an alienation between east and west that is rarely taken into ac- count in art history. It is sometimes assumed that westerners enthusiastically continued to acquire precious Byzantine icons, relics, and luxury goods throughout the century, especially esteeming and venerating them because they were Byzantine. Yet, as Anthony Cutler has recently pointed out, we have lit- tle information about the numbers or types of artistic objects that came to Italy during the thirteenth century.80 That some Palaeologan works were known and highly appreciated is attested by their reflections in Italian art, but these late Byz- antine imports were not only works of beauty and religious power; they were also objects from an alien, once vanquished culture. Oleg Grabar has speculated that in the late thirteenth century, in conjunction with the growth of an art market, the object "acquires a nationality," a new sense of belonging to a specific place or culture.81 This seems a plausible corollary to another characteristic of the period, an increasing sense of national distinctiveness or ethnic identity among the peoples of both east and west. Might the thirteenth-century owner of the Supplicationes have associated the apostles of the Transfig- uration in their exotic, new Palaeologan poses not exclusively with a revered, sacrosanct icon but also with "the Greeks"?

The marginal apostles of the Supplicationes play the role neither of the privileged iconic forms described by Belting nor of the subversive droleries described by Camille, which, somewhat in the mode of Bakhtinian carnival elements, rep- resent a folk or popular culture seeking to undermine the central authority of the text. The apostles do not respond to the viewer's devotion; and they seriously challenge neither the religious authority of the text nor mainstream attitudes of dugento society. Rather than seeking to destabilize the central or official culture of the dugento, they may be symptomatic of that culture's ambivalent attitudes toward an outsider, Byzan- tium. They are playful and not, I believe, critical or hostile barbs. But one may wonder whether, in the fragmentation of the Byzantine model, the prestige of the icon was, consciously or unconsciously, diminished. It may perhaps be relevant that, as far as we know, the image in question was not one that claimed antique or miraculous origins. The Transfiguration with falling apostles was a recent creation of Palaeologan Byzantium. Would such an image have been viewed as less authentic than older, more established types?

This question cannot be definitively answered. Nonethe- less, Byzantine images in the Supplicationes are used in what seem to be contradictory ways. The Man of Sorrows and the Transfiguration are still holy images. Their function has been altered to facilitate Franciscan devotion. The field of meaning for each has shifted and expanded to reflect western, Fran- ciscan concerns, but these new significations build on those of the Byzantine icon. In the same manuscript, the Transfigu- ration is dismantled and its apostles are no longer part of an

iconic image. They are used as curious, perhaps amusing art forms, a far cry from the lofty stature of the icon. In their case, origin in the Greek east no longer ensured dignity and reverence in the west.

APPENDIX

While the Supplicationes variae has often been referred to as Franciscan,82 its Franciscan orientation has not been fully documented. The components of the manuscript listed here demonstrate that the selection of devotional texts and illustrations indeed reflects a Franciscan slant. Dominican items are also present, but they are much less prominent.

Franciscan Texts and Images

1. Litany, fols. 2-3. Following Benedict, the founder of western monasticism, Francis and Anthony precede Dominic.

2. Calendar, fols. 16-21v. Several thirteenth-century saints (Anthony, Clare, Dominic, Francis, and Peter Martyr) are included. Of these entries, only that for Francis (October 4) is written in red.

3. Confession, fols. 23v-24. This common prayer has been altered to include the name of Francis twice. "Confiteor deo omnipotenti et beate marie virginis, beato francisco et omnibus sanctis.... Ideo precor beatissimam et gloriosam virginem mariam, beatum francis- cum et omnes sanctos et sanctas dei .... "

4. Prayer of the Holy Cross, fols. 56-65v. By Bonaventure, from the Lignum vitae, beginning, "O crux/ Frutex salvificus .... "

5. Office of the Virgin, fols. 58-89. The rubric indicates use according to the "ordinem fratrum minorum."

6. Office of the Passion and Cross, fols. 114-131v. By Bonaventure. Three initials illustrating this office contain single figures of mendicants, two of whom are Franciscans, while one is Dominican.

7. Hymn of the Cross, fol. 130. "Talis es et tanta crucifixi passio sancta

... " In this hymn,

Francis and the Franciscans are prominent:

Crux salvatoris est vita fratris minoris. Noster Franciscus crucifixi dulcis amicus.

In medio quorum resplendeat ordo minorum.

8. Meditation on the Passion of Our Lord, fols. 131-137. This is Chapter XIV of the Stimulus amoris of James of Milan.

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9. Meditation on the Death of Christ, fols. 137-141. This is Chapter XV of the Stimulus amoris of James of Milan.

10. Seven Joys of the Virgin, "que fecit Cancellarius pari- siensis," fols. 145-147v. Philip, Chancellor of Paris (d. 1236), remained friendly to- ward the Franciscans in the contentious climate of Paris in the early thirteenth century. He was buried in a Franciscan church.83

11. Joys of the Virgin, fols. 212v-213. "Gaude virgo mater Christi ....

" According to E J. Mone,

this was probably modeled after a text by Bonaventure.84

12. Chapters and Regulations of the Created World, fols. 345-353. "Inflammatorium poenitentiae per descriptionem ....

" The author of this text is unknown. The initial at the beginning of the text shows a Franciscan, standing, holding a book.

13. Images of saints, fols. 384v-385. Of the four thirteenth-century saints pictured, three are Franciscans (Francis, Anthony [?], and Clare). The fourth is St. Dominic.

Dominican Texts and Images

14. Exposition on the Pater Noster, by Thomas Aquinas, fols. 333-337v.

15. Exposition on the Pater Noster, fols. 337v-344v. This exposition is an excerpt from the Catholicon, com- pleted by 1286 by lohannes Balbus, a Genoese Dominican.

16-19. Dominicans included with Franciscans. See Nos. 1, 2, 6, and 13 above.

NOTES

* An earlier version of this paper was read at the 84th Annual Conference of the College Art Association, February, 1996. Research for this arti- cle, which is part of a larger study of the Supplicationes variae, has been generously supported by grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation, and the Uni-

versity of Tennessee. My thanks to Anne Derbes, Dale Kinney, and the

anonymous readers for Gesta for their helpful comments.

1. See, however, the study of Byzantine marginal imagery by K. Corri-

gan, Visual Polemics in the Ninth-Century Byzantine Psalters (Cam- bridge, 1992). On the icon and its reception in the west, important recent studies include H. Belting, The Image and its Public in the Mid- dle Ages: Form and Function of Early Paintings of the Passion (New York, 1990); idem, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Be-

fore the Era of Art (Chicago, 1994); A. Cutler, "From Loot to Schol-

arship: Changing Modes in the Italian Response to Byzantine Artifacts, ca. 1200-1750," DOP, XLIX (1995), 237-267; and P. Belli D'Elia, "L'immagine di culto, dall'icona alla tavola d'altare," in La pittura in Italia: LAltomedioevo, ed. C. Bertelli (Milan, 1994), 369-389.

2. For marginal images, see M. Camille, Image on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (Cambridge, MA, 1992); the review of Camille by

J. Hamburger, in AB, LXXV (1993), 319-327; L. Freeman Sandler, "The Study of Marginal Imagery: Past, Present, and Future," Studies in Iconography, XVIII (1997), 1-49; and N. Kenaan-Kedar, Marginal Sculpture in Medieval France: Towards the Deciphering of an Enig- matic Pictorial Language (Brookfield, VT, 1995).

3. The title, written on parchment in a script contemporary to that of the

manuscript, is mounted on the Medicean binding that the book received in the sixteenth century. The manuscript is on parchment, 388 fols., 27 x 19.5 cm, trimmed, in 34 gatherings, generally of seven sheets each. It has sometimes been thought that the last two gatherings, which make a picture-book of Christological and devotional drawings, were addi- tions to the original manuscript, but this suggestion cannot be sup- ported by stylistic or codicological analysis. Selected images in the

Supplicationes have been discussed by Belting, The Image and its Pub- lic, 35, 75, 135, 170, 278. For the extent and character of the manu-

script's borrowings from Byzantium, see A. Neff, "A New Interpretation of the Supplicationes Variae miniatures," in II Medio Oriente e l'Occi- dente nell'arte del XIII secolo: Atti del XXIV Congresso Internazionale di Storia dellArte, ed. H. Belting (Bologna, 1982), 173-179. More gen- eral discussions can be found in A. M. Ciaranfi, "Disegni e miniature nel Codice Laurenziana 'Supplicationes variae'," Rivista del R. Istituto dArcheologia e Storia dellArte, I (1929), 325-348; and B. Degenhart and A. Schmitt, Corpus der italienischen Zeichnungen 1300-1450, I-1 (Berlin, 1968), 7-16. The Supplicationes is the subject of a forthcom- ing monograph in which I will discuss both problems of attribution and the utilization of Byzantine and western imagery within a Franciscan

program of devotion.

4. That the manuscript was made for use in Genoa is indicated by the in- clusion of four Genoese saints in the calendar, the bishops Syrus, Felix, Valentinus, and Romulus. The penwork flourishes decorating the text have also been convincingly linked to Genoa; E Avril and M.-T. Gous- set, Bibliotheque nationale. Ddpartement des manuscrits. Manuscrits

enluminds d'origine italienne. 2. XIIIe siecle (Paris, 1984), 25; M.-T. Gousset, "Etude de la d6coration filigran6e et reconstitution des ateliers: le cas de Genes 'a la fin du XIIIe sibcle," AM, s. 2, II (1988), 128-152.

Despite the evidence for a Genoese owner and a Genoese style of pen flourishes, the style of the miniatures need not also be Genoese. Many Italian manuscripts of the late dugento were written and decorated by craftsmen from different localities or made in one city for a patron who resided in another, for example, a Bible written in Bologna by an En- glish scribe, yet decorated by Parisian and Bolognese artists; also the

Smith-Lesou~f Psalter, destined for use in Tournai but made in Bo- logna; Avril and Gousset, Bibliothbeque nationale, Nos. 118 bis, 123.

5. Degenhart and Schmitt, Corpus, I-2, P1. 17b; E Bisogni, "Per un census delle rappresentazioni di Santa Chiara nella pittura in Emilia, Romagna e Veneto sino alla fine del Quattrocento," in Atti del VII Convegno della Societh internazionale di Studi Francescani: Movimento religioso femminile e Francescanesimo nel secolo XIII (Assisi, 1980), 133-165. The only two non-Venetian examples known are from the fifteenth cen- tury, postdating the numerous Venetian examples by a century. They are a Lombard or Umbrian miniature, published in facsimile by J. W. Einhorn, Francesco d'Assisi attraverso l'immagine: Roma, Museo Francescano Codice Inv. Nr. 1266 (Rome, 1992), No. 47; and a Pied- montese fresco (Bisogni, 136).

6. G. Romano, "Pittura del Duecento in Liguria," in La pittura in Italia: II Duecento e il Trecento, I, 2nd ed., ed. E. Castelnuovo (Milan, 1986), 27.

7. Neff, "A New Interpretation." The number of scenes in the Supplica- tiones which follow Palaeologan iconography is probably even smaller than claimed in my 1981 article. The iconography of the asymmetri- cally arranged Presentation, which I then considered a Palaeologan im- port, might equally well have been developed from western sources.

8. See the Appendix.

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9. There are forty-five full-page drawings at the end of the Supplicationes variae. The narrative of thirty-three pages includes twelve scenes of Christ's infancy and miracles, eighteen of the Passion and resurrection, the Death of the Virgin, and a two-page image of the Last Judgment. The remaining twelve scenes are devotional images, of which three are Christological and nine hagiographic. Complete illustration of these tinted drawings can be found in Degenhart and Schmitt, Corpus, I-2, Pls. 7-18.

10. For the western conception of Constantinople as a city extraordinarily rich in the most sacred of relics, see A. Ducellier, "Une mythologie urbaine: Constantinople vue d'Occident au Moyen Age," Milanges de l'Ecole frangaise de Rome, Moyen-dge, XCVI (1984), 405-424, esp. 411, 415, 417, 418.

11. For the iconography of the Lamentation, see G. Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, II (Greenwich, CT, 1971), 174-181; and E. Sandberg- Vavala, La croce dipinta italiana e l'iconografia della Passione (Verona, 1929; rpt. Rome, 1980), 299-308. The Byzantine Threnos is discussed by K. Weitzmann, "The Origin of the Threnos," in De Arti- bus Opuscula XL. Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky, ed. M. Meiss (New York, 1961), 476-490; T. Velmans, La peinture murale byzantine at lafin du moyen dge (Paris, 1977), 101-106; and H. Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium (Princeton, 1981), 101-108.

12. Belting, The Image and its Public, stresses the powerful attraction of "authentic" Byzantine icons in the west, yet Italian artists were not in- hibited from altering or ignoring Byzantine prototypes; see A. Derbes, Picturing the Passion in Late Medieval Italy: Narrative Painting, Fran- ciscan Ideologies, and the Levant (Cambridge, 1996), with references to earlier studies. For an Italian modification of the Byzantine Lamen- tation, see eadem, "The Pistoia Lamentation," Gesta, XXIII (1984), 131-136.

13. For a survey of the iconography of the Transfiguration, see Schiller, Iconography, I, 145-152; for its late Byzantine development, G. Millet, Recherches sur l'iconographie de l'e'vangile (Paris, 1916; rpt. Paris, 1960), 216-231; and E. C. Constantinides, The Wall Paintings of the Panagia Olympiotissa at Elasson in Northern Thessaly, 2 vols. (Athens, 1992), I, 119-121.

14. As reported, for example, by Jacobus da Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, trans. W. G. Ryan (Princeton, 1993), II, 78. A similar symbolic numerology may be found in the composition of Dante's Divina Commedia (ca. 1300-1310); the Purgatorio and Para- diso each consist of thirty-three cantos.

15. Schiller, Iconography, I, 146. For isolated instances of the celebration of the feast of the Transfiguration in Europe before the fifteenth cen-

tury, see W. Kr6nig, "Zur Transfiguration der Cappella Palatina in Palermo," ZfKg, XIX (1956), 162-179; M. L. Th6rel, A l'origine du decor du portail occidental de Notre-Dame de Senlis: Le triomphe de la Vierge-Eglise (Paris, 1984), 11-13; and G. Mariani Canova, "La miniatura nei libri liturgici marciani," in Musica e Liturgia a San Marco, ed. G. Cattin, I (Venice, 1990), 167.

16. As required in Franciscan usage, the calendar of the Supplicationes follows that of the papal curia, diverging only in the addition of four Genoese saints. This was first noted by E. B. Garrison, Studies in the

History of Mediaeval Italian Painting, IV (Florence, 1962), 278 n. 3.

17. For celebration of this feast in Venice, see Mariani Canova, "La min- iatura," 167. The feast of the Transfiguration is also included in the Golden Legend, II, 59. Jacobus da Voragine wrote the Golden Legend ca. 1260, while a friar at S. Domenico in Genoa. If the feast was known in Genoa, this might have been another factor which prompted the Genoese patron of the Supplicationes to include the scene. But Jacobus accords the Transfiguration little importance, and it is not included in the medieval and early Renaissance documents transcribed by D. Cam-

biaso, "L'anno ecclesiastico e le feste dei santi in Genova," Atti della

Societii ligure di storia patria, XLVIII (1918), 421-428, 443-451. For the Venetian mosaics of the Transfiguration, see O. Demus, The Mosaics of San Marco in Venice, I-1 (Chicago, 1984), 171, 172, and

I-2, Color P1. 5; R. Polacco, "Note all'architettura e al mosaico absidale della chiesa dei Santi Maria e Donato di Murano," Venezia Arti, VII (1993), 42-43.

18. In addition to the image in the Supplicationes, there are at least nine representations of the Transfiguration dating from ca. 1250-1310 which are Venetian or from locales with close artistic ties to Venice. Among the Venetian examples are several miniatures, in an antiphonary in a private collection (G. Cattin and G. Mariani Canova, "Un prezioso Antifonario veneziano del Duecento: miniature, liturgia e musica," Arte veneta, XXXV [1981], 9-26), and mounted on liturgical objects (P. Huber, Bild und Botschaft. Byzantinische Miniaturen zum Alten und Neuen Testament [Zurich, 1973], Pls. 6a-c; Venice, Palazzo Ducale, Omaggio a San Marco: Tesori dall'Europa [Milan, 1994], ed. H. Fil- litz and G. Morello, No. 73, pp. 186-187). The Transfiguration also appears in Bolognese manuscripts influenced by Venetian art: the Bologna University Psalter (M. Jacoff, "The Moses Cupola at San Marco; Bologna, Venice and Byzantium in the Late 13th Century," Second Annual Byzantine Studies Conference: Abstracts of Papers [Madison, WI, 1976], 31-32), and the Smith-Lesouef Psalter (T. Vel- mans, "Les miniatures byzantinisantes d'un psautier latin in6dit 'a la Bibliotheque Nationale 'a Paris," Actes du XXII congres international d'histoire de l'art, Budapest, 1969 [Budapest, 1972], 151-164). For the relationship of these manuscripts to Venice, see also Mariani Canova, "La miniatura," 174 and n. 136. For the Transfiguration on Venetian altarpieces, see C. Travi, "Il Maestro del trittico di Santa Chiara. Appunti per la pittura veneta di primo Trecento," Arte Cristiana, LXXX (1992), 81-96; and M. Boskovits, The Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection. Early Italian painting, 1290-1470 (London, 1990), 192-197.

19. The Transfiguration mosaics of twelfth-century Sicilian churches are derived from the same middle Byzantine cycle: Demus, The Mosaics, 249.

20. The fresco at Assisi was preceded by the typological stained glass win- dows of the apse, in which a panel with the Transfiguration was paired with Moses and God the Father. These windows, made by German art- ists, have been recently discussed by F. Martin, Die Apsisverglasung der Oberkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi: Ihre Entstehung und Stellung innerhalb der Oberkirchenausstattung (Worms, 1993). For the fresco, a date of ca. 1253 has been proposed by A. Cadei, "Assisi, S. Francesco: l'architettura e la prima fase della decorazione," in Roma Anno 1300 (Atti della IV Settimana di Studi di Storia dell'Arte Medievale dell'Uni- versit'a di Roma "La Sapienza"), ed. A. M. Romanini (Rome, 1983), 141-160; ca. 1277-1280 is proposed by H. Belting, Die Oberkirche von San Francesco in Assisi (Berlin, 1977), 87-97. Helpful summaries of the controversies concerning the artists, the date and the interpreta- tion of the frescoes of the north transept can be found in S. Romano, "Pittura ad Assisi 1260-1280: Lo stato degli studi," AM, II (1984), 109-141, esp. 122-133; and M. Bagnoli, "San Francesco in Assisi. Gli affreschi del transetto nord della Basilica Superiore," in II Gotico europeo in Italia, ed. V. Pace and M. Bagnoli (Naples, 1994), 195-206. See also Martin, Die Apsisverglasung, 130, 135-138.

21. Belting, Die Oberkirche, 51. Belting's interpretation is disputed by I. Hueck, "Cimabue und das Bildprogramme der Oberkirche von San Francesco in Assisi," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in

Florenz, XXV (1981), 314-315. For explication of the Transfiguration in Joachimite and Franciscan historical and eschatological thought, as well as in Franciscan art, see E. Benz, Ecclesia spiritualis: Kirchenidee und Geschichtstheologie der franziskanischen Reformation (Stuttgart, 1934), 246; Belting, Die Oberkirche, 50-53; J. V. Fleming, From Bon- aventure to Bellini: An Essay in Franciscan Exegesis (Princeton, 1982), 91-98; J. Jungi6, "Joachimist Prophecies in Sebastiano del Piombo's

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Borgherini Chapel and Raphael's Transfiguration," JWCI, LI (1988), 66-83; K. KrUger, Derfriihe Bildkult des Franziskus in Italien (Berlin, 1992), 123; and Martin, Die Apsisverglasung, 151.

22. The parousia is implied in Mark 9:1: "And he said to them, 'Truly, I say to you, there are some standing here who will not taste death before

they see the kingdom of God come with power'" (cf. Matthew 16:28; Luke 9:27). The Passion is foretold on Mt. Tabor ("And behold, two men talked with him, Moses and Elijah, who.., spoke of his departure, which he was to accomplish at Jerusalem" [Luke 9:31]), and as Christ descends the mountain ("So also the Son of man will suffer at their hands" [Matthew 17:12; cf. Mark 9:12]). For these themes in Christian

exegesis, see J. A. McGuckin, The Transfiguration of Christ in Scrip- ture and Tradition (Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity, IX) (Lewiston, 1986), 115-116, 120-122, and passim.

23. Belting, Die Oberkirche, 52.

24. Fleming, From Bonaventure, 153. In the Lignum vitae, the life of Christ is partitioned into a three-part sequence, with divisions generally similar to those of the Supplicationes variae. This structure is clearly set out by Bonaventure: Bonaventure: The Soul's Journey to God. The Tree of Life. The Life of St. Francis, trans. E. Cousins (New York, 1978), 120. Belting emphasizes that the Assisi Transfiguration is part of a triad, along with the Maiestas Domini and a central window of the Ascension; Die Oberkirche, 51-53. For the trinitarian structure of the later frescoes of the life of St. Francis in the Upper Church and their

relationship to Bonaventuran thought, see C. Mitchell, "The Imagery of the upper Church at Assisi," in Giotto e il suo tempo. Atti del Congresso Internazionale per la celebrazione del VII Centenario della nascita di Giotto (Rome, 1971), 113-134. Further examples and insights into this mode of Franciscan thought can be found in Fleming, From Bonaven- ture, 93, 153-155; and idem, An Introduction to the Franciscan Liter- ature of the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1977), 205-209.

25. The Transfiguration is linked with the Passion in other Franciscan works as well, for example, the Meditationes vitae Christi, variously dated from ca. 1260 to ca. 1350; Meditations on the Life of Christ: An Illustrated

Manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, ed. I. Ragusa and R. Green, trans. I. Ragusa (Princeton, 1961), 228. For a survey of scholarly opin- ions on the controversial date, see Derbes, Picturing the Passion, 193 n. 64.

26. The shock and controversy in thirteenth-century reactions to the stig- matization are noted by J. Gardner, "The Louvre Stigmatization and the Problem of the Narrative Altarpiece," ZfKg, XLV (1982), 221-223.

27. Bonaventure, Legenda maior, chap. XIII, 5; trans. Cousins, Bonaven- ture, 307. The same analogy between stigmatization and Transfigura- tion is explicit in Bonaventure's chap. XIII, 1; trans. idem, 303. It is

fully developed in the early Franciscan hymn, Proles de caelo prodiit, discussed in Fleming, From Bonaventure, 92-94. See also C. Frugoni, Francesco e l'invenzione delle stimmate (Turin, 1993), 137-139, 357.

28. A cell in the rocks or in the mountain is reported by Thomas of Celano, in the Vita secunda (1246-1248), and by three fourteenth-century texts, the Speculum Perfectionis, the Actus Beati Francisci et sociorum

eius, and its translation, the Fioretti di San Francesco; Fleming, From

Bonaventure, 96-97; O. Schmucki, The Stigmata of St. Francis of As-

sisi: A Critical Investigation in the Light of Thirteenth-Century Sources

(St. Bonaventure, NY, 1991), 169, 172-173.

29. I Fioretti di San Francesco, quoted in St. Francis of Assisi: Writings and Early Biographies: English Omnibus of the Sources for the Life of St. Francis, ed. M. Habig (Chicago, 1973), 1438.

30. Bonaventure, De perfectione vitae ad sorores, VI, 2; trans. J. de Vinck, The Works of Bonaventure, I, Mystical Opuscula (Quincy, IL, 1960), 239; idem, Lignum vitae, VIII, 30; trans. Cousins, Bonaventure, 155.

Bernard's metaphor of Christ's wound as a cave or refuge in the rocks

inspired many mystics of the later middle ages, not exclusively Fran- ciscans; see E. A. Matter, The Voice of My Beloved: The Song of Songs in Western Medieval Christianity (Philadelphia, 1990), 137-138; and C. W. Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1982), 121, 191-192.

31. For the cave in visual images of the stigmatization, see Gardner, "The Louvre Stigmatization," 226. The "transfiguring light which blazed around La Verna" (ibid., 226 and n. 39) links the stigmatization to the

Transfiguration and to other encounters with the divine. For the rich

array of symbolism and allegory associated with the stigmatization, see also Frugoni, Francesco e l'invenzione, esp. 137-222.

32. "Cor contritum et humiliatum, Deus, non despicies." Psalm 50:19 (Vul- gate); Psalm 51:17 (Authorized Version). The inscription was identified

by David Ekserdjian, who transcribed it from a virtually identical scene on a Venetian panel formerly in the Hosmer Collection, Montreal; Im-

portant and Fine Old Master Pictures (Christie's, London, 8 December 1995), No. 62. On the panel in the Norton Simon collection, the last word of the verse has been altered to the vernacular, "sperni." For other Venetian examples in which the cave is a prominent feature, see R. Pal- lucchini, La pittura veneziana del Trecento (Venice, 1964), Figs. 139, 202, 216, 227, 232, 521. The common dating of these panels to ca. 1325- 1350 has in some cases been revised to ca. 1300-1310, as in Travi, "I] Maestro del trittico di Santa Chiara," 81-96.

33. Bonaventure, Vitis mystica, XXIV, 3; trans. de Vinck, The Works of Bonaventure, 203-204.

34. Thomas of Celano, Vita Prima S. Francesci, I, 10. For the full text, see St. Francis of Assisi: Writings, 332.

35. Without being pictured, the life of Francis also affected the imagery of the Way to Calvary in the Supplicationes; A. Neff, "Wicked Children on Calvary and the Baldness of St. Francis," Mitteilungen des Kunst- historischen Institutes in Florenz, XXXIV (1990), 215-244.

36. For example, a miniature in a Bolognese Psalter (Bologna, Biblioteca Universitaria, Cod. 346), fol. 9v; this manuscript's Palaeologan iconog- raphy and relations to Venice were pointed out by Jacoff, "The Moses

Cupola"; idem, "The Bible of Charles V and Related Works: Bologna, Byzantium, and the West in the Late Thirteenth Century," in II Medio Oriente, 165. Also, a Franciscan altarpiece in Zadar (Boskovits, Thyssen- Bornemisza Collection, 197, Fig. 3); a miniature in the San Marco

Sacramentary, fol. 155v (R. Katzenstein, "Three Liturgical Manuscripts from San Marco: Art and Patronage in mid-Trecento Venice" [Disser- tation, Harvard University, Cambridge, 1987], Fig. 127); and a fresco

formerly in Susegana (Treviso) (La pittura in Italia, II, 620).

37. The iconography is specifically related to Hesychast concerns by H. Belt- ing, Das illuminierte Buch in der spiitbyzantinischen Gesellschaft (Hei- delberg, 1970), 15-16; D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500-1453 (New York, 1971), 359; and V. Lossky, "Le sens des ic6nes. La Transfiguration," La vie spirituelle, LXVI (Ic~nes saintes et miconnues) (1986), 655. On the Hesychasts and their focus on the Transfiguration, see J. Meyendorff, St. Grigoire Palamas et la mys-

tique orthodoxe (Bourges, 1959); L. Clucas, "The Hesychast Contro-

versy in Byzantium in the Fourteenth Century: A Consideration of the Basic Evidence" (Dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1975), 57-60, 171-175.

38. For Boiana, see A. Grabar, La Peinture religieuse en Bulgarie (Paris, 1928), 140-141, P1. XI. For the Protaton, Constantinides, The Wall

Paintings, 120, P1. 239; G. Millet, Monuments de l'Athos: Les peintures (Paris, 1927), P1. 11, Fig. 3.

39. As on several Palaeologan icons, the Transfiguration reproduced in

Fig. 6 is not an independent image but part of a cycle of major feasts.

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For an illustration of the entire panel, see G. and M. Sotiriou, Eikones tes mones Sina (Athens, 1958), II, Fig. 209. For other icons and manu- script illuminations, see ibid., Figs. 205, 216, 220; and Belting, Das illuminierte Buch, 15-16, Figs. 8-11.

40. The cave in the Elasson Transfiguration is not discussed by Constan- tinides. The Transfiguration is juxtaposed to the Crucifixion on the bar- rel vault at the west of the naos. Unfortunately, the lower portion of the Crucifixion is entirely lost, making it impossible to know how close a visual correspondence existed between the mountains of Calvary and Tabor. Constantinides, The Wall Paintings, I, 80, 119-121, 133-134, Pls. XII, XIV; and II, Pls. 7, 38, 39. A later date of ca. 1320-1330 is assigned to the Elasson wall-paintings by S. Gerstel in her review of Constantinides, Speculum, LXIX (1994), 448-449.

41. I. Ragusa, "Mandylion-Sudarium: The 'Translation' of a Byzantine Relic to Rome," AM, s. 2, V (1991), 97-106, esp. 102-103. The Throne of Grace is on fol. 382v; the Holy Face on fol. 387v.

42. D. J. Pallas, Die Passion und Bestattung Christi in Byzanz: Der Ritus- Das Bild (Miscellanea Byzantina Monacensia, II) (Munich, 1965); H. Belting, "An Image and its Function in the Liturgy: The Man of Sorrows in Byzantium," DOP, XXXIV-XXXV (1980-1981), 1-16; idem, The Image and its Public, 99. B. Ridderbos proposes modifica- tions of Belting's model; "The Man of Sorrows: Pictorial Images and

Metaphorical Statements," in The Broken Body: Passion Devotion in Late-Medieval Culture, ed. A. A. MacDonald et al. (Groningen, 1998), 143-181.

43. The origins of the Man of Sorrows with crossed arms are problematic. A possible early Byzantine example, an early thirteenth-century fresco in the Church of Savane (Georgia), was noted by Pallas, Die Passion und Bestattung, 207, and Velmans, La peinture murale byzantine, 161. In a later publication, however, Velmans calls this information errone- ous; T. Velmans and A. Alpago Novello, Miroir de l'invisible: peintures murales et architecture de la Gdorgie (VIe-XVe s.) (Saint-L6ger- Vauban, 1996), 116 n. 67. Otherwise, the earliest surviving Byzantine example is the mosaic icon in S. Croce in Gerusalemme, dated to the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century, while western examples in

manuscripts are known from ca. 1270. The dates are too close to as- certain priority. While the type became more popular in the west than in Byzantium, it may have originated in Constantinople, inspired by a relic of the shroud; Pallas, Die Passion und Bestattung, 251-259; Ridderbos, "The Man of Sorrows," 160-162. In any case, Louis M. La Favia's claim that this form of the Man of Sorrows was invented by the artist of the Supplicationes variae is untenable; The Man of Sorrows: Its Origin and Development in Trecento Florentine Painting (Rome, 1980), 31-36.

44. The icon was probably taken to Mt. Sinai before it was brought to Italy in 1380/81; see C. Bertelli, "The Image of Pity in Santa Croce in Gerusalemme," in Essays in the History of Art Presented to Rudolf Wittkower, ed. D. Fraser, H. Hibbard, and M. J. Lewine (London, 1967), 40-55. For more recent bibliography, see Ravenna, Museo Nazionale, Splendori di Bisanzio. Testimonianze e riflessi d'arte e cultura bizan- tina nelle chiese d'Italia (Milan, 1990), ed. G. Morello, No. 41, pp. 110-111.

45. A. W. Carr, in New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Glory of Byzantium (New York, 1997), ed. H. C. Evans and W. D. Wixom, No. 72,

pp. 125-126, with bibliography.

46. Belting, "An Image and its Function"; Carr, in Glory of Byzantium, 126. For the image in relation to the liturgy, see S. Dufrenne, "Images du d6cor de la prothise," Revue des dtudes byzantines, XXVI (1968), 297-310.

47. Belting, The Image and its Public, 169-185.

48. For early western images of the imago pietatis, see E. W. Vetter, Die Kupferstiche zur Psalmodia Eucaristica des Melchior Prieto von 1622 (Spanische Forschungen der Garresgesellschaft, s. 2, XV) (MUnster Westfalen, 1972), 179-183. Six of the seven Italian examples listed by Vetter are Venetian; an additional three are German. Belting entertains the possibility that western adaptations of the imago pietatis originally spread from Venice; The Image and its Public, 38, 166-167. See, how- ever, J. Cannon, "The Stoclet 'Man of Sorrows': a thirteenth-century Italian diptych reunited," BM, CXLI (1999), 107-112, for a convincing reattribution of one of this group to Umbria.

49. L. di Fonzo and G. Colasanti, "1l culto del Sacro Cuore di Gesh negli ordini francescani," in Cor Jesu. Commentationes in Litteras Encyclicas Pii PP. XII "Haurietis Aquas," ed. A. Bea et al., II (Rome, 1959), 97- 137; H. Eller, "James of Milan and the Stimulus Amoris," in Fran- ciscan Christology, ed. D. McElrath (New York, 1980), 89-92. The wounds of Christ were also vividly emphasized in a thirteenth-century Dominican example; see Belting, The Image and its Public, 169-170.

50. See above, n. 33.

51. Fols. 131-141. The author is not named and, to my knowledge, these treatises have not until now been recognized as excerpts from the Stim- ulus amoris. The rubrics used for them in the Supplicationes are: "De meditatione passionis domini nostri" and "Meditatio mortis christi." These texts are among the earliest known manuscript versions of the Passion chapters of the Stimulus. For a critical edition, see lacobus Me- diolanensis, Stimulus Amoris (Bibliotheca Franciscana Ascetica Medii Aevi, IV) (Quaracchi, 1905). A longer medieval version of the Stimu- lus can be found in S. Bonaventura: opera omnia, ed. A. Peltier, XII (Paris, 1868). An excerpt from the Quaracchi edition is translated, with commentary on the text and author, by Eller, "James of Milan," 89- 107. Eller discusses the importance of the Stimulus in the early devel- opment of the cults of the five wounds and Sacred Heart, as do di Fonzo and Colasanti, "I1 culto," 107. For commentary on the imagery of Christ's wounds in the Stimulus amoris, see S. Beckwith, Christ's Body: Identity, culture and society in late medieval writings (London, 1993), 56-63; and E Lewis, "The Wound in Christ's Side and the Instruments of the Passion: Gendered Experience and Response," in Women and the Book: Assessing the Visual Evidence, ed. J. H. M. Taylor and L. Smith (London, 1996), 203-229, esp. 214-216. For the text and author, see also Fleming, An Introduction to the Franciscan Literature, 214-216; and T. H. Bestul, Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society (Philadelphia, 1996), 13-14, 56, 58, 65-68, 189.

52. "O amantissima vulnera Domini mei Iesu Christi! Nam, cum ea quadam vice oculis subintrarem apertis, ipsi oculi sanguine sunt repleti, sicque nihil aliud videns coepi ingredi manu palpans, donec perveni ad intima viscera caritatis suae . . . Ideoque ibi habito et. . . ibi tanta abundo dul- cedine, ut tibi non valeam enarrare. Trans. Eller, "James of Milan," 103.

53. "Nam prae nimio amore aperuit sibi latus, ut tibi tribuat cor suum; sibi etiam voluit manus et pedes perforari, ut, cum ad ipsum perveneris, sic tuae manus intrent in suas ac pedes tui in suos, ut sibi inseparabiliter coniungaris .... O vulnera corda saxea vulnerantia et mentes congela- tas inflammantia, pectoraque adamantina liquefacientia prae amore! O certe vita, dulcedo et spes nostra!" Trans. Eller, "James of Milan," 107. For the metaphor of Christ's wound piercing the devotee's heart, see

J. Hamburger, The Rothschild Canticles: Art and Mysticism in Flanders and the Rhine/and circa 1300 (New Haven, 1990), 72-77.

54. "Non peto a te, domina, solem nec sidera, sed peto vulnera .... Vere- cundum et opprobriosum est mihi videre Dominum meum vulneratum et te, o domina mea, convulneratam et me servum vilissimum pertran- sire illaesum .... hoc tibi sine intermissione et cum clamore et lacry- mis tuis pedibus provolutus postulabo... ; aut mihi hoc tribues aut si me percusseris, ut recedam, tamen stabo et tua sustinebo flagella, donec

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ero undique vulneratus, nec aliud nisi vulnera a te peto." Iacobus Mediolanensis, Stimulus amoris, 80-81; my translation.

55. "'Bonum est' enim secum 'esse,' et in ipso volo 'tria tabernacula facere' (Matthew 17:4): unum in manibus, aliud in pedibus, sed et aliud con- tinuum in latere; ibi volo quiescere et dormire, comedere et bibere, legere et orare." Trans. Eller, "James of Milan," 103.

56. Fols. 183v-198v. Rubric: "Ad recordandum de deo, et ad accendendum

spiritum in dei amorem." I know of no printed editions of this text.

57. Fol. 193. This is the basic premise of the chapter, "De vera religione": "Religio in paupertate fundatur. erigitur obediencia. dedicatur castitate. custoditur humilitate. perficitur caritate."

58. Several sections of the text address the reader, "O homo." The virtues of the cloister and obedience to superiors are noted.

59. See, for example, the text by Thomas Aquinas quoted in D. Freedberg, in The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago, 1989), 162. Other important recent studies of the character and functions of the devotional image in the west include: Belting, The Image and its Public; idem, Likeness and Presence; E Lewis, "From Image to Illustration: The Place of Devotional Images in the Book of Hours," in Iconographie mddievale: Image, Texte, Contexte, ed. G. Duchet-Suchaux (Paris, 1990), 29-48; H. van Os, The Art of Devo- tion in the Late Middle Ages in Europe 1300-1500 (London, 1994).

60. For examples of the Byzantine imago pietatis in front of a cross, see

Belting, The Image and its Public, Figs. 49, 53, 57, 58, 60.

61. Fol. 183v. "O quam vehementer amplexu amplexasti me bone iesu, quando sanguis exivit de corde, aqua de latere, anima de corpore.... Certe, ego sum causa doloris tui." I have translated this and the follow-

ing quotations in this paragraph from the Supplicationes variae. This

page of the Supplicationes is often cited in the literature on the Man of Sorrows; see especially H. van Os, "The Discovery of an Early Man of Sorrows on a Dominican Triptych," in idem, Studies in Early Tuscan

Painting (London, 1992), 253-254.

62. Fol. 183v. "Stendit tibi Christus o homo, manus, ut facias que fecit, latus ut sencias que sensit, pedes ut ambules qua perexit." "O homo si

colligisses stillas sanguinis Christi cadentes ...

"

63. Fols. 194v-195. ".... et christe per vulnera allegabit. Cum clavi con-

querentur. Cum vulnera loquentur."

64. The scanty literature on the marginalia of Italian religious manuscripts includes: M. Pippal, "Beobachtungen zum Codex 346 der Universi-

titsbibliothek von Bologna: Die Schatzkunst der makedonischen Re- naissance-ein Vorlagenfundus fUir die Buchmalerei des ausgehenden Duecento?" Wiener Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte, XXXIV (1981), 23- 38; J. Y. Luaces, "La Bibbia di Carlo V nella Cattedrale di Gerona," in

II Gotico europeo, 415-427; V. Pace, "Cultura dell'Europa medievale nella Roma di Innocenzo III: Le illustrazioni marginali del Registro Vaticano 4," Romisches Jahrbuch fiIr Kunstgeschichte, XXII (1985), 45-61. For additional illustrations, see Avril and Gousset, Bibliothdque nationale, passim; and A. Conti, La miniatura bolognese. Scuole e botteghe 1270-1340 (Bologna, 1981), passim. The literary and legal books of dugento Italy also offer rich ground for the investigation of marginal imagery, as demonstrated by S. Huot, "Visualization and Memory: The Illustration of Troubadour Lyric in a Thirteenth-Century Manuscript," Gesta, XXXI (1992), 3-14; and S. L'Engle, "An Erotic Articulation of Roman Law in a Bolognese Manuscript," in CAA Abstracts 1996 (New York, 1996), 60.

65. For negative attitudes toward the peasantry in medieval images of the Labors of the Months, see J. Alexander, "Labeur and Paresse: Ideo- logical Representations of Medieval Peasant Labor," AB, LXXII (1990),

436-452. To what extent a negative interpretation can be given to the peasants in the Supplicationes variae is problematic. Some of the peas- ants are fairly elegant, derived from classical models, such as the water- bearer on fol. 16 (Fig. 18).

66. See L. Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts (Berke- ley, 1966), Figs. 252-289, 600-630, 672-681. Few, if any, of these marginalia are satirical. A solitary example that is not a straightforward devotional or narrative image, illustrated in Randall, Fig. 262, is some- times called a parody of the Crucifixion, as in Camille, Image on the Edge, 30. Other instances in which Camille claims a mocking imagery of Christ are not entirely convincing; ibid., 26-28, 43. Generally, Chris- tological images in the margins of northern manuscripts function sim- ilarly to the imagopietatis on fol. 183 of the Supplicationes variae; see, for example, Randall, Images, Fig. 260.

67. Valuable discussions of humor in medieval religion include V. A. Kolve, The Play Called Corpus Christi (Stanford, 1966); M. Bayless, Parody in the Middle Ages: The Latin Tradition (Ann Arbor, 1996); and I. S. Gilhus, Laughing Gods, Weeping Virgins: Laughter in the History of Religion (London, 1997), 78-101.

68. For example, the popular genre of the Life of St. Nemo; Bayless, Par- ody, 57-87.

69. For the biblical cento, see ibid., 129-176.

70. Ibid., 160-161, 166-167.

71. J. Meyendorff, "The Mediterranean World in Thirteenth Century The-

ology: East and West," in The 17th International Byzantine Congress (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., 1986), Major Papers (New Ro- chelle, NY, 1986), 670.

72. D. Geanakoplos, Byzantine East and Latin West: Two Worlds of Chris- tendom in Middle Ages and Renaissance (New York, 1966), 2. The author continues, "It is at this point [the thirteenth century], when the ecclesiastical schism became ethnic and political as well as religious in scope. ....

73. G. T. Dennis, "Schism, Union, and the Crusades," in The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural Exchange between East and West during the Period of the Crusades, ed. V. P. Goss and C. Verzair Bornstein (Kalama- zoo, 1986), 181-187. He takes the term "estrangement" from Y. Con- gar, "Neuf cent ans apres. Notes sur le schisme oriental," in 1054-1954. L'Eglise et les eglises: neufs siecles de douloureuse separation entre l'Orient et l'Occident, I (Chevetogne, 1954), 3-95.

74. Geanakoplos, Byzantine East and Latin West, 2, characterizing atti- tudes after the 1274 Council of Lyons.

75. Dennis, "Schism, Union, and the Crusades," 183. See also D. M. Nicol, "The Crusades and the Unity of Christendom," in The Meeting of Two Worlds, 173-174.

76. Dennis, "Schism, Union, and the Crusades"; Meyendorff, "The Medi- terranean World"; and D. Geanakoplos, "Bonaventura, the two mendi- cant orders and the Greeks in 1274," Studies in Church History, XIII (1976), 183-211. For "national" or ethnic identification in thirteenth- century Europe, see G. Post, "Two Notes on Nationalism in the Middle Ages," Traditio, IX (1953), 281-320; for post-conquest Byzantium, see D. Geanakoplos, "Religion and 'Nationalism' in the Byzantine Empire and After: Conformity or Pluralism?" in Interaction of the "Sibling" Byzantine and Western Cultures in the Middle Ages and Italian Renais- sance (330-1600) (New Haven, 1976), 36-54, esp. 45-47.

77. The text of the excommunication is printed in J. Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy 1198-1400 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979), 178. For the context, see A. Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins. The Foreign Policy of An- dronicus II 1282-1328 (Cambridge, MA, 1972); K. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571), I, The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries

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(Philadelphia, 1976), 90-151; D. M. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byz- antium 1261-1453, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1993), 33-121; N. Housley, The Later Crusades, 1274-1580: From Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford, 1992).

78. The ban on trade with Byzantium was an offshoot of Venice's alliance with Charles of Anjou, which put the Venetians in a state of war with

Byzantium; Laiou, Constantinople and the Latins, 67-68; D. M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice: A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations

(Cambridge, 1988), 212-227.

79. M. Balard, "I1 mondo bizantino visto da Genova," in Europa e Medi- terraneo tra medioevo e prima eta moderna, ed. S. Gensini (Comune San Miniato, n.d.), 281-295. See also P. Schreiner, "Bisanzio e Ge- nova. Tentativo di una analisi delle relazioni politiche, commerciali e culturali," in Studia Byzantino-Bulgarica, ed. V. Gjuzelev (Vienna, 1986), 131-148; and S. Origone, Bisanzio e Genova (Genoa, 1992).

80. Cutler, "From Loot to Scholarship."

81. O. Grabar, "Trade with the East and the Influence of Islamic Art on the

'Luxury Arts' in the West," in II Medio Oriente, 32. As a corollary to

this thesis, Grabar suggests that at this time artistic "forms and sub-

jects . . . were associated with a place and eventually with a person, an artist; they become works of art

....

" involved with the early devel-

opment of "what may be called an art market." Ibid., 32-33.

82. For example, Belting, The Image and its Public, 143, 278; H. Egger, "Franziskanischer Geist in mittelalterlichen Bildvorstellungen: Versuch einer franziskanischen Ikonographie," in Krems-stein, Minoritenkirche, 800 Jahre Franz von Assisi; Franziskanische Kunst und Kultur des Mittelalters (Vienna, 1982), 482; van Os, The Art of Devotion, 110; Derbes, Picturing the Passion, 20; and Ridderbos, "The Man of Sor- rows," 148, 162. Belting's assertion that the manuscript is obviously from the "milieu of the Poor Clares," is, however, unfounded; The Im-

age and its Public, 254 n. 34.

83. N. Wicki, "Philip the Chancellor," in New Catholic Encyclopedia, XI (New York, 1967), 274-275.

84. Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters (Freiburg in Breisgau, 1853), II, 162.

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