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An offprint from

Mesolithic HorizonsPapers presented at the Seventh International Conference

on the Mesolithic in Europe, Belfast 2005

Edited bySinéad McCartan, Rick Schulting, Graeme Warren and Peter Woodman

© OXBOW BOOKS 2009ISBN 978-1-84217-311-4

Contents

VOLUME IList of Contributors ixPreface (Peter Woodman) xvii

Plenaries (i) Mapping the European Mesolithic (S. K. Kozłowski) xx

(ii) The Mesolithic in Europe – some retrospective perspectives (Lars Larsson) xxvii

(iii) The way forward (T. Douglas Price) xxxiii

(iv) Ireland’s place in the European Mesolithic: why it’s ok to be different (Peter C. Woodman) xxxvi

(v) The Mesolithic and the 21st century (Marek Zvelebil) xlvii

New lands1 Introduction (Peter C. Woodman) 12 Climate change, demography and social relations: an alternative view of the Late Palaeolithic 3 pioneer colonization of southern Scandinavia (Felix Riede)3 Late Palaeolithic reindeer hunters – from a coastal perspective (Bengt Nordqvist) 114 Colonizing seascapes: comparative perspectives on the development of maritime relations in 16 the Pleistocene/Holocene transition in north-west Europe (Hein Bjartmann Bjerck)5 Entering new shores. Colonization processes in early archipelagos in eastern central Sweden 24 (Roger Wikell and Mattias Pettersson)6 TheflintcollectionfromtheRistolasiteinLahtiandtheculturalcontactsoftheearliest 31 Postglacial settlement of southern Finland (Hannu Takala)7 The Sujala site in Utsjoki: Post-Swiderian in northern Lapland? 38 (Jarmo Kankaanpää and Tuija Rankama)8 Hunter-gatherers of the Istrian peninsula: the value of lithic raw material analysis to study 45 small-scale colonization processes (Paolo Pellegatti)9 Early farmers on the coast: lithic procurement strategies of colonists in the eastern Adriatic 53 (Niels H. Andreasen)10 Thecolonisationofeasternalpineterritories:theValdiNoncasestudyandthe‘Regole’field 60 camps (Trento, Italy) (Giampaolo Dalmeri, Klaus Kompatscher, Maria Hrozny Kompatscher, Anna Cusinato and Michele Bassetti)

Mobility11 Introduction (C. R. Wickham-Jones) 7112 Moving perceptions: movement, mobility and the material dimension (Thomas Kador) 7313 Top-down or bottom-up?: Americanist approaches to the study of hunter-gatherer mobility 80 (Douglas B. Bamforth)14 Are we there yet? Using GIS to investigate paths and landmarks in the Mesolithic of south-west 89 Germany (Harry Starr and Susan Harris)15 RawmaterialandsettlementstrategiesatthePleistocene/HoloceneboundaryinTrentino 96 (north-eastern Italian Alps): (Fabio Cavulli and Stefano Grimaldi)16 Evidence of mobility between the coast and the inland region in the Mesolithic of northern 102 Fennoscandia (Mikael A. Manninen)17 Walking around the Federsee: analyzing mobility and settlement through regional surface survey 109 in south-west Germany (Susan K. Harris, Harry Starr, Lynn E. Fisher and Michael Jochim)18 One pig does not a winter make. New seasonal evidence at the Early Mesolithic sites of 115 Holmegaard and Mullerup and the Late Mesolithic site of Ertebølle in Denmark (Richard Carter)19 Deciphering archaeological palimpsests: an example from a Canadian Barrenland caribou 122 hunting camp (Bryan C. Gordon)

Contents v

People in their environment20 Introduction (Rick Schulting) 13121 Coastal perspectives on the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition (Nicky Milner and Eva Laurie) 13422 Current research on prehistoric human coastal ecology: Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene 140 hunter-gatherer transitions in north-west Sicily (Marcello A. Mannino and Kenneth D. Thomas)23 The tragedy of the shoreline? Social ecology of Mesolithic coastal subsistence, with reference to the site 146 of Culverwell, Isle of Portland (southern England) (Marcello A. Mannino and Kenneth D. Thomas)24 Small game exploitation through the Mediterranean Pleistocene-Holocene transition in southern France: 152 a key resource augmenting the dietary range (Alexandre Bournery)25 AnexaminationofMesolithicshellfishgatheringactivitiesinthelowerAsónriverbasin 161 (Cantabria, España) (F. Igor Gutiérrez Zugasti)26 Stone Age settlement sites on an environmentally sensitive coastal area along the lower reaches of 167 theRiverPärnu(south-westernEstonia),asindicatorsofchangingsettlementpatterns,technologies and economies (Aivar Kriiska and Lembi Lõugas)27 Automating the extrapolation of sea-level displacement curves: implications for Mesolithic research 176 in western Norway (David N. Simpson)28 Shells, seals and ceramics: an evaluation of a midden at West Voe, Sumburgh, Shetland, 2004–5 184 (Nigel D. Melton)29 Mesolithic elk (Alces alcesL.)fromZamostje2(Russia) (Louis Chaix) 19030 Animal bone studies and the perception of animals in Mesolithic society (Anna Mansrud) 19831 Cultural small-scale variations in a hunter-gatherer society: or ‘everybody wants to be a little bit 203 different!’ An ethnoarchaeological study from Siberia (Ole Grøn, Torunn Klokkernes and Michail G. Turov)32 StableisotopicreconstructionofEarlyMesolithicdietatPupićinaCave 210 (Clea Paine, Tamsin O’Connell and Preston T. Miracle)33 Human colonisation routes and the origins of Irish mammals (Ceiridwen J. Edwards, Daniel G. Bradley) 21734 The ecology of hazel (Corylus avellana) nuts in Mesolithic Ireland (Anne M. G. McComb) 225

People and Places35 Introduction (Sinéad B. McCartan) 23536 Settlement patterns, landscape and society in western Norway during the Late Mesolithic 237 (Sigrid Mannsåker Gundersen)37 Mesolithic inland settlement in southern Norway (Per Persson) 24338 The settlement patterns of the Maglemose culture on Bornholm, Denmark. Some preliminary results 248 and hypotheses (Claudio Casati and Lasse Sørensen)39 People and places in the Latvian Mesolithic: a case study from the Zvejnieki archaeological complex 255 (Ilga Zagorska)40 DąbrowaBiskupia71:aspecializedcampfromtheMaglemoseculture 261 (Lucyna Domańska and Marcin Wąs)41 Early Holocene landscape dynamics and forager land use diversity: the example of Hoge Vaart-A27 269 (Almere, The Netherlands) (Hans Peeters)42 Mesolithic territories and land-use systems in north-western Belgium 277 (Joris Sergant, Philippe Crombé and Yves Perdaen)43 Mesolithic settlement and land use in the Campine region (Belgium) 282 (Marc De Bie and Marijn Van Gils)44 Upland colonization: patterns of settling and habitation in northern Istria, Croatia (Darko Komšo) 28845 People and their land at the southern margins of the central Po Plain in the Early Mesolithic 296 (Federica Fontana, Maria Giovanna Cremona, Erika Ferrari, Federico Guarisco and Davide Mengoli)46 A view from the edges: the Mesolithic settlement of the interior areas of the Iberian Peninsula 303 reconsidered (Pablo Arias, Enrique Cerrillo-Cuenca, Esteban Álvarez-Fernández, Eloy Gómez-Pellón and Antonio González Cordero)47 RecentdevelopmentsinEarlyHolocenehunter-gatherersubsistenceandsettlement:aviewfrom south-western Iberia (Maria João Valente and António Faustino Carvalho) 31248 Mesolithic people in an open Mediterranean wetland 318 (Andrea L. Balbo , Darko Komšo and Preston T. Miracle)49 Occupation in a submerged Mesolithic landscape (Garry Momber, Julie Satchell and Jan Gillespie) 324

Contentsvi

Regional identities50 Introduction (Graeme Warren) 33351 Flint procurement in the French Alps during the Mesolithic: deciphering economic and cultural 336 territories (Céline Bressy)52 The power of place and regional identity in the British south-western Mesolithic (Clive Jonathon Bond) 34553 Worm’s Head and Caldey Island (south Wales, UK) and the question of Mesolithic territories 354 (Rick Schulting)54 Show me how you make your hunting equipment and I will tell you where you come from: technical 362 traditions,anefficientmeansofcharacterizingculturalidentities (Eva David)55 Being-in-the-(Mesolithic) world: place, substance and person in the Mesolithic of western Scotland 368 (Hannah L. Cobb)56 Man-landscape relations in Varanger, Finnmark, northern Norway (Maria Westrum Solem) 37357 Feast in the forest: creating a common cultural identity in the interior of the Scandinavian Peninsula 378 in the Late Mesolithic (Silje Elisabeth Fretheim)58 Ynys Enlli: shifting horizons 385 (Mark Edmonds, Robert Johnston, Emily La Trobe-Bateman, John Roberts and Graeme Warren)59 Inthemiddle,notinbetween:Svärdbärareninitsregionalcontext (Jenny Holm) 39260 ‘Foreign in origin and local in pattern’: Mesolithic pottery around the Baltic Sea (Fredrik Hallgren) 397

Dwellings61 Introduction (João Zilhão) 40762 Ishomewheretheheartis?ReflectionsaroundEarlyMesolithicsites,exemplifiedwithresultsfrom 409 an excavation on coastal south-western Norway (Astrid J. Nyland)63 Different ways of building, different ways of living: Mesolithic house structures in western Norway 414 (Leif Inge Åstveit)64 Islandsettlementsandmaritimehunter-fishers:spatialandtemporaltransformationsover11,000years 422 at Melkøya, northern Norway (Morten Ramstad)65 Twohousesand186,000artefacts.SpatialorganizationattheLateMesolithicsiteofStrandvägen, 430 Sweden (Tom Carlsson)66 Ålyst: a settlement complex with hut structures from the Early Mesolithic on Bornholm, Denmark 436 (Claudio Casati and Lasse Sørensen)67 Virtual hypothesis: the Maglemosian huts at Ålyst, Bornholm. Preliminary thoughts on the morphology 443 of dwellings on a Maglemosian site (Nicolai Garhøj Larsen)68 Findconcentrationsanddwellingstructures.TheinterpretationofFinalPalaeolithicfindscatters 450 (Frank Gelhausen, Jan F. Kegler and Stefan Wenzel)69 AlongtheshoresoftheAncylusLake.TrädgårdstorpandothercoastalMesolithicsettlementsites 458 during the Late Ancylus period in western Östergötland (Fredrik Molin)70 DwellingsandgravesfromtheLateMesolithicsiteofNivå10,easternDenmark (Ole Lass Jensen) 46571 Dreams and Landscapes: Mesolithic archaeology under water (Ole Grøn) 47372 Thembones:middensitesasadefiningcharacteristicoftheScottishMesolithic (C. R. Wickham-Jones) 47873 South-western regional identities: Birdcombe, Totty Pot and Hawkcombe Head (Paula J. Gardiner) 485

VOLUME II

Transitions74 Introduction (Rick Schulting) 49775 From Magdalenian to Early Neolithic: hunter-gatherers in transition in north-eastern Iberia 500 (Pilar García-Argüelles, Jordi Nadal and Josep M. Fullola)76 The end of the Mesolithic in western France: from taphonomy to the understanding of prehistoric 507 territories (Grégory Marchand)77 New perspectives on the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition in northern Italy (Thomas Perrin) 51478 Seasonal resource scheduling in the Mesolithic and Neolithic of Scotland (Rachel L. Parks) 52179 Thepaleoecologicalandpaleodietarysignificanceofediblelandsnails(Helix sp.) across the 527 Pleistocene-Holocene transition on the eastern Adriatic coast (Mia Rizner, Nikola Vukosavljević and Preston Miracle)80 Hunter-gatherer adaptations during the Pleistocene/Holocene transition in Portugal: data and 533 explanatory models (Ana Cristina Araújo)

Contents vii

81 Lollikhuse, a site from the transitional phase between the Mesolithic and Neolithic in Denmark 541 (Søren A. Sørensen)82 Dąbkirevisited:newevidenceonthequestionofearliestcattleuseinPomerania 548 (J. Kabaciński, D. Heinrich and T. Terberger)83 Huntersandfishersinachangingworld.InvestigationsonsubmergedStoneAgesitesofftheBaltic 556 coast of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Germany (Harald Lübke)84 The neolithisation of the Belgian lowlands: new evidence from the Scheldt Valley 564 (Philippe Crombé, Joris Sergant and Yves Perdaen)85 Interaction, exchange and imitation. Some short and preliminary notes on the distribution of Breitkeile 570 in Belgium and the Netherlands and its implications for the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic (Leo B. M. Verhart)86 Confronting important animals (Trond Lødøen) 57687 The phase of transformation in western Norway (Thomas Bruen Olsen) 58388 Transition to farming in western Norway seen as a rapid replacement of landscapes (Asle Bruen Olsen) 589

Ritual in context89 Introduction (Ericka Engelstad) 59990 Caught in the middle: functional and ideological aspects of Mesolithic shores in Norway 602 (Knut Andreas Bergsvik)91 Between the rock and the sea: site location and ritual practise in the Mesolithic in eastern central 610 Sweden (Christina Lindgren)92 Whatgoeswhere?IntrasitestudiesofdepositionsofMaglemosianartandflintpicksofthe 614 Maglemose and Kongemose cultures (Peter Andreas Toft)93 Soul-trips to the underworld? Interpretations of a decorated slate pickaxe from western Sweden 621 (Robert Hernek)94 Prehistory as a continuum in the discussion of continuity and change in Britain, 16,000 to 6000 cal BP 627 (Stella M. Blockley)95 New radiocarbon dates from the Stone Age graves at Dragsholm, Denmark 632 (T. Douglas Price, Erik Brinch Petersen and Michael P. Richards)96 From single graves to cemeteries: an initial look at chronology in Mesolithic burial practice 639 (Christopher Meiklejohn, Erik Brinch Petersen and Jeff Babb)97 Burials in the cave: new evidence on mortuary practices during the Mesolithic of Cantabrian Spain 650 (Pablo Arias, Angel Armendariz, Rodrigo de Balbín, Miguel A. Fano, Juan Fernández-Tresguerres, Manuel R. González Morales, María José Iriarte, Roberto Ontañón, Javier Alcolea, Esteban Álvarez- Fernández, Francisco Etxeberria, María Dolores Garralda, Mary Jackes and Álvaro Arrizabalaga)98 Coping with cadavers: ritual practices in Mesolithic cemeteries (Liv Nilsson Stutz) 65799 Symbols around the body: tooth ornaments from the graves at the Zvejnieki cemeteries, northern Latvia 664 (Lars Larsson)

Understanding the social context100 Introduction (Nyree Finlay) 673101 Dogs and people, an arising relationship: Canis familiaris amongst hunter-gatherer societies in the 675 Iberian Peninsula (Cristina García-Moncó)102 Wood and wild animals: towards an understanding of a Mesolithic world (Steven Price) 683103 Transforming bodies: mortuary practices in Mesolithic Britain (Chantal Conneller) 690104 Fishysettlementpatternsandtheirsocialsignificance:acasestudyfromthenorthernMidlandsof 698 Ireland (Aimée Little)105 A Mesolithic social landscape in south-west Britain: the Somerset Levels and Mendip Hills 706 (Clive Jonathon Bond)106 Sounds like sociality: new research on lithic contexts in Mesolithic Caithness 717 (Steve Mills and Amelia Pannett)107 Theidentificationofchildren’sflintknappingproductsinMesolithicScandinavia 722 (Farina Sternke and Mikkel Sørensen)108 An experimental analysis of perforated shells from the site of Šebrn Abri (Istria), Croatia 730 (Samuel Benghiat, Darko Komšo and Preston T. Miracle)109 From sharing to giving: handling the inequality of things at the end of the Mesolithic (Roger Edenmo) 736

Contentsviii

Understanding Mesolithic technology110 Introduction (Sheila Coulson) 743111 The illustration of Mesolithic artefacts and its contribution to the understanding of Mesolithic 745 technology (Alan Saville)112 From the mountain to the sea: an ethnographic perspective for the Early Mesolithic settlement dynamics 754 in north-eastern Italy (Stefano Grimaldi and Elisabetta Flor)113 Early Mesolithic hunting strategies in the north-eastern Italian Alps: an experimental analysis 760 (Stefano Grimaldi)114 Tools and colour in Mesolithic Scotland (Karen Hardy, Steven Birch and Robert S. Shiel) 766115 ForagersinthealpineRhinevalley.InterpretingtwoMesolithicrocksheltersnearKoblach 772 in Vorarlberg, Austria (Sonja Laus)116 Macrolithic industries of the Portuguese Mesolithic: a human adaptive response 779 (Ana Cristina Araújo, Francisco Almeida and M. João Valente)117 ‘Rulers’ofsouthernSweden:technologicalaspectsofarediscoveredtool(Arne Sjöström and Björn Nilsson) 788118 One problem – many solutions: strategies of lithic raw material procurement in Mesolithic Europe 795 (Laurent-Jacques Costa and Farina Sternke)119 Variability of lithic resource exploitation systems in northern Italy during the early Holocene: the 802 case-studies of Mondeval de Sora (Belluno) and I.N.F.S. (Bologna) (Federica Fontana and Antonio Guerreschi)

Flint alternatives120 Introduction (Kjel S. Å. Knutsson) 811121 Quartz analyses of the Kaaraneskoski site, Lapland (Tuija Rankama) 813122 Ways to interpret quartz (Karl-Fredrik Lindberg) 820123 Percussion events by the shore: a comparative approach to the manufacture and use of quartz in 827 Uppland, Sweden (†Per Falkenström)124 Flint knappers or quartz knappers? The procurement of different types of quartz in south-east Mesolithic 833 Norway (Lotte Eigeland)125 RecentstonetooluseandmaterialcultureoftheWola,PapuaNewGuinea (Karen Hardy) 838126 Petrography and mechanics of the Armorican Massif rocks: the impact on Late Mesolithic industries 845 in western France (Rodrigue Tsobgou Ahoupe)127 Production and use of Mesolithic groundstone axes and adzes in Zealand, Denmark: description, 853 production, distribution and status (Susanne Ritz Nicolaisen)128 Theelusiveflint:rawmaterialsandlithictechnologyintheMesolithicofeasternAsturias,Spain 860 (Pablo Arias, Patricia Fernández, Celia Marcos and Irene Rodríguez) Current research129 ThetransitiontotheHoloceneintheBajoAsónBasin(Cantabria,Spain):anarchaeozoologicalpoint 869 of view (Ana Belén Marín Arroyo)130 Mesolithic human remains from Poza l’Egua and Colomba caves (Asturias, Spain) 871 (Labib Drak and María Dolores Garralda)131 An assessment of our knowledge, the main problems of research, and current investigations with 873 regard to the Mesolithic of Cantabrian Spain (9th–6th millennium cal BC) (Miguel Ángel Fano)132 Hermitage, Ireland: life and death on the western edge of Europe (Tracy Collins) 876133 The Early prehistory in the west of Ireland: investigations into the social archaeology of the 880 Mesolithic, west of the Shannon, Ireland (Killian Driscoll)134 Lake-platforms at Lough Kinale – memory, reach and place: a Discovery Programme Project 882 in the Irish midlands (Christina Fredengren)135 ReconstructingMesolithicpalaeodietusingdentalmicrowearanalysis (T. Rowan McLaughlin) 887136 TheexcavationofLateMesolithicfishtrapremainsfromtheLiffeyestuary,Dublin,Ireland 889 (Melanie McQuade and Lorna O’Donnell)137 LakesidedevelopmentsinCountyMeath,Ireland:aLateMesolithicfishingplatformandpossible 895 mooring at Clowanstown 1 (Matt Mossop)138 The development and historiography of pollen studies in the Mesolithic of the Scottish islands 900 (Kevin J. Edwards)139 Molluscan studies of the Danish Mesolithic-Neolithic shell-midden Krabbesholm II: new information 907 concerning the marine and terrestrial environment (Nina Helt Nielsen)

Consolidated Bibliography 908Index 998

Ritual in context

97. Burials in the cave: new evidence on mortuary practices during the Mesolithic of Cantabrian Spain

Pablo Arias, Ángel Armendariz, Rodrigo de Balbín, Miguel Á. Fano, Juan Fernández-Tresguerres, Manuel R. González Morales, María José Iriarte, Roberto Ontañón, Javier Alcolea, Esteban Álvarez-Fernández, Francisco Etxeberria, María Dolores Garralda, Mary Jackes and Álvaro Arrizabalaga

Cantabrian Spain is a key area for the study of funerary practices in the Iberian Mesolithic, since some well-preserved burials (Los Azules; Los Canes) have been excavated with modern techniques. Recent Þ eldwork has provided new data from several caves throughout the region (La Poza l�Egua, Mazaculos, Tito Bustillo and Colomba in Asturias; El Truchiro in Cantabria; J3 in the Basque Country). The implications of the new data within the general context of the funerary practices of the postglacial hunter-gatherers of south-western Europe are also discussed.

Keywords: archaeology of death, funerary contexts, Iberian Peninsula, territoriality, social complexity, cemeteries.

IntroductionCantabrian Spain is one of the classic regions for research on the Iberian Mesolithic (González Morales and Arnaud 1990). It is also a key area for the study of funerary practices, since well-preserved burials have been excavated with modern techniques. In this paper we will present new data provided by recent Þ eldwork, and will also attempt to discuss the general traits and the signiÞ cance of that information.

As can be seen in Figure 97.1, Cantabrian Spain, after central and southern Portugal, is the region with the highest density of funerary information within the Iberian Peninsula (Arias and Álvarez 2004), and indeed it is a rich one for the European Mesolithic as a whole. In the following section of this paper we will present a short review of the available information. First we will present the known formal burials, ordered in a diachronic series, and then we will discuss other evidence on funerary practices. Finally, an attempt will be made to understand the general traits of funerary behaviour in this part of Europe.

The evidence: funerary remains in Cantabrian Spain

Los AzulesThe oldest evidence, the grave from Los Azules cave (Fernández-Tresguerres 1976; 1980), corresponds to the very beginning of the period, the Azilian. It is an individual inhumation, dating to the Þ rst half of the ninth millennium cal BC. There is no direct date for the burial, however it was located between two layers that did provide 14C dates: 9540±120 BP (9250�8610 cal BC; CSIC-260) and 9430±120 BP (9180�8350 cal BC; CSIC-216). The skel-eton of an adult male (Garralda 1986) was lying in dorsal decubitus position at the bottom of an oval pit (c. 2.0 × 1.0 × 0.4m), opened at the entrance of a small cave that was used as a settlement during the Azilian (Figure 97.2). Several items that might be considered grave offerings were found close to the corpse: some Azilian painted cobbles, ochre, atypical animal remains, such as the skull of a badger (Meles meles) and shells of the bearded horse-mussel (Modiolus barbatus), and various artefacts � harpoons, endscrapers, burins, as well as remains of different phases leading to the fabrication of such artefacts. The hypothesis that the deceased had been symbolically furnished with an

Burials in the cave: new evidence on mortuary practices during the Mesolithic 651

Figure 97.1. Sites in the Iberian Peninsula where Mesolithic burials have been documented (after Arias and Álvarez 2004). Key for the Cantabrian sites: 1) La Paloma (Las Regueras, Asturias); 2) Tito Bustillo (Ribadesella, Asturias); 3) Los Azules (Cangas de Onís, Asturias); 4) Colomba (Llanes, Asturias); 5) Los Canes (Cabrales, Asturias); 6) El Molino de Gasparín (Ribadedeva, Asturias); 7) El Truchiro (Ribamontán al Monte, Cantabria); 8) J3 (Hondarribia, Gipuzkoa).

everyday tool kit, rough materials, and tools for making new implements (as one of us has suggested: Fernández-Tresguerres 1980), seems very likely.

La PalomaEduardo Hernández-Pacheco (1923, 37) reports the excavation of the skeleton of a very young child in a pit that would have been opened from the Azilian layers of this site. Unfortunately no more details are available.

Molino de GasparínAn individual burial associated with the Asturian technocom-plex (dated, roughly, to 8000 to 5000 cal BC), was excavated in the 1920s in a rockshelter known as Molino de Gasparín (Carballo 1926). The grave was a pit opened in a shell midden, and covered by a small barrow. The corpse was lying in dorsal decubitus, and was associated with a red deer (Cervus elaphus) tibia and three Asturian picks that were probably placed as an offering since one was sharp. Such picks, when found in non-burial contexts, are, in general, extremely worn.

Tito BustilloThe existence of prehistoric human remains in the Magdal-enian site of Tito Bustillo was known since the discovery of the site in 1968. That year, some fragments of a human skull were taken by M. Mallo from the big accumulation of stones that blocks the original entrance to the cave. As no evidence of later human activity was known in the cave, those bones, though never studied in detail, were attributed to the Magdalenian. The excavations carried out by two of us (R. de Balbín and J. Alcolea) since 2001 in that sector of the cave (area XI) have provided new data that demonstrate the existence in Tito Bustillo of a Mesolithic burial, dated to 8470±50 BP (7590�7470 cal BC; Beta-197042). Below a stalagmitic layer (dated to the Þ fth millennium cal BC), remains of a connected human skeleton (some teeth, ribs, fragments of the pelvis, the femur, tibia, Þ bula and part of the foot bones of the left leg, and fragments of the femur and tibia of the right leg) have been documented. The corpse was left lying, ß exed on his left side, on the surface of the cave, apparently without any artiÞ cial covering of earth or stones. No grave offering has been found so far, however remains of red colorant were found associated with the skeleton.

Arias et al.652

evidence for the burial of an adult male (30�40 years old), in a lateral, ß exed position (Figure 97.3).

Because of the position of the legs and arms, it can be deduced that the corpse would have been tied in the same way as when recovered (in primary position), without signiÞ cant movements, except for those characteristic of the post-depositional processes of a body�s decomposition and the pressure of the sediment. The burial is dated to 8300±50 BP (7150�6800 cal BC; GrA-23733) (Iriarte et al. 2005). The excavation of the entire site will contribute more information on its Mesolithic and Neolithic levels, as well as the funerary practices that took place in the cave.

Los CanesIn this inland cave site, three very well preserved burials (Figure 97.4), dating to the sixth millennium cal BC, were excavated in the late 1980s (Arias 1999; Arias and Garralda 1996). The earliest one, structure III (6930±95 BP; 5990�5660 cal BC; AA-6071), was an oval pit (120 × 83 × 54cm) Þ lled with an ordered series of layers of earth and stones. An adult male had been placed at the base, lying on his back with his legs Þ rmly bent, allowing the knees to be 30cm higher than the pelvis. Immediately above the knees of the male skeleton, the body of a small child, associated with some bones of chamois (Rupicapra

Figure 97.2. Azilian burial, Los Azules cave (after Fernández-Tresguerres 1976).

J3More evidence from a shell midden comes from the recently excavated site of J3, near San Sebastián (Sierra de Jaizkibel, Gipuzkoa), in the Basque Country. J3 is a rockshelter located near the present seashore, extending over the Þ nal metres of a small valley that maintains an active watercourse throughout the year. The available information comes from a sondage pit opened to test the archaeological potential of the site. Important information provided by the testing of J3 refers to the stratigraphic interrelation between the shell midden, toward the interior of the cave, and the levels without shells, toward the exterior. Both in the base of the sequence and at the top, the shell midden is absent and the silt is very sandy (erosion of the shelter). But also observed is a diachronic evolution that allows us to establish different phases of the occupation in the middle of the sequence, when the shell midden was in use. Although the preservation of the skeleton was very poor, the excavation carried out by one of us (M. J. Iriarte) provided

Figure 97.3. The Mesolithic burial of J3 during the excavation, and a reconstruction of the position of the skeleton (after Iriarte et al. 2003).

Burials in the cave: new evidence on mortuary practices during the Mesolithic 653

in a hollow space. This individual was accompanied by several items that can be interpreted as grave goods: behind the skull, a very long pointed bone, a red deer antler with an oval perforation (a kind of local Mesolithic bâton percé), a picked cobble (possibly a rough representation of a human head), and a perforated smooth venus shell (Callista chione); placed above the femora, two frontal bones of female ibex; near the right forearm, a long cobble with traces of ochre. Furthermore, perforated shells were very abundant. Sixty-one coffee bean shells (Trivia sp.), three little periwinkle (Littorina fabalis), and one moon shell (Naticidae) appeared in the burial, mostly around the back of the head and trunk of the complete individual. This might be interpreted as the remains of ornaments sewn to the clothes this person was wearing, perhaps something like a cloak. A perforated red deer canine and some perforated coffee beans found under the feet of the complete individual might correspond to ornaments related to the head of the previous burial.

Structure I (6265±75 BP; AA-5294; 6160±55; OxA-7148: average 5300�5030 cal BC) was a small oval pit (1.08 × 0.5m) located between the northern wall of the cave and a large stone block. The corpse of an elderly woman was originally placed in a position similar to the man in structure III. Its upper part, however, had been damaged during the Mesolithic by later digging so that the legs had disappeared and only the feet (lying close to the pelvis) were preserved. A red deer scapula, almost vertically placed near the left foot, is the most obvious grave offering. It is likely that an abnormal accumulation of the edible land snail (Cepaea nemoralis) is also related to the funerary ritual. Three perforated red deer canines, close to the external side of the left foot, were probably part of the personal ornamentation worn by this woman when she was buried.

El TruchiroAnother late Mesolithic burial, dating to 6470±70 BP (5560�5310 cal BC; TO-10912) has been recently found in one of the sites of the archaeological zone of La Garma, the cave of El Truchiro (Arias et al. 2003). The site is a narrow gallery, where the remains of a collective Chalcolithic burial have been recovered on the surface of a Mesolithic shell midden. The Mesolithic grave was opened in the latter, yet its limits have not been established with sufÞ cient precision, as its sediment is a strongly cemented breccia. As this layer was very difÞ cult to excavate with conventional techniques, the burial has been removed to a laboratory of the University of Cantabria, where it is currently being studied by one of us (Á. Armendariz). Although the preservation of the skeleton is very poor (so far only fragments of both arms and some ribs, in their anatomical position, have been found), it seems that the corpse was placed lying on its back, in an extended position, with the feet towards the interior of the gallery. The skull was probably removed in the excavations of L. Sierra in 1903, but in the area where the head should have been, there was found what may be interpreted as a funerary deposit: at least 30 ß int cores and nodules. Moreover, a group of perforated common cockle shells (Cerastoderma edule), probably corresponding to the

Figure 97.4. Location of the Mesolithic burials in the entrance of Los Canes cave.

rupicapra), red deer and wild boar (Sus scrofa), was found. The relationship between the two bodies is still unclear, but it seems that either we have a double burial, or the reopening or destruction of a previous grave to bury a new corpse. If the second case were true, the grave must have been marked, or at least it must have been possible to recognise its shape on the ground.

In structure II (an oval pit measuring 1.6 × 0.75 × 0.40m) the remains of two individuals were also found: a complete skeleton of a young male, and the feet of another person, lying in the opposite direction, near the head of the former individual. In this case it is clear that the best explanation is that the isolated feet come from an older burial, nearly completely removed by the opening of the grave for the complete individual. Although the radiocarbon dates are consistent with this hypothesis (6860±65 BP; 5880�5640 cal BC; AA-5295 for the isolated feet; 6770±65 BP; 5780�5560 cal BC; AA-5296, and 7025±80 BP; 6030�5740 cal BC; AA-11744 for the skeleton), their ranges overlap too much to conÞ rm it. The body of the latter was placed lying on his left side, with the legs ß exed in a lateral position. The skull, dorsal vertebrae and pelvis were displaced from their anatomical position, probably indicating the decomposition of the corpse

Arias et al.654

personal ornamentation of the buried person, was found on the ribs. Although no detailed anatomical analysis has been possible so far, the gracility of the skeleton suggests that the buried person is a woman or a young individual.

Other evidenceA most interesting feature of the eastern Asturias Mesolithic is the presence of isolated human remains in shell mid-dens. Unfortunately, in some cases, detailed contextual information is lacking. This is the case with the skull from Cuartamentero (Garralda 1982), recovered in an excavation conducted by amateurs in that cave. In fact, the attribution of the bone to the Mesolithic shell midden is only putative. In other cases, such as with the mandibles from the shell middens of Balmori and Mazaculos (Garralda 1981), the human remains were found in disturbed layers, however, since further information is available, it is more likely that they can be attributed to the Mesolithic. A second fragment of mandible was found at Mazaculos in 1993, but also in disturbed sediments (González Morales 1995, 75). The development of a programme of test excavation at Asturian sites, undertaken between 2000 and 2002 by P. Arias and M. A. Fano, provided a good opportunity to address this problem, since two sites have provided fresh information (see also Drak and Garralda, this volume).

In the cave of La Poza l�Egua, a rescue excavation carried out by two of us (J. Fernández-Tresguerres and P. Arias) revealed a male mandible, dated to 8550±80 BP (7520�7130 cal BC; TO-10222). The bone was found in typical shell midden sediment, completely isolated from any other evidence of funerary behaviour (Arias, Fernández-Tresguerres et al. 2007).

The site of Colomba, a cave excavated by the Count of Vega del Sella in the 1910s, has yielded more interesting information. In a small remnant of a shell midden deposit, preserved near the wall of the cave, some bones from the legs of an adult male were found: a right tibia and talus, and a left Þ bula (Arias, Fano et al. 2007). A radiocarbon date of 7090±60 BP (5740�5530 cal BC; TO-10223) was obtained from a collagen sample from the tibia. Although the bones were obviously not connected, they were found in a very restricted area. Thus, it seems likely that they derive from the same individual, and might represent part of an eroded burial in a shell midden, perhaps similar to Molino de Gasparín.

General traitsMost Mesolithic burials in Cantabrian Spain come from caves and rockshelters that were used as settlements in the same period; the only exception is Tito Bustillo, a Palaeolithic site where, so far, there is no other evidence of Mesolithic activity. However in no case has it been demonstrated that the graves were opened while the site was occupied. Additionally there is evidence that suggests some kind of temporal or spatial separation between funerary and living areas. In Los Canes, a cave occupied from the

Solutrean to the Early Mesolithic, there is no evidence of domestic activity during the sixth millennium cal BC, when the whole area of the cave entrance was occupied by funerary structures (Figure 97.4). At other sites, such as Los Azules, Colomba, El Truchiro and La Poza l�Egua, the graves were opened in cave areas that, at that time, were already nearly Þ lled up with sediments. Therefore, it is most probable that the activity areas, if coeval with the burials, had moved to other sectors of the settlement, in most cases in the outer rockshelter.

One of the clearest regularities is the predominance of individual inhumations in pits. In fact, all the well-documented formal burials known so far correspond to this type, since the examples of the presence of two individuals in the same burial seem to be better explained as the result of the reopening of a grave, rather than as cases of double inhumation. Moreover, this suggests the possibility of some kind of marker that permitted recognition of a grave, or at least a memory of where the burials were. Indications of grave marking come also from the Mesolithic shell middens of the Muge valley in Portugal. Despite nineteenth-century suggestions for Cabeço da Arruda as demonstrating the type of post-mortem manipulation involved in secondary burial, such evidence as is available from the Muge sites implies skeletal disturbance arising from shallow burial within restricted areas (Jackes and Meiklejohn 2004). The best evidence is from Moita do Sebastião; here there are burials representing what was likely to have been a small group of individuals over an extended period of hundreds of years. The burial locations seem patterned: several of them containing quite dense concentrations of skeletons. We must assume marking, or memory, of burial location and disturbance of earlier by later burials in these concentrations (Jackes and Alvim 2006; Jackes and Meiklejohn 2008; Jackes et al., in preparation). The contrast in preservation between isolated complete skeletons and discrete areas with multiple disturbed burials is quite pronounced.

The causes of the presence of isolated human bones in shell middens remain unresolved, and some sites might be interpreted as evidence for the roughly simultaneous existence of a variety of funerary practices in Cantabrian Spain. However, the data from Colomba, though incon-clusive, suggest that the appearance of isolated human remains might be the result of the destruction of former funerary structures, either by human activity, or by natural processes. It must be remembered that the typical shell midden sediments are very loose; thus, the preservation of the burial would be difÞ cult, especially when bodies were placed in shallow pits, as seems to be the case for Mesolithic graves in the region.

The positions of the bodies are also quite regular. The skeletons were always lying in dorsal decubitus or in lateral ß exed position. Although most of the complete skeletons were found in anatomical connection, some evidence from Los Canes suggests that, as at other Late Mesolithic sites in Iberia, such as Cingle del Mas Nou (Olària et al. 2005), several corpses suffered some kind of post-mortem manipulation. In fact, N. Cauwe (1998;

Burials in the cave: new evidence on mortuary practices during the Mesolithic 655

2001) and J. Orschiedt (1999) have recently stated that this may be much more frequent in Mesolithic Europe than is usually acknowledged.

The archaeological items associated with the burials are quite variable, and their interpretation poses serious methodological challenges. As most graves were dug in archaeological layers, it is very difÞ cult to recognize which items have been left intentionally and which are there at random. Nevertheless, it seems that there is a shift towards the presence in graves of everyday artefacts (occasionally showing no signs of use) and faunal remains, probably meat offerings, or remnants of funerary meals. However, one of the most frequent types of items (beads from marine shells and other materials) should be interpreted as related to the personal ornaments worn by the deceased person, either directly (necklaces, bracelets, hair ornaments, etc.), or attached to the clothes or shroud. Red ochre, one the classical features of Palaeolithic and Mesolithic burials, is seldom found.

Structure III at Los Canes, and possibly La Paloma, raise an interesting issue: whether small children were included in �normal� funerary practices during the Mesolithic. As some of us have recently highlighted (Arias and Alvarez 2004), on the Iberian Peninsula there is a signiÞ cant increase in the frequency of funerary deposits of children in the Late Mesolithic. In fact, the distributions of age-at-death recently estimated (Jackes and Meiklejohn 2004; 2008) for the Portuguese cemeteries of Moita do Sebastião and Cabeço da Arruda, while exhibiting under-representation of infants, might approach the demographic structure of those populations, whereas in previous times (Palaeolithic and Early and Middle Mesolithic) young children are seldom found, and are undoubtedly below the actual mortality rates of that class of age in the past. Obviously, the Cantabrian sample is not statistically signiÞ cant, yet the scarce available data might be another example of a general trend in the evolution of hunter-gatherer funerary behaviour in this part of the world.

Another general tendency that might be documented in Cantabrian Spain is the increase of funerary testimonies among the latest hunter-gatherers, also attested for the Iberian Peninsula as a whole (Arias and Álvarez 2004). The Cantabrian data are consistent with the Iberian: the diachronic evolution of the number of graves and buried individuals (Figure 97.5) also shows a shift towards a progressive increase from the Upper

Palaeolithic to the Mesolithic, and a sharp qualitative change in the sixth millennium cal BC, in which are concentrated 37.0 % of the sites and 52.4 % of the buried individuals. As on the rest of the Peninsula, this fact cannot be related to any statistical artefact or bias in the research, nor to demographic factors. The best explanation seems to be a change in the funerary behaviour of the Cantabrian foragers, which tended to concentrate the burials in the settlements or their surroundings. Although more research is required to explain this fact � a common feature of European Mesolithic (Grünberg 2000) � some traits of late hunter-gatherer societies, such as a lower mobility, or a tendency to reinforce territorial behaviour (see Arias and Fano 2005 for the Eastern Asturias perspective), should be considered.

AcknowledgementsThis paper is a contribution to the research project �El origen de las sociedades campesinas en la fachada atlántica europea� (HUM2004-06418-C02-00), granted by the Programa Nacional de Humanidades del Plan Nacional de I + D + I (2004-2007) of the Spanish Government. All the radiocarbon dates cited in this paper have been calibrated according to the IntCal04 curve (Reimer et al. 2004), except for samples of human bones that have provided evidence of a relevant incidence of marine proteins (J3, La Poza l�Egua and Colomba). For these, the Marine04 curve (Hughen et al. 2004) has been used, applying the ΔR value of 210 years, calculated for the northern Spanish coast by Dr Joan Mestres, and an estimation of the marine component of the diet interpolating the values of δ13C (see Arias 2005/2006 for details). In all cases, the 5.0.1 revision of the CALIB program (Stuiver and Reimer 1993) has been used.

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