Burial customs in Byzantine Greece (with N. Poulou and J. Ott), in: Rome, Constantinople, and...

Rome, Constantinople and

Newly-Converted EuropeArchaeological and Historical Evidence

Volume I

U ŹRÓDEŁ EUROPY ŚRODKOWO-WSCHODNIEJ / FRÜHZEIT OSTMITTELEUROPAS

Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas, LeipzigInstytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa

Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, Rzeszów

Rada Redakcyjna / HerausgebergremiumAndrzej Buko, Christian Lübke, Małgorzata Rybicka

Redakcja Serii / Redaktion der Reihe Matthias Hardt, Marcin Wołoszyn

tom 1, część 1 / Band 1, Teil 1

Rome, Constantinople and

Newly-Converted EuropeArchaeological and Historical Evidence

edited byMaciej Salamon, Marcin Wołoszyn, Alexander Musin, Perica Špehar

in cooperation withMatthias Hardt, Mirosław P. Kruk, Aleksandra Sulikowska-Gąska

Kraków – Leipzig – Rzeszów – Warszawa 2012

U ŹRÓDEŁ EUROPY ŚRODKOWO-WSCHODNIEJ / FRÜHZEIT OSTMITTELEUROPAS Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e.V., Leipzig

Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, Rzeszów

Redakcja tomu / Redaktion des BandesMaciej Salamon, Marcin Wołoszyn, Alexander Musin, Perica Špehar,

Matthias Hardt, Mirosław P. Kruk, Aleksandra Sulikowska-Gąska

Recenzenci tomu / Rezensenten des BandesEduard Mühle, Günther Prinzing

Tłumaczenia / ÜbersetzungenAutorzy / Autoren, Alexey Gilevich, Monika Dzik oraz / sowie

Anna Kinecka (j. angielski / Englisch), Katarzyna Łyp (j. niemiecki / Deutsch), Alexander Musin (j. rosyjski / Russisch)

Weryfikacja językowa / SprachverifizierungMarcin Bednarz, Anna Kinecka, Doris Wollenberg

Skład / LayoutIrena Jordan

Obróbka graficzna / Graphik Autorzy / Autoren oraz / sowie Irena Jordan,

przy udziale / unter Mitwirkung von Jolanta Ożóg, Rafał Janicki

Projekt okładki / Layout des UmschlagesIrena Jordan, Rafał Janicki

Zdjęcie na okładce / Photo auf dem UmschlagBizantyńska stauroteka (X / XI w.) z Ostrowa Lednickiego,

zbiory Muzeum Pierwszych Piastów na Lednicy (Foto: R. Kujawa)Byzantinische Staurothek (10. / 11. Jh.) aus Ostrów Lednicki,

Sammlungen des Muzeum Pierwszych Piastów na Lednicy (Photo: R. Kujawa)

Druk tomu I / Druck von Band IPoligrafia Inspektoratu Towarzystwa Salezjańskiego, Kraków

Dystrybucja / DistributionLeipziger Universitätsverlag

Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

© Copyright by Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e.V., Leipzig 2012© Copyright by Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, Warszawa 2012

© Copyright by Instytut Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, Rzeszów 2012

ISBN: 978-3-86583-659-5ISBN: 978-83-89499-85-1ISBN: 978-83-936467-0-8

The present volume is the result of cooperation of institutions named here:

Polish Academy of SciencesCommittee for the Research in Antique Culture

Byzantine Commission = National Committee of the AIEBInstitute of Archaeology and EthnologyPolish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw

Leipzig Centre for History and Cultureof East Central Europe (GWZO), Leipzig

Institute of HistoryJagiellonian University, Cracow

Institute of ArchaeologyUniversity of Rzeszów, Rzeszów

Institute for the History of Material CultureRussian Academy of Sciences, Saint Petersburg

Institute of ArchaeologySerbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade

Sponsored by:

CONTENTS

Editors’ Foreword ............................................................................................................................................................. Jonathan Shepard Rome, Constantinople and Newly-Converted Europe: Archaeological and Historical Evidence. Some Introductory Remarks ............................................................................................................................................

I.1 HISTORY: ROME, CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE NEW BORDERS

THE INTRODUCTORY ESSAYSJerzy Strzelczyk Missionsstrategie und Missionspraxis der westlichen Kirche im frühen Mittelalter ...................................................... Maciej Salamon Byzantine Missionary Policy. Did It Exist? ..................................................................................................................... Matthias Hardt Frühe Grenzen im Blick der europäischen Mediävistik ..................................................................................................

I.2 HISTORY: SEARCHING FOR ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE

FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTHJenny Albani Painted decoration of the church of St. Onoufrius near Genna, Crete ............................................................................Georgios Th. Kardaras Christian symbols among the nomads, 5th-8th century A.D. ............................................................................................Georgi N. Nikolov Die Christianisierung der Bulgaren und das Mönchtum in der Familie des Khans Boris I. Michail im 9.-10. Jahrhundert .....................................................................................................................................................Angel Nikolov Making a new basileus: the case of Symeon of Bulgaria (893-927) reconsidered ........................................................Lumír Poláček Mikulčice und das Christentum in Mähren im 9. Jahrhundert .......................................................................................Béla Miklós Szőke Kulturelle Beziehungen zwischen Mosaburg/Zalavár und dem Mittelmeerraum ..........................................................Márta Font Lateiner und Orthodoxe: Völker und ihre Gewohnheiten. Das Beispiel des mittelalterlichen Königreichs Ungarn .........Vincent Múcska Zur Frage der großmährisch-byzantinischen Tradition im früharpadischen Ungarn – Möglichkeiten der Interpretation ...................................................................................................................................Petr Sommer Der Heilige Prokop, das Kloster Sázava und die sogenannte altkirchenslawische Liturgie in Böhmen .......................Jitka Komendová Rus’-Czech Relations during the Middle Ages as a Historiographical Problem ...........................................................Christian Lübke Ottonen, Slaven und Byzanz ..........................................................................................................................................

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Sabine Altmann Grenzüberschreitungen am westlichen Rand Ostmitteleuropas –Die Saale als Grenz- und Kontaktzone zwischen Frankenreich und slawischer Fürstenherrschaft im 9. Jahrhundert ......Stanisław Rosik Greeks and Romans in pagan Wolin. Integrating the Barbarians into the collective memory of the Latin West at the time of the conversion of the Slavs .........................................................................................Marian Dygo A Letter from Matthew, a Bishop of Cracow, to Bernard of Clairvaux “on the Conversion of Russians” (1145?) .....................................................................................................................Darius von Güttner-Sporzyński The archetypal crusader. Henry of Sandomierz, the second youngest son of Bolesław III ...........................................Andrzej Buko Byzantine cultural enclave in Central Europe? An example of the mortared tower complex at Stołpie (south-eastern Poland) ....................................................................................................................Alexey Chernetsov Paradoxical hierarchy of civilizations (Medieval Russian concept) ..............................................................................Maja Gąssowska Der Heilige Olaf und Holmgård – Novgorod als Grenzraum zwischen Ost und West im 11.-12. Jahrhundert .............................................................................................................................Jukka Korpela Die Christianisierung der finno-ugrischen Peripherie Europas: Zwei Theorien und unangenehme Tatsachen .................................................................................................................Jörn Staecker Drei Magier auf einem gotländischen Bildstein. Die Perzeption des Epiphaniethemas in der Wikingerzeit .............................................................................................Anna Waśko Pagans in Erik’s Chronicle and in the Revelations of Saint Birgitta .............................................................................Volodymyr Bak Die Weihe Kyrillos II. (1242-1281) zum Metropoliten der Rus’ in den 40er-Jahren des 13. Jahrhunderts: ein Ereignis aus den kirchenpolitischen Beziehungen zwischen Halič-Volyn’ und dem Byzantinischen Reich ................................................................................................................Sebastian Kolditz Christliche Missionsbestrebungen und Konversionsansätze gegenüber den Steppenvölkern, insbesondere Pečenegen und Kumanen ..............................................................................................

II.1 ARCHAEOLOGY: ROME, CONSTANTINOPLE AND THE GRAVES

THE INTRODUCTORY ESSAYSSebastian Brather Pagan or Christian? Early medieval grave furnishings in Central Europe ....................................................................Aleksandra Sulikowska-Gąska Funeral rites in Ruthenian iconography .........................................................................................................................Justyna Straczuk Death beliefs and practices among peasant inhabitants of the Catholic-Orthodox borderland in Belarus: an anthropological perspective ..................................................................................................

II.2 ARCHAEOLOGY: SEARCHING FOR ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE

FROM THE SOUTH TO THE NORTHNatalia Poulou-Papadimitriou, Elli Tzavella, Jeremy Ott Burial practices in Byzantine Greece: archaeological evidence and methodological problems for its interpretation .......................................................................................................Perica Špehar, Orhideja Zorova Christianity on the territory of the Archbishopric of Ohrid, 11th to the 13th century: archaeological evidence from burial sites ......................................................................................................................

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Lyudmila Doncheva-Petkova, Maria Christova La transition du paganisme au christianisme, reflétée dans les nécropoles du IXème-Xème siècle en Bulgarie ...............Maja Petrinec Croatia between the East and the West – evidence from early medieval graves ...........................................................Tina Milavec Sacred places? Eighth century graves near sixth century churches at Tonovcov grad (Slovenia) ................................Stefan Eichert Zu Christentum und Heidentum im slawischen Karantanien ........................................................................................Elisabeth Nowotny On the confessional situation between the Frankish Empire and Moravia in Carolingian times. Focus on archaeological sources from Lower Austria ...................................................................................................Petr Hejhal, Michal Lutovský In agris sive in silvis… Secondary medieval burials in ancient barrows in Bohemia ...................................................Anna Mazur, Krzysztof Mazur Des tombes à inhumation du Haut Moyen Age en Petite-Pologne: le cas de la nécropole de Wawrzeńczyce .......................................................................................................................Jacek Wrzesiński The Dziekanowice cemetery – Christians cultivating venerable traditions ..................................................................Przemysław Urbańczyk A ‘Roman’ connection to the oldest burial in the Poznań Cathedral? ...........................................................................Joanna Kalaga The early medieval hillfort at Sąsiadka in the light of 1930s-1950s research. Current status of post-excavation analysis of the archival record in the University of Warsaw ..........................................................Jerzy Kuśnierz Das mittelalterliche Körpergräberfeld auf dem Burgwall von Gródek (altrussischer Volyn’) in Anbetracht der erhaltenen Grabungsdokumentation des Vorstandes zur Erforschung der Červenischen Burgen (1952-1955) ............Michał Dzik Bi-ritual burials in the central Bug river basin during the Middle Ages .......................................................................Łukasz Miechowicz Coins in the Western and Eastern Slavs burial practices in the Middle Ages – relicts of pagan beliefs or a sign of Christian traditions? ..............................................................................................Vsevolod Ivakin Burial grounds and graves in medieval Kiev (10th to 13th century) ...............................................................................Przemysław Sikora Die ostslawischen Bestattungssitten zu Beginn der Christianisierung am Rande der christlich-orthodoxen Welt am Beispiel Weißrusslands aus archäologischer Perspektive ............................................Anna Barvenova, Kristina Lavysh Burials in churches from the 11th-14th centuries on the territory of Belarus: influence of Christianization on the costume of the elite in the Western Rus’ principalities ........................................Eugenijus Svetikas Latin Christianisation in the Orthodox Christian Grand Duchy of Lithuania in late 14th and 15th centuries: a puzzle of historical facts and archaeological data .......................................................Roberts Spirģis Archaeological evidence on the spread of Christianity to the Lower Daugava area (10th-13th century) ........................Vitolds Muižnieks Archaeological evidence of 14th-18th century burial practices on the territory of Latvia ..............................................Heiki Valk The Zhalnik Graves: Evidence of the Christianization of the Novgorod and Pskov Lands? ........................................Vladislav Sobolev On the process of formation of Early Rus’ burial culture in the Novgorod Land .........................................................Stanislav Bel’skiy, Ville Laakso New archaeological evidence on the Christianization in Karelia in the 13th-15th centuries (Northern Lake Ladoga region, Russian Federation) ....................................................................................................

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СОДЕРЖАНИЕ

Предисловие составителей .......................................................................................................................................... Джонатан ШепардРим, Константинополь и новая Европа: археологические и исторические свидетельства. Некоторые предварительные размышления ...............................................................................................................

I.1 ИСТОРИЯ: РИМ, КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛЬ, НОВЫЕ ГРАНИЦЫ

ВВЕДЕНИЕ В ПРОБЛЕМУЕжи СтржельчикМиссионерские стратегии и практики Латинской Церкви в раннем средневековье .............................................. Мачей СаламонСуществовала ли миссионерская политика в Византии? .......................................................................................... Матиас ХардтГраницы в исследованиях средневековой Европы .....................................................................................................

I.2 ИСТОРИЯ: В ПОИСКАХ РИМА И КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛЯ

С ЮГА НА СЕВЕРЕни Албани Настенные росписи XIV в. в церкви св.Онуфрия (Генна, остров Крит) .................................................................Георгиос Ф. КардaрасПредметы с христианской символикой у кочевников в V-VIII вв. ...........................................................................Георги Н. Николов Христианизация болгар и монашество в семье хана Бориса I – Михаила (IX-X вв.) ............................................Ангел Николов Становление нового василевса: новый взгляд на правление Симеона Болгарского (893-927) ..............................Люмир ПольачекМикульчицы и христианство в Моравии в IX в. .......................................................................................................Бела Миклош Сыке Культурные контакты между Блатенградом/Мозабругом/Залаваром и Средиземноморьем ................................Марта Фонт Латиняне и православные: люди и обычаи средневековой Венгрии ......................................................................Винсен Мучка К вопросу о моравской традиции в Венгрии эпохи первых Арпадовичей –возможности интерпретации ......................................................................................................................................Петр Соммер Святой Прокопий, Сазавский монастырь и «старославянское богослужение» в средневековой Чехии .............Йитка Комендова Русско-чешские отношения эпохи Средневековья как историографическая проблема .......................................Христиан ЛюбкеОттониды, славяне и Византия ....................................................................................................................................

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Сабинэ Альтман Пограничье на периферии Центральной и Восточной Европы: река Зале как граница и контактная зона между Франкской империей и славянскими княжествами .............................................................................Станислав РощикГреки и Римляне языческого Волина: варвары в коллективной памяти латинского Запада в эпоху христианизации славян .....................................................................................................................Мариан ДыгоПослание Матфея, епископа Краковского, к Бернарду Клервоскому «об обращении русских» (1145?) .............Дариус фон Гютнер-Спожински Образцовый крестоносец? Генрих Сандомирский, младший сын Болеслава III ..................................................Анджей Буко Каменная башня в Столпье (Юго-Восточная Польша): византийский культурный анклав в Центральной Европе? ...............................................................................................................................................Алексей Чернецов Парадоксальная иерархия цивилизаций (древнерусский взгляд) ...........................................................................Майа Гонссовска Святой Олав и Хольмгард-Новгород как культурное пограничье между Востоком и Западом в XI-XII вв. .................................................................................................................................................Юкка Корпела Христианизация Северо-Восточной Европы: две теории и неудобные факты .....................................................Йорн Штекер Изображение трех волхвов на поминальном камне c Готланда: восприятие христианских сюжетов в языческом мире .........................................................................................................................................Анна Ващко Язычники в Хронике Эрика и Откровениях св. Бригитты ......................................................................................Владимир Бак Поставление Кирилла II (1242-1281) митрополитом вcея Руси в 1240-х гг. в контексте религиозно-политических связей Галицко-Волынской Руси и Византии ..............................................................Себастьян Колдиц Христианская миссия и христианизация степных народов в истории печенегов и половцев .............................

II.1 АРХЕОЛОГИЯ: РИМ, КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛЬ, ПОГРЕБАЛЬНЫЙ ОБРЯД

ВВЕДЕНИЕ В ПРОБЛЕМУСебастьян Братер Язычники или христиане? Раннесредневековые погребения с инвентарем в Центральной Европе .................Александра Суликовска-Гонска Тема погребения в древнерусской иконографии .....................................................................................................Юстына СтрачукЗаупокойные верования и обряды сельского населения православно-католического пограничья Белоруссии в антропологической перспективе ....................................................................................

II.2 АРХЕОЛОГИЯ: В ПОИСКАХ РИМА И КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛЯ

С ЮГА НА СЕВЕРНаталья Пулу-Пападимитриу, Елли Тсавелла, Джереми Отт Погребальный обряд византийской Греции: данные археологии и методологические проблемы их интерпретации ......................................................................................................................................Перица Шпехар, Орхидея Зорова Христианство на территории Охридской архиепископии в XI-XIII вв.: свидетельство археологии погребального обряда .............................................................................................................................Людмила Дончева-Петкова, Мария Христова Процесс перехода от язычества к христианству в Болгарии по материалaм раскопок некрополей IX-X вв. ....................................................................................................................................................

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Майа ПетринецХорватия между Востоком и Западом по данным средневековых некрополей ......................................................Тина МилавецСвященные места? Погребения VIII в. близь позднеантичной церкви Тоновцева града (Словения, VI в.) ..........................................................................................................................................................Стефан АйхертХристианство и язычество в Карантании ..................................................................................................................Елизабет Новотны Конфессиональная ситуация на границе Франкской империи и Моравии в эпоху Каролингов по археологическим памятникам Нижней Австрии .................................................................................................Петр Хейхаль, Михал Лютовски In agris sive in silvis… Cредневековые впускные погребения в древних курганах Чехии ....................................Анна Мазур, Кшиштов МазурРаннесредневековые погребения в Малопольше – некрополь Вавженчице ..........................................................Яцек Вжешиньски Некрополь в Декановичах – христианское развитие древних традиций ...............................................................Пшемыслав Урбанчик «Римские» элементы древнейшего погребения кафедрального собора в Познани? ............................................Иоланта Кальага Средневековое городище в селе Сансядка: обзор археологических исследований 1930-1950-х гг. по материалам архивного собрания Варшавского университета ............................................................................Ежи КушнежСредневековые погребения городища Грудек (древнерусский Волынь) в свете архивных документов Научной Комиссии Польской Академии наук по изучению Червенских городов (1952-1955) ...........................Михал Дзик Неполные трупосожжения в погребальном обряде центрального Побужья эпохи средневековья ...................Лукаш Мехович Монеты в средневековом погребальном обряде западных и восточных славян: пережитки язычества или влияние христианства? ......................................................................................................................Всеволод Ивакин Погребальные памятники древнерусского Киева X-XIII вв. ...................................................................................Пшемыслав Сикора Славянский погребальный обряд ранних этапов христианизации на окраинах восточно-христианского мира на примере Белоруссии – археологический подход ........................................................................................Анна Барвенова, Кристина Лавыш Погребения в храмах на территории Белоруссии XI-XIV вв.: роль христианизации в формировании костюма элиты княжеств Западной Руси ...................................................................................................................Евгениус Светикас Латинская христианизация православных земель Великого княжества Литовского в конце XIV-XV вв.: исторические факты и данные археологии ............................................................................Робертс Спиргис Археологические свидетельства о распространении христианства в низовьях Западной Двины в X-XIII вв. ......................................................................................................................................Витольдс Музнекс Археология погребального обряда XIV-XVIII вв. на территории Латвии .............................................................Хейки Валк Жальники: свидетельство христианизации Новгородской и Псковской земли? ...................................................Владислав Соболев Проблемы формирования древнерусской погребальной культуры Новгородской земли .....................................Станислав Бельский, Вилле ЛааксоНовые археологические свидетельства о христианизации Приладожской Карелии в XIII-XV вв. .....................

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Rome, Constantinople and Newly-Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical EvidenceM. Salamon, M. Wołoszyn, A. Musin, P. Špehar, M. Hardt, M.P. Kruk, A. Sulikowska-Gąska (eds.)U źródeł eUroPy ŚrodKoWo-WScHodniej/FrüHzeit oStMitteleUroPAS 1,1

Kraków-leipzig-rzeszów-Warszawa 2012, vol. i, p. 377-428

nAtAliA PoUloU-PAPAdiMitrioU, elli tzAvellA, jereMy ott

Burial practices in Byzantine Greece: archaeoloGical evidence

and methodoloGical proBlems for its interpretation

abstract. Burial practices in Byzantine Greece: archaeological evidence and methodological problems for its interpretation. the spread of christianity across the Byzantine empire has been mainly studied through research on monumental architecture and burial. Burial customs used in mainland Greece and the Aegean during the early Byzantine period (4th-7th century) gradually move away from pagan funerary customs. in the archaeological record, we can see a movement of burials from the traditional extramural cemeteries towards the intramural area, due to a gradual preference for burials in close proximity to christian churches. christian burials adopt a definite orientation and position of the body, while deposition of grave goods gradually vanishes. christian symbols usually appear only as depicted images, either on the walls of the graves, or on oil-lamps and other objects which were used during the funerary ritual. in the majority of the cases, when such symbols are not present, the distinction between pagan and christian graves may be difficult or even impossible.during the traditional period, the so-called “dark Ages” (7th-9th century), the new burial customs have been fully adopted in the urban centres, where christianity has been established. However, the predominance of evidence of Byzantine urban vs. rural cemeteries in the archaeological record may produce a distorted image concerning religious belief and mortuary practices. the present paper includes evidence from some urban and rural cemeteries, as well as from a Slavic cemetery in olympia, thus aiming to provide a varied picture of burial practices. Burial habits of the Middle Byzantine period (10th-12th century) are archaeologically invisible to a high degree. Middle Byzantine burials often lack satisfactory dating methods; this, in combination with poor publication of graves of this period, creates problems in the discussion of the evolution of mortuary customs. Published cemeteries of this period show, however, a preference for the creation of cemeteries in abandoned urban areas (such as the ancient or roman forum) and a tendency for burial inside churches. Usual burial finds of this period are ceramic vessels, jewellery, and coins. crosses and reliquaries are rather rare, but they do appear in a few cases.the present paper presents a number of well documented cemeteries of Byzantine Greece and discusses issues of interpretation and chronology. While many of these issues need further thorough research, it becomes apparent that comparison with evidence from other countries, both within and beyond the limits of the Byzantine empire, can only enhance our understanding of funerary tradition and practices.

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natalia Poulou-Papadimitriou, elli tzavella, jeremy ott

introductionresearch on burial customs in Byzantine Greece has profited greatly from recent advances in studies

of pottery, small finds and numismatics. this progress does not occur with the same pace in all time periods, however. the character of early Byzantine customs, some of which are archaeologically visible, combined with recent improvements in the study of early Byzantine ceramics, has allowed a comparatively advanced understanding of the development of burial customs during this period. Funerary practices of the transitional (“dark Age”) and Middle Byzantine periods are less fully understood but show a remarkable shift, which is connected with wider religious and cultural changes, as well as with changes in the organization of the urban space. Finally, burial customs of the late Byzantine period show notable continuity with practices of the preceding centuries, despite the political and cultural turbulences of the period. recent studies on mortuary practices in Byzantine Greece (ivison 1993; laskaris 2000; panel co-ordinated by c. Bakirtzis in the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies; cf. International Congress…, vol. ii, 61-65) show an evident effort to understand their exhibition in material culture, and their development, over a wide geographic and chronological range.

For the purposes of the present study, an effort was made to collect data from a large number of excavated sites. the choice of the cemeteries, or necropoleis, which are presented here, relies mainly on three criteria:

1) extensive excavation and publication of a cemetery site; this is a rare occurrence, and thus the authors in some cases had to rely on unpublished data made accessible to them;

2) excavation of several cemeteries of the same city in addition to non-mortuary urban and extra-urban zones, which offers an image of the organization of the necropoleis within the urban nexus;

3) especially for the transitional and Middle Byzantine periods, the occurrence of burial objects which enable conclusions about chronology, as well as about contacts of different populations.

For the location of sites, the reader is kindly invited to consult the map on Fig. 1.

fig. 1. southern-eastern europe. location of the Byzantine cemeteries described in the paper; drawn by the authors.1 – parapotamos, nomos thesprotias, Greece; 2 – milea, nomos larissas, Greece; 3 – thessaloniki, nomos thessalonikis,

Greece; 4 – ierissos, nomos chalkidikis, Greece; 5 – agia triada, nomos eleias, Greece; 6 – olympia, nomos eleias, Greece; 7 – corinth, nomos corinthias, Greece; 8 – athens, nomos attikis, Greece; 9 – samos, nomos samou, Greece;

10 – tegani, nomos laconias, Greece; 11 – eleutherna, nomos rethymnis, crete, Greece; 12 – herakleion, nomos herakleiou, crete, Greece; 13 – petras, nomos lasithiou, crete, Greece.

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Burial practices in Byzantine Greece: archaeological evidence and methodological problems for its interpretation

early Byzantine period (4th-7th c.)While christian communities existed in Greece since the 1st c., they offer little archaeological trace until

the 4th c. for northern Greece, and the 5th to 6th centuries for the southern region of the country. this geo-religious divide is striking although not surprising: the north, especially thessaloniki, had become increasingly important and socially progressive due to its proximity to the via egnatia, while the south, featuring the philosophical and academic center of Athens and the commercial hub of corinth, had decreased in geo-political significance and possessed a religiously conservative culture. With the regional emergence of christianity, marked by the construction of religious basilicas and the large-scale production of objects bearing christian symbols and figural decoration, christian burials also become visible. Such recognizably christian interments, the religious identity of which is supported most strongly through a basilica setting or tomb decoration and less so based on deposited objects, constitute only a minority of excavated graves, however. the bulk of early Byzantine burials offer little evidence for religious belief whatsoever, and as a result christian graves usually cannot be distinguished from those of their non-christian neighbors. When considering early Byzantine mortuary ritual one therefore addresses a set of archaeologically surviving practices (some non-surviving aspects, including funerary songs, would presumably have varied according to religion) generally carried out by the full population regardless of belief, but also accommodated within a christian framework that grudgingly tolerated the less congruous aspects, some of which acquired new christianized meanings at official, and probably also popular, levels.

early Byzantine tomb structures include several common types: simple single-burial tile graves in the form of a pitched tent, more labor-intensive multiple-burial flat-roofed cists made of brick, re-used blocks, or cut out of the rock, and multiple-burial vaulted tombs, also masonry-built or rock-cut, with an entrance shaft at the east. Amphorae were sometimes used as burial containers for infants. tomb types were not strictly independent of one another; one therefore encounters tile tent and rock-cut graves topped by earthen mounds covered in stucco and meant to evoke masonry vaulting, pitched stone slab constructions reminiscent of tile graves and vaulted tombs, and infant amphora burials occasionally encased within small tile tent constructions.

the body was laid in a supine and extended position with hands, sometimes crossed, usually placed over the abdomen or pelvis. An east-west orientation, which by the 6th c. was observed by nearly all burials, is the default one for recognizably christian graves, although exceptions exist. While actual burial orientation varies somewhat in relation to season, available space within the cemetery, and the orientation of other graves or topographic features, the position of the head is at west for most east-west graves and especially those that offer evidence for christianity. Generally, then, a north-south alignment in the absence of spatial pressures suggests a non-christian persuasion, while an east-west one, potentially used by non-christians in addition to christians, is an unreliable indicator of religious affiliation.

While a shroud presumably covered the deceased in many cases, material evidence for this practice rarely survives. john chrysostom describes the binding of hands to the belly in addition to the many wrappings of the dead, and the consistent position of skeletons implies that at the least both hands and feet were bound (cf. chrysostomus, XXvii. 4., col. 349-350). Byzantine literary evidence suggests that the face and upper body would have remained visible until the last possible moment (Koukoules 1951, 182f.), providing for the public display of clothing and any jewellery worn by the dead (jewellery accompanied the deceased only occasionally and rarely possessed christian decoration; see Martini, Steckner 1993, 125, Pl. 16.4 for the first well documented example of a crucifix pendant associated with a burial in the 7th c.). this custom is continued in the later orthodox procedure (for examples of shroud use in particular and rural Greek mortuary practices in the 20th c. generally see danforth 1982, 39, 42, Pl. 13-14).

At the west end of the grave a stone or tile pillow, although of non-christian origin, was now likely utilized to enable the dead to face christ at his second coming. other potentially christianized aspects of Greco-roman mortuary ritual are terra cotta lamps lit at the graveside (an act perhaps now infused with the christian theme of divine light; on early Byzantine lamps generally see Karivieri 1996; see also Slane 2008 for a useful recent discussion) and rituals including graveside feasting and libation. the doctrinally problematic yet frequently tolerated christian offering of food or drink to the dead, to which Augustine most famously alludes (Confessiones, 6.2., p. 269 f.; see also De civitate dei, viii.27., p. 139f.), would seem to have occurred popularly in association with funerary feasts in a continuation of polytheist tradition. the church’s inability to exert full control over private memorial rites, especially for burials in non-ecclesiastical settings, would

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have resulted in a range of ritual variation and personal interpretation. Archaeological evidence for feasting and libations from both basilica and non-ecclesiastical settings lies in a limited body of cemetery furniture, including marble sigma tables and platforms of various types, that could have been used for dining or the offering of votive objects including food or terracotta lamps1.

Additionally, rare instances of libation holes, cut into tomb cover slabs and documented primarily at basilica settings, would have allowed the pouring of liquids or the dropping of bits of solid food directly onto the head of the body below (for examples of 5th to 7th c. libation holes, see at corinth’s Kodratus Basilica: Stikas 1964; 1966; at Athens: Bishop clematius, Sironen 2008, 88 [inscriptiones Graecae, no. 13453]; at eleutherna’s Katsivelos Basilica: yangaki 2004a, grave no. 12, 159, Fig. 35; see also generally laskaris 1996). on the basis of their ecclesiastical location and especially their connection with burials of the high clergy, some libations likely took an institutionalized christian form and may have constituted a syncretism with the eucharist (on libations generally as well as their relationship to the eucharist see rebillard 2009, 141ff.).

ceramic vessels, usually pitchers or lekythoi, were sometimes entombed with the dead and likely served for the pouring of wine, oil, or water onto the body shortly before the closing of the tomb (Koukoules 1951, 154f.), as occurs in later orthodox ritual (for the modern practice see danforth 1982, 42, Pl. 12; Sanders 2004, 184). the deposition of pottery is especially prevalent in the late 6th to mid-7th centuries. While this may constitute a continuation of non-christian funerary practice, it would have taken christian overtones through its incorporation of liquids from the church’s most important sacraments: baptism, an act frequently compared to death and resurrection in early christian literature, and the eucharist. the wider range of pottery deposited within graves of the roman era, including drinking cups and shallow bowls, is usually absent from the mature early Byzantine ritual2. Finally, by the 6th c. the extremely small number of coins recovered from graves, most of them probably accidental depositions, indicates that the payment of “charon’s fee” was no longer regularly performed.

in nearly all cases the locations of graves, which consistently remain undisturbed despite the development of sometimes densely occupied cemetery areas, must have been marked. this could have been accomplished through the protrusion of part of the built structure aboveground, the addition of a stuccoed earth mound, or some simpler means. For multiple burial tombs, details of ownership were sometimes provided by inscribed tombstones, cemented flatly on top of the grave or set into its stuccoed mound, that declare the identity of the tomb’s owner, at least one individual buried within along with his date of death, and occasionally the plot’s purchase price3.

While early Byzantine burials possessing a definite christian identity maintain the above characteristics, there is little that may be considered uniquely christian within the archaeologically recoverable aspects of early Byzantine mortuary ritual. the decrease or discontinuation of some practices, such as coin deposition and the provision of drinking vessels, may reflect a christian influence. Most demonstrably, christianity is superimposed on top of traditional mortuary contexts through the application of its imagery onto terracotta lamps, tombstones (usually in the form of christograms), and in some instances painted or incised decoration on the tomb itself. this last category of tomb decoration is exceptional but occurs with some frequency in northern Greece, primarily in thessaloniki, and is much more common in the 4th c. than in later periods; the early phase of christianized tomb decoration is lacking in southern Greece, where the handful of well-dated painted tombs belong to the 6th c. or later4. While such uses of the christian visual repertoire serve as positive

1 on this topic generally see laskaris 1996; for a sigma table found near the graves south of corinth’s Kraneion Basilica see Sanders 2005; see Marki 2006, graves no. 29 and no. 32 for a large flat stone masonry structure occurring directly above these adjoining vaulted tombs at thessaloniki that has been interpreted as a funerary dining table, although it might conceivably have been used for lamps or other votive offerings, as may be the case for a few small platforms and pedestals related to corinthian graves; for a corinthian pedestal see Wiseman 1972 grave no. 98. For a clay stove used for cooking food or heating liquids, found in the West cemetery of thessaloniki, see Papanikola-Bakirtzis 2010, 287; Everyday Life…, no. 149.

2 For an overview of roman burial practices at corinth, including standard pottery types, see: Walbank 2005; see also rife 2007 for the roman and early Byzantine development of Kenchreai’s mortuary ceramic assemblages; for mortuary pottery in thessaloniki see Papanikola-Bakirtzis 2010, 284-287; for Athens see tzavella 2010.

3 tombstones are best understood as legal documents declaring ownership of the tomb and are not intended to memorialize the deceased, as is apparent in the discrepancy between the multiple individuals within each tomb and the occurrence of only one or two names on most tombstones (for corinth’s early Byzantine tombstones, see Walbank 2010; Walbank, M.e.H. and M.B. Walbank 2006; Sironen 1997a; for the Peloponnese generally: Feissel 1985; for Athens and Attica, see: Sironen 1997b; 2008; for thessaly: Avramea, Feissel 1987; for Greek Macedonia: Feissel 1983; Feissel, Spieser 1979; for crete: Bandy 1970).

4 For tomb decoration in thessaloniki see Marki 2006; in veroia: Pazaras 1984; at corinth: Pallas 1975; Wiseman 1967b, grave no. 35; 1969, grave no. 76; 1972, grave no. 94; at Kenchreai: rife 2007; in Attica: tsophopoulou-Gini 1990, 92f..

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markers of a christian identity for the deceased, the absence of christian symbols need not imply a non-christian identity. christianized forms of material culture were not regulated and, like much of the burial ritual, were probably guided by both individual choice and site-specific traditions.

Some of the best positive evidence for a christian identity of the dead is offered by tombstones through the frequent presence of christograms, occasional ecclesiastical professions held by the deceased, rare references to christian texts, and the presence of christian names (see generally: Sironen 1997b, 122, 384; trombley 1993, vol. i, 289). other aspects of epitaphs are to varying degrees suggestive of christianity but do not offer concrete proof. the dominant word describing a tomb, koimitirion, or “sleeping place” (reflecting the christian belief of the state of the dead prior to their awakening at christ’s second coming), is a new term used primarily but not exclusively by christians (A small number of jewish tombstones, distinguishable by name of the deceased and menorah decoration, likewise employ this word: Sironen 1997b, no. 199, no. 255). other terms for tombs, including oikitirion, “home”, and topos, “place”, were used across religions. christian-oriented names, especially those of martyrs, may also indicate a christian identity, although a religious monopoly on names should not be assumed, and some christians retained traditional Greco-roman names. on the other hand, the absence of christian symbols on tombstones does not necessarily signify a non-christian identity: Within corinth’s Kodratus Basilica, the funerary markers of both the Bishop eustathios and the Presbyter valerianos contain no christian symbols (for these tombstones see Stikas 1964; perhaps some members of corinth’s clergy regarded uses of the cross on grave markers to be distasteful in this period of the mass application of christograms throughout material culture). Unfortunately, the tremendous potential offered by tombstones to elucidate the relationship between religion and broader, non-epigraphic trends in mortuary practice is greatly reduced due to the recovery of most tombstones outside their original contexts.

An enduring problem is our inability to identify non-christian cemeteries through archaeological means. jews certainly constituted a significant minority of the population in major cities, but with the exception of a jewish area in thessaloniki’s east cemetery and a small body of tombstones from secondary contexts, their burials are generally unrecognized. the graves of polytheists, in the 5th c. and beyond, are even more difficult to identify. that a sizable body of polytheists lived at corinth until at least the early 6th c. is suggested by the construction of a minimum of three early Byzantine basilicas with baptisteries, which may have been deemed a necessary measure to accommodate large numbers of expected converts (Sanders 2005). in Athens the philosophical schools functioned until their closure in 529 by justinian, whose multiple anti-polytheist legislations, including a final purge in 562, further support that religion’s tenacity well into the 6th c. despite such textual evidence, polytheist burials in the 5th c. and beyond, presumably continuing to follow many of the traditional customs also employed by the christian majority, are practically invisible within the mortuary record (the best evidence lies in a small body of tombstones, such as Sironen 1997b, no. 100) and stand in comparison to the near-total absence of securely identified christian burials before the mid-3rd c.

in presenting the data on the early Byzantine burial rite a more extensive analysis is made of relevant sites at thessaloniki, Athens and corinth (maps, cf. Fig. 2).

thessalonikithe early Byzantine cemeteries of thessaloniki developed in the same areas as the ancient cemeteries,

namely to the east and west of the city and outside the roman city walls (Makropoulou 1989-1990; nalpantis 2003; cf. Fig. 2:1). in the three first centuries after christ, before the Peace of the church (Ad 313), christian graves were constructed in these traditional cemeteries, scattered among the pagan graves. they had the same typology as the pagan graves: pit, tile or cist graves for the poorer deceased, and sarcophagi, cubicula, burial complexes or built vaulted graves for the wealthier. the designation of these graves as christian relies on their consistent orientation from east to west (head west, looking east), as well as from any possible inscriptions or painted decoration (Marki 2006, 49-61, 100-110). noteworthy is the development of an organised jewish cemetery within the large east cemetery (Marki 2006, 54, 60).

the earliest purely christian cemeteries of thessaloniki appear during the reign of constantine the Great (312-337), on sites of martyrdom or burial of local martyrs. the christian cemeteries developed around these martyria (= mausolea). But also in the traditional extramural cemeteries, graves which have been characterized as christian by the excavators become progressively more, and from ca. 450 onwards they outnumber the pagan graves. Although pit and tile graves occur often, the most typical form of these organised christian

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cemeteries are cist or vaulted cist graves built in groups of two, three, or more, by families and by the church (Makropoulou 1991; Marki, Akrivopoulou 2004; Marki 2006, 57).

thessaloniki preserves many examples of noteworthy decoration painted in the interior of graves. the christian belief of the deceased is sometimes discernible due to the painted decoration with christian symbols or scenes from the old or the new testament (the Good Shepherd, daniel and the lions, the sacrifice of Abraham). these occur already in the 3rd or 4th c. Ad. during the 4th c., grave painting is characterised by large iconographic variety and a horror vacui, expressed through the covering of the background with green leaves and fruit. Allegories of paradise birds, which symbolize the souls of the deceased eating and drinking, are common. in the 5th c., these allegories become more common, and the iconographic themes from the old and new testament occur less often. in the 6th c., the most common painted subject is the cross; flanked with leaves, birds or trees, as well as with the letters A and Ω. the 7th c. sees the drastic reduce of painted graves; only a cross, painted in brown or black colour, occurs in some graves (Marki 2006, 123-204; cf. also Marki 2002, 166-7).

early Byzantine Athens

the most important early Byzantine extramural cemeteries of Athens are located along the major roads which led outside the classical city wall: in the Kerameikos area, outside the north-east Gate, at the Kynosarges area (itonian Gate) and at the South Gate (Fig 2:2)5. All continue their use from ancient times, and include graves dating from the 4th to the 7th c. (the ne Gate cemetery until the 5th/6th c.). the cemeteries of the Sacred Way (şåñα Ľäüò), the Acharnian Gate and the diochares Gate ceased to be used, apart from extremely few exceptions, already from the 1st-2nd c. their sudden abandonment implies that it was not due to demographic decline but rather to a change of use or status of these areas. in the extramural cemeteries pagan and christian graves coexist during the early Byzantine period. no church is known to have existed in these traditional cemeteries.

three new cemeteries appear extra muros and ad sanctos. these are associated with the basilica of the bishop and martyr leonides, built by his martyrion; the basilica of bishop clematius; and the basilica Panagia sten Petra (“virgin on the rock”), built on the remains of an ancient temple of Artemis Agrotera.

At the north of the leonides basilica, one of the most prominent Athenian churches, eight graves have been found; a further grave was opened in the narthex (Soteriou 1919). the low number of burials may hint to its use by the higher clergy (cf. the lechaion basilica in corinth, also dedicated to leonides). At the east of Panagia sten Petra thirty five graves formed a typical early Byzantine church cemetery (Skias 1897). immediately east of the apse of the basilica and inside a second, smaller apse, a case of stone slabs had been built which in all probability enclosed a saint’s reliquary. Finally, next to the clematius basilica, on lycavettus hill, sixteen burial inscriptions were found, dating from the 4th to the 6th c.; among them, the burial inscription of bishop clematius (Sironen 2008, no. 13453; Soteriou 1929, 55).

After the Herulian invasion (Ad 267) the city acquires a new, smaller defense wall, which encircles the Acropolis and the area to its north; it encloses the roman Agora, but excludes the classical Agora. the considerably larger classical wall, which had been repaired and partly re-designed by valerian (253-260), is probably also preserved during this period; justinian (527-565) is known to have repaired sections of it (De Aedificiis, iv.2, B 272; cf. Bouras 2010, 32-34; theocharaki 2011, 135f.).

despite the legal prohibition of burial inside the city, new cemeteries appear inside both defensive walls, especially in sites of earlier monuments. South of the Acropolis, the theatre of Herodes Atticus and the theatre of dionysus house early Byzantine cemeteries; while north of the Acropolis, early Byzantine graves have been excavated east of the roman Agora and just northeast of the tower of the Winds (Water-clock of Andronikos), which, in this period, was converted to a church or baptistery; the latter cemetery lies inside the defensive wall of ca. Ad 270.

in the traditional extramural cemeteries, the distinction between christian and pagan deceased is in most cases impossible to make based upon archaeological evidence. Most graves have an east-west orientation, and the deceased are placed with the head to the west; but this appears to have become a common habit also for the

5 For full bibliographic references of the numerous excavation reports on the early Byzantine and “dark-Age” cemeteries of Athens see tzavella 2008.

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pagan deceased from the later 5th and especially the 6th c. onwards, since organized cemeteries show a coherent grave orientation6. christian graves occasionally acquire a n-S orientation for reasons of space economy. the most common burial finds, adherent both to pagan and christian graves, are jugs which contained the water, oil or wine with which the corpse was washed (tzavella 2010; cf. Fig. 3:1).

After the 5th c., graves usually have the form of clusters of two, three or more cist or vaulted graves, built together with rubble masonry and tiles, or horizontal rows of tiles. Simple pit and tent-shaped tile graves are also very common. Burial customs therefore appear identical to the ones in thessaloniki, corinth, and other major cities of the empire (for a detailed catalogue see laskaris 2000).

early Byzantine corinthrecognizably christian burials begin to appear at corinth only circa 500 Ad in an era when the first

new early Byzantine cemeteries were established and corinth’s earliest known christian basilica was erected at the lechaion Harbor (Fig. 2:3)7. For previous periods, during which mortuary practices adhere strongly to Greco-roman tradition and christianity is nearly invisible within the archaeological record, it is impossible to differentiate between christian graves and inhumations belonging to members of other religions. only cremation burial, occurring chiefly in the 1st c. Ad but with a few examples as late as the 4th or even 5th c.8 may be asserted as a practice exclusive to polytheism. no identifiably jewish burials have been excavated at corinth, suggesting that these may likewise be impossible to distinguish by archaeological means from those of christians or polytheists practicing inhumation.

in antiquity corinth’s most extensive burial ground lay in the wide expanse of the plain to the north of the classical city wall. early roman chamber tombs in this area were utilized into the 5th c., and a few provide evidence for use or re-use until at least the early 6th c. (Walbank M.e.H., Walbank M.B. 2006; Walbank M.e.H. 2005; Pallas 1975; Shear 1931). Archaeological evidence suggests that some of the last burials here belonged to individuals inclined toward christianity: one chamber tomb received painted christograms on an interior wall, and finds from other tombs include a tombstone bearing three crosses and terra cotta lamps with christian imagery (see also rife 2007 for re-used chamber tombs at nearby Kenchreai, one of which possesses painted crosses on its walls).

in the late 5th to 6th centuries the location of cemeteries began to change, a process associated with the construction of a significantly reduced city wall within the circuit of the classical fortification (this early Byzantine wall cannot be closely dated based on the limited evidence from excavation; for two different views see: Sanders 2004; Gregory 1979). the new cemeteries of this period, as revealed by excavation, were located in two principle settings: to the north of the early Byzantine community along the edge of the plateau overlooking the old burial grounds in the plain below, and close to the exterior face of the contracted fortification circuit. only those burial grounds situated against the face of the early Byzantine wall may be considered to post-date this fortification with certainty, however; cemeteries overlooking the plain as well as small cemeteries and grave clutters sited at some distance from the wall could have developed before the new fortification was built. thus, cemeteries seem to have remained excluded from the protected area of the early Byzantine settlement, although they now fell within the limits of the classical fortification (a small group of mid-6th to early 7th c. burials at the Panagia Field site, located directly southeast of the Forum, most likely falls just outside the southwest line of the early Byzantine fortification, although the precise course of the wall here is uncertain; see Sanders 2005, 430).

Along the edge of the northern plateau some five hundred graves, primarily tile “tent” graves and multiple burial tombs hewn from the soft bedrock, have been excavated in the vicinity of the Asklepieion and lerna court complex and some 200 m to its west; 540 m to the east of this area, the edge of the same terrace was likewise filled with rock-cut tombs9. Pottery, usually lekythoi and pitchers, was recovered from

6 A cemetery outside the olympieion enclosure, dating to the mid 3rd-4th c., includes 200 graves with non-coherent orientation. these were surely pagan (see threpsiades, travlos 1961).

7 For early Byzantine corinth generally see: Sanders 2004; 2005; Sanders, Slane 2005; Scranton 1957, while still of some use, has in many respects been superseded by subsequent studies. Brown (2008) considers this period from historical and archaeological perspectives in her doctoral thesis.

8 K. Slane, personal communication, 14 February 2011.9 For the Asklepieion and adjacent lerna court see roebuck 1951; de Waele 1935. A revised chronology for this cemetery is offered in Sanders 2004:

the earliest mortuary use should belong to the late 5th or 6th c. based on the presence of unglazed Broneer type 28 lamps as well as infant burials in

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the interior of many tombs belonging to the rock-cut type (Fig. 3:2). outside the northeast line of the early Byzantine wall, areas of densely packed cist graves and vaulted tombs have been exposed (for these burial areas see Skarmoutsou 2006), and two test trenches further south yielded tile “tent” graves installed against the wall’s external face. immediately to the west of the enceinte, the edges of the abandoned Forum received burials beginning in the late 6th or early 7th c.; a few of the earliest graves possess lekythoi similar to the latest examples from the Asklepieion area cemetery (most securely dated burials from the Forum belong to the mid-7th to 8th centuries; for this area generally see “dark Age corinth” within this paper).

Smaller cemeteries and scattered grave clusters have been identified at some distance from the early Byzantine wall. roadside land by the abandoned sanctuary of demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth’s north slope became a setting for two grave clusters in the late 5th to early 6th centuries (for this cemetery see Bookides, Stroud 1997 as well as Slane’s 2008 reconsideration of the site’s early Byzantine chronology), and a small grave cluster was unearthed at the edge of a ravine halfway between the Forum and the western line of the classical city wall (robinson 1962). not far from these two burial areas, tile graves that may be contemporary were exposed by heavy rains in the 20th c. but never excavated. the overall distribution of early Byzantine cemeteries and grave clusters suggests that while corinthians may have specifically selected some dilapidated buildings for mortuary purposes in order to efficiently exploit otherwise useless space, peripheral yet easily accessed areas outside the early Byzantine wall were generally favored regardless of their architectural character (in contrast to the traditional view that christian burials near sanctuary sites represent some form of acknowledgment of these places’ perceived polytheist power; for this perspective see for example rothaus 2000, 47ff.).

A major innovation in early Byzantine mortuary practices is the introduction of the cemetery basilica, and at corinth two such structures, of probable 6th c. date, are known. in the plain to the north of the city the Kodratus (“Stikas”) Basilica was built, while the Kraneion Basilica was erected some 100 m inside the classical city wall’s Kenchrean Gate10. Both sites were used for burial before the construction of the basilicas. the Kodratus Basilica, presumably dedicated to the martyr Kodratos whose name was inscribed on a lintel from the site, received a number of elaborate cist graves in its narthex as well as burials in adjoining chapels. the presence of a baptistery and atrium at the Kraneion Basilica, where burials were restricted to chapels and land outside the church while the narthex was kept clear, implies the fulfillment of standard liturgical functions in addition to the building’s funerary role. Although some individuals who received a basilica burial were certainly members of the clergy, laypersons from prominent families were likely buried here as well: At the Stikas basilica, where the Bishop eustathios was interred within the nave, neighbouring burials include a girl named Paulina who died at about sixteen years of age (while women could attain clerical titles, most commonly “deaconess”, Paulina’s age and the lack of any inscribed title suggest that she was a layperson) and the skeleton of a young child. Such individuals would have enjoyed, in addition to spiritual advantages derived from proximity to the martyr’s relics held within the basilica, an enviable resting place in the premier building type of the early Byzantine period.

Finally, three tombs were installed outside the apse of the enormous basilica by corinth’s lechaion harbor (Pallas 1956). the absence of other burials at the site (with the exception of a single unpublished grave) suggests that these individuals were all of an especially high, probably clerical, status. the identity of one burial, thomas the Presbyter, is made clear on an inscribed mug placed beside the body circa 600 Ad.

Gaza amphoras that are imported from the late 5th to early 7th centuries, while the latest dates are provided by coins of justin ii, mortuary pottery, and a few lamps of the late 6th to 7th c. For the excavation of graves in the high ground to the south and west of the Asklepieion and lerna court (including the “Gymnasium” and “Hill of zeus”) see Wesolowsky 1973; Wiseman 1967a; 1967b; 1969; 1972. the earliest archaeological investigation of this area, approximately 200 m west of lerna court, occurred in 1896 (trench ii) and revealed many rock-cut graves that generally compare to the more recently excavated burials; see richardson 1897. For the rescue excavation of the plot 540 to the east of the Asklepieion area, see Meleti 2009. While this cemetery is only 70 m from the Kodratus Basilica, located in the plain below, it is presently impossible to establish a chronological relationship between church and cemetery.

10 For the Kodratus Basilica: Stikas 1966; Stikas 1964. For the early Byzantine phase of the Kraneion Basilica: Pallas 1970; 1972; 1976; Shelley 1943. the published record unfortunately does not allow the graves within the Kodratus basilica to be closely dated. While the epitaphs possess a generally early Byzantine appearance, the practice of burying within the nave of a church is unusual for early Byzantine Greece but does have parallels in the dark Age and Middle Byzantine era.

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fig. 2. location of selected early Byzantine cemeteries. 1 – thessaloniki, nomos thessalonikis, Greece; map based on e. marki (2006), the areas in red are cemeteries;

2 – athens, nomos attikis, Greece; map based on J. travlos (1960, pl. vii);

1

2

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fig. 2. location of selected early Byzantine cemeteries. cont. 3 – corinth, nomos corinthias,

Greece: early Byzantine and dark age corinth. courtesy of the american school of classical studies, corinth excavations, J.a. herbst.

3

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fig. 3. ceramic vessels from early Byzantine cemeteries. 1 – athens, nomos attikis, Greece. 5 Kallirroes st., vessels from Grave no. i; 2. corinth, nomos corinthias, Greece. corinth’s “hill of zeus”, Grave no. 1933-162, west of the asklepieion-lerna court complex (a – pitcher [c-33-1522];

b – pitcher [c-33-1523]; c – lekythos [c-33-1524]; d – lekythos [c-33-1525]; e – jug [c-33-1528]; f – lekythos [c-33-1529]; g – red slip bowl [c-33-1526]; h – one-handled mug [c-33-1527]).

images a-e, g, and h courtesy of the american school of classical studies, corinth excavations, i. ioannidou and l. Bartzioti. image f courtesy of the american school of classical studies, corinth excavations, p. dellatolas.

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“dark age” (transitional) period (7th-9th c.)Around the middle of the 7th c., burial customs undergo important changes. the use of traditional extra-

mural cemeteries ceases or gradually diminishes. organised cemeteries are now mostly intramural, and mainly around churches. the publication of novella liii of emperor leo vi “the Wise” permitted the burial of the dead inside the cities (Les Novelles..., liii, p. 198-201). As this law dates to the late 9th or early 10th c., it should be regarded as legislation which recognizes a practice occurring for centuries previously. Use of abandoned built spaces as cemeteries, both within and outside the walls, also occurs, with the clearest evidence appearing in the cemetery of corinth’s Forum.

the older view which attributes the abandonment of extramural cemeteries to fear of enemy raids has been replaced by studies about changing attitudes towards burial ad sanctos as well as the conceptualization of urban space (cantino Wataghin 1999, with further bibliography). the wish to be buried ad sanctos became more established from the 7th c., and was accompanied with further changes in burial customs.

cemetery churches often house graves in their interior from this period onwards; the first graves in the interior of churches appear in the narthex, or in the side aisles, and later in the main nave (Pallas 1950-1951, 179; dinsmoor 1941, 6f.). From the late 5th and especially the 6th c. onwards, as the use of intramural christian cemeteries became more common, the lack of space for new graves resulted in the re-use of the same tombs for several times (see e.g. Marki 2006, Pl. 70; Williams, Macintosh, Fisher 1974, Pl. 2:b). this habit became even more prominent in the 7th and 8th c., when the re-formation of the large late antique cities and their contraction into kastra (fortified settlements) caused an even further lack of space. Graves which are today found containing multiple burials are often called “ossuaries”, although their long-term use for numerous primary burials is often more than possible. At corinth, eleutherna, and probably elsewhere, the number of average burials accommodated within multiple burial tombs increases, potentially reflecting the occupation of individual tombs by widened burial groups as well as longer spans of tomb use or re-use.

the excavated sample of burials suggests that cist graves become more prevalent at the expense of tile tent graves, while rock-cut tombs decline sharply in number. For both cists and built vaulted tombs, brick construction is largely replaced by rubble masonry incorporating spoliated blocks that had now become available in great quantities.

A substantial portion of dark Age mortuary ritual deviates from that of the early Byzantine period; some of these changes are to be associated with broader evolutions in culture and economy. tombstone production ceases along with most other manifestations of the epigraphic habit. Pottery deposition is heavily reduced and limited primarily to pitchers. it is possible that the custom now was to break the funerary vessels, since clay sherds are often found in the graves11. Belt buckles appear more frequently but are still rare. While mould-made lamps would seem not to be deposited after the early 7th c., presumably as the result of the end of local lamp production, it is possible that the basic practice continued through the provision of simple candle sticks leaving little archaeological trace. literary evidence shows that candles were used during the burial procession, already in the early Byzantine period (Koukoules 1951, 180; Spyridakis 1950, 141-143). At the same time, Byzantine professional candle makers, keroularioi, make their first appearance as producers of the wax and olive oil candlesticks that begin to replace the traditional burning of liquid olive oil (see rautman 2006, 125f.). in most cases, however, graves of the “transitional” period contain only the bones of the deceased. chronological evidence is thus normally absent, and can only be witnessed by stratigraphy or association with architecture.

Burial customs of the period under discussion are presented by using a number of case studies (Athens, corinth, Samos, eleutherna, Mani, olympia, Agia triada, Milea, maps, cf. Fig. 4, for corinth, cf. Fig. 2:3)

Bronze belt buckles as burial findsBronze belt buckles became common as grave goods from the end of the 6th, but especially from the

7th c. onwards. As during the last ten years information about their typological and chronological development has increased, these accessories not only inform us about the dressing habits of the Byzantines, but also

11 the custom exists in many regions of modern Greece, and Koukoules 1951, 205-206 suggests that this was originally a Byzantine habit; Byzantine literary evidence on this issue is however absent. on this issue see also Pallas 1950-1951, 165 and Footnote 7.

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constitute important chronological evidence for the archaeological context in which they were found (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005).

their stylistic variety in combination with the material used for their production (iron, copper alloy, silver, gold) allow us to conclude that different groups of the population used belt buckles produced in a variety of materials, as well as with many different types of decoration (cutler 1981, 772-776). excavations in early Byzantine sites (i.e. Anemourion: russell 1982; Amorion: lightfoot 2003; corinth: davidson 1952, eleutherna: Poulou-Papadimitriou 2004b; Kythera: Poulou-Papadimitriou 2009, 348, Fig. 5; Pseira: Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005, 698-699, Fig. 12) have recovered both belt buckles of very simple types (oval, circular, rectangular) as well as the most ornate types with engraved decoration (type Balgota, Sucidava, Bologna, corinth, etc.; for the different types found in Greece see Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005). therefore we may conclude that these accessories were used by a large part of the city population.

it is noteworthy, however, that the largest number of the most elaborate types has been found in cemeteries of the transitional period (7th-9th c.; i.e. Athens, corinth, Samos, tegani/Mani, eleutherna: Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005 with previous bibliography). it may therefore be concluded that some of the society members – those who possessed the most elaborate and therefore more expensive buckles – were buried with this accessory. these members must have belonged to the administrative, military or ecclesiastical elite. Written sources inform us that, during the nomination of a Byzantine officer, he was offered a belt buckle along with his title. in the case of a stratēgos it was the emperor himself who handed the golden buckle during a special ceremony (Werner 1984, 21-24; Kazanski, Sodini 1987, 80).

Burials containing an elaborate belt buckle as a grave good are therefore important, because they demonstrate the existence of city officials during the 7th, 8th and 9th c. recovery of belt buckles, combined with the discovery of lead seals dating to the same period, constitutes valuable evidence for the organization of the state and the mobility of officials. these finds, combined with other kinds of material evidence (coins, pottery) dating to the same period is the undeniable witness to life in the cities during the early Middle Ages of Byzantium.

“dark Age” Athensthe “dark Age” cemeteries of Athens develop in and around churches of the urban centre (see tzavella

2008; Fig. 4:1). Most are attested and dated only through burial inscriptions. Material remains of the burials have either been lost during early excavations, or, when excavated and recorded archaeologically, most often do not include objects which offer chronological evidence. Similar problems are encountered with graves of the Middle Byzantine period (Bouras 2010, 117-119).

the Parthenon, after being converted to a christian basilica dedicated to Παναγία ’Aθηνιώτισσα (the Athenian virgin) in the 6th or 7th c., was used for burials of high-status clergy, which have been recorded with graffiti on the columns of the temple (orlandos 1973, 22-25). during the 7th and 8th c. only bishops had the privilege of being interred around the Parthenon. From the late 8th c. other members of the clergy, as well as a few members of the secular elite, were buried there12. A similar burial habit can be observed in the classical temple of Hephaistos, which was converted to a basilica dedicated to St. George possibly in the 7th c. (dinsmoor 1941, 6-15). Graves outside and inside the church were used repeatedly during the Byzantine period and later. the deceased were commemorated through inscriptions, four of which date to the 7th and 10th c., if one follows the transcriptions by Pittakes (1854; see also Mccabe 2006). the earliest tombs within the cella are probably somewhat later than the earlier groups of the narthex and west peristyle, judging from a comparison of their construction and from the coins found in them (dinsmoor 1941, 6f.).

tombs excavated inside and to the west of the Asklepieion basilica, south of the Acropolis, belong to this period and later (travlos 1939-1941, 58-59). evidence for “dark Age” burials also exists in the olympieion basilica (travlos 1949, 42), in the Agios thomas basilica (chatzedakes 1973-1974, 187-190), in the tetraconch church in the library of Hadrian (travlos 1950, 60), and possibly around the Agioi theodoroi church (lazarides 1967, 154).

12 the person who died in 863 was a chanter, however. the person who died in 898 is named only as Уπαθαρέα, which means the wife of a man with the title of spatharios: see orlandos 1973, 101, no. 121. orlandos (1973, 24) believes that only one or two inscriptions among the 64 can be characterised with certainty as inscriptions for deceased laymen.

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the only cemetery of Athens which contains finds of the “transitional” period is the one of St dionysius the Areopagite, on the north slope of the Acropolis hill and just outside the 3rd-c. city-wall (travlos, Frantz 1965). the thirty-five excavated graves belong to the tent-shaped or cist grave type. only nine of them contained objects: the commonest ones were belt buckles dating to the 7th-9th c. (Fig. 5:1).

the bronze buckles belong to the following types (dates according to Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005)12a: 1) cross-shaped (from Grave no. 9 and from vicinity). Based on dated parallels, production and use of

this type has been dated from the 7th to the first half of the 8th c.;2) Bologna (“heart-shaped”; top right; from Grave no. 26). dated parallels demonstrate that production

and use of this type ranged from the 7th to the early 8th c.; 3) Syracuse (bottom right; from Grave no. 10). Based on examples of this type found in dated contexts,

its use extends from the late 6th to the late 7th c.;4) Pergamon/Bal-Gota (bottom left; from Grave no. 13). Based on dated parallels, production and use

of this type has been dated from the second half of the 7th c. to the first half of the 8th c.A bronze reliquary cross was found in a nearby excavation dump and therefore cannot be safely associated

with the tombs. the concentration of buckles in this cemetery raises questions about the identity of the persons buried there, since very few buckles have been found in the other Αthenian cemeteries. Frantz (1988, 119) argued that they represent military officials. However, recent discussions have shown that buckles found in graves close to important basilicas may have belonged to members of the administrative, ecclesiastical or military authorities (eleutherna: Poulou-Papadimitriou 2004b, 242; Samos: Martini, Steckner 1993, 131-134; Avramea 1997, 86-104). the interpretation for their presence on the Areopagus hill remains open.

“dark Age” corinthcorinthian burials of the mid-7th to 8th centuries are identifiable primarily on the basis of mould-made

belt buckles of Syracuse, corinth, Bologna, and other types in addition to a limited body of deposited pottery (for overviews of dark Age corinth see Sanders 2004; 2005; Sanders, Slane 2005; Scranton 1957; cf. Fig. 2:3). the location of these graves in the Forum, on Acrocorinth’s peak and west slope, and in the Kraneion Basilica reveals that while some early Byzantine burial sites remained in use, the old Greco-roman cemeteries, most notably the burial grounds in the plain to the north of the city, as well as early Byzantine cemeteries at the edge of the plateau overlooking this area, had by this time been finally abandoned. the relatively scattered distribution of dark Age graves stands in contrast to the densely occupied mortuary zones of the early Byzantine period, suggesting that either dark Age burial grounds of the former type remain to be discovered, or, more likely, the installation of minor grave clusters throughout the peripheral and agriculturally less-viable parts of corinth’s territory, already visible in the early Byzantine period, replaced the earlier tradition. the occurrence of small, scattered dark Age cemeteries at other sites in Greece would seem to verify the latter scenario at corinth and also raises the possibility of a decline or cessation of formal administration of cemeteries (including plot ownership, evidenced in the 5th to 6th centuries by many tombstones associated primarily with rock-cut tombs and cist graves). it is noteworthy that the vast majority of known dark Age burials at corinth are not ad sanctos. While additional evidence for church burial might await within the unexcavated early Byzantine -dark Age fortified settlement, the practicing of this tradition for the full christian community had apparently not yet been established. Whether some burials now occurred within the walls of the early Byzantine-dark Age fortification, as is the case for Athens, remains an unanswered question.

the Forum, which came into mortuary use at the turn of the 7th c., continued to serve as a burial site until at least the 8th c. as indicated by buckles and mortuary pottery; more than 100 graves within this area provide the bulk of evidence for dark Age burial practices at corinth13. While the Forum’s central space was kept clear, graves were laid in clusters throughout the remains of buildings at its periphery, and the west end of the South Stoa in particular became filled with burials. A minority of these interments received jewelry, primarily finger rings and

13 For dark Age graves in the area of the Forum see robinson 2011, 293f; Sanders 2003, 39; robinson 1976; Williams, Fisher 1975; Weinberg 1974; Williams, Macintosh, Fisher 1974; Gejvall, Henson 1968; Anderson 1967; robinson 1962; Morgan 1938; Broneer 1926.

12a the recent monographs on belt buckles typology and chronology by Schulze-dörrlamm (2002; 2009) offer somewhat earlier dates for some of the buckle types which occur in this paper. these dates mostly rely on numismatic co-finds. However, given the realities of coin circulation during this period, as well as the many buckle finds without accompanying coins, the true chronology for buckles is probably somewhat later than the one proposed by Schulze-dörrlamm.

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earrings, although most of it cannot be closely dated. the Kraneion basilica remained an active cemetery site, as indicated by a grave containing a Syracuse type buckle of the mid- to late 7th c. and two coins of constans ii in addition to a small number of unpublished burials of the early to mid-7th c. (for the grave with a Syracuse type buckle, also containing a miniature buckle with an “X” on the plate, an iron strike-a-light, and coins of earlier date see Pallas 1981). Finally, dark Age burial clusters have been revealed on Acrocorinth’s west slope and beside a church on its summit (for burials in a classical tower on Acrocorinth’s northwest slope see davidson 1937; on the graves, including some with belt buckles and pottery, on Acrocorinth’s west slope not far from the modern entrance: Bookidis, Stroud 1997, 390; for a dark Age belt buckle from a cist grave located outside Acrocorinth’s church: davidson 1952, no. 2188). the location of these Acrocorinth graves, and their relatively high elevation, suggests an association with a community occupying the citadel rather than the inhabitants of the lower city and plain.

A conspicuous addition to corinth’s dark Age mortuary record lies in a small number of burials in the Forum, an abandoned classical tower on Acrocorinth’s northwest slope, and the Kraneion Basilica that possess weapons and other objects normally associated with the burials of non-Greek “Great Migration’ groups in Southeastern europe14. Although such graves were once identified as the burials of Avar or Bulgar invaders, they have subsequently been more plausibly reconsidered as Byzantine soldiers of migratory backgrounds (curta 2005; vida, völling 2000, 38; ivison 1996). While no specific cultural affiliations may be derived from the material evidence, the mortuary assemblages present some diversity and raise the possibility of multiple cultural origins. the occurrence of these graves in two pre-existing cemeteries suggests integration within the local community and in the case of the basilica burial (the first archaeologically attested example of a church interment for a person of migratory background in southern Greece) a conversion to christianity.

Although a significant amount of change is evident in mortuary practices of the mid-7th c. and later, dark Age trends in cemetery location are already evident in the late 5th to early 7th centuries, and much of the core early Byzantine mortuary ritual would seem to remain intact. consequently, corinth’s dark Age burials suggest this era be placed within the midst of a gradually evolving continuum from the early to Middle Byzantine periods rather than occupying a distinct phase defined by abrupt cultural shifts.

Samos, episcopal complexthe excavation in the episcopal complex of Samos offers an excellent documented example of an elite

burial ground of the 7th-8th c. (Martini, Steckner 1993, 113-140). the burial chambers are located at the west end of the episcopal complex. they consist of six cist graves, built of rubble and tile masonry, and organised around a central roofed corridor. the erection of the burial complex was understood as part of the whole building project, since it is architecturally linked to it.

the tombs contained multiple burials, twenty-eight altogether. their use can be dated to the later 7th and 8th c. on the basis of coins of Phocas (602-610), Heraclius (610-641) and constans (668-685), belt buckles and oil-lamps (Fig. 5:2-3). the custom of leaving the funerary vessels in the graves here has diminished, but continues with the placement of a cup in two of the graves15. Also, oil-lamps and a glass vessel possibly used for lighting were placed in them. A further glass vessel has the form of a small bottle. eleven out of the 28 deceased wore bronze belt buckles, and one of them wore a small pendant cross. Since these deceased were buried in a section of the episcopal complex which had been designed specifically for burials, it is reasonable to assume that they belonged to the local elite, including perhaps clergy or administrative officials. this is also indicated by the fact that two shield-shaped buckles, both found in Grave 5, were inlaid with gold (Martini, Steckner 1993, 128, nos. 5.2-3).

A note on the numismatic find is appropriate here, since the coins found in the episcopal complex burials constitute important dating evidence for the chronology of the belt buckles and the other finds discovered with them. Bronze issues of Phocas, Heraclius and constans were distributed in the Byzantine provinces

14 on corinth’s “migratory” burials see most recently curta 2005. For particularly useful overviews see vida, völling 2000; Anagnostakis, Poulou-Papadimitriou 1997. See also ivison 1996; Weinberg 1974. note curta’s cautionary remarks (footnote 126) in regard to ivison’s interpretation. Setton (1952; 1950) and charanis (1952) debated the existence of a Bulgar invasion based on the text of the disputed chronicle of Monemvasia as well as belt buckles and weapons from burials, while davidson’s initial publication (1937) cast these burials in the light of an Avar invasion. the Kraneion Basilica grave containing a Syracuse type buckle and other objects, although published by Pallas (1981), has never been considered within the cat-egory of such migratory burials. While it contains no weapons, its iron strike-a-light, an object not found in Byzantine burials of this period, occurs frequently both with and without accompanying weapons in numerous migratory cemeteries of Southeastern europe.

15 the cups date to the 7th c. or slightly later. For a dated parallel of the cup of Grave no. ii see catling, Smyth 1976, 37, P3, P6, Pl. 5.

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in high quantities, in contrast to issues of other emperors of the 7th c., and of later emperors of the 8th and 9th c. (Hendy 1985, 640-645). coins of these emperors often circulated long after their production. their discovery in burial contexts should therefore be considered as a terminus post quem for the chronology of the correlated finds (cf. Sidiropoulos 2002, 105-110; Sanders 2004, 174) and not necessarily indicative of a burial’s actual date.

eleuthernaeleutherna, a city in central crete, flourished during the Hellenistic and roman periods. it is attested as

a bishopric between the middle of the 5th c. and at least until the late 8th c. (Mansi, col. 145, 369, 391; lamberz 2004, 62)16. the city occupied parts of an elongated hill as well as the terraces surrounding it (Fig. 4:4). the excavations have revealed parts of the early Byzantine city on the hilltop “Pyrgi” (Sector ii) and on the lower terraces (“Katsivelos”, Sector i) extending to the east of the hill’s foot. traces of early Byzantine activity have been identified in many other places in the region (Stampolidis 2004a, 143).

excavations in Sector i (Katsivelos – “lower city”; cf. Fig. 4:3 [basilica and graves]) revealed, among many other important buildings, a three-aisled basilica with three main construction phases. According to the excavator this church was erected in the 5th c.; during the late 6th or early 7th c., following a destruction, it received important repairs, which also led to changes of use in certain areas. the third phase of the church dates to the 8th c. during this period part of the central nave of the basilica was transformed into a small chapel. the numismatic evidence from the “lower city”: bronze issues of Phocas (602-610), Heraclius (610-641), a large number of bronze issues of constans ii (642-668) and one of constantine iv (668-685; Sidiropoulos 2000, 280-286; 2004, 81), as well as the discovery of a lead seal dating to the 7th or even the 8th c. (themelis 2004b, 172, no. 59)17, allow us to believe that life in the town of eleutherna continued during the 7th and at least the early 8th c.

Fifty two graves dating from the second half of the 6th c. to the late 7th/8th c. were revealed during the excavation (themelis 2004a, 70-80; yangaki 2004a, 115-149; for their chronology in the 8th c. see Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005, 699, 703). Among these, twenty graves occupied the south atrium of the three-aisled basilica, while others were opened in the north atrium, the basilica’s south annexes and the main street in front of the narthex; one was opened in the north aisle of the church. their location in the atrium of the basilica and the main street in front of the church is noteworthy, since it attests to a change of use of these areas during the second phase of the basilica. this is a common phenomenon in Byzantine cities of the 7th and 8th c. (russell 1986, 143-145, 147-149; Haldon 1990, 108-109; ivison 1996, 112-113; Poulou-Papadimitriou 2004b, 233, 243; 2005, 703). the majority (35 graves) have the form of a built cist grave (Fig. 6:1-2). they contained multiple burials – many graves contained five to nine and one twenty deceased – and most burial finds date from the 7th to the 8th c. in one case, holes were opened in the plaques which formed the floor of the grave, creating the shape of the cross; this is the only direct evidence of the deceased’s faith in the cemetery of eleutherna (Fig. 6:3).

Half of the graves contained clay vessels, often placed next to the head or near the feet of the deceased; some jugs carried traces of glaze on their surface (Fig. 7:1-2), thus attesting to their chronology in the second half of the 7th c. (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2001, 238-240, Fig. 10-12; 2004a, Fig. 1-13). two glass unguentaria of the 7th c. (Fig.7:3) and a gold amulet (phylactery) with relief decoration, dated to the 6th/7th c., were recovered (Fig. 8:1; cf. yangaki 2004b, Fig. 2-4). Five of the deceased were buried with their belts, as evidenced by bronze belt buckles dating to the 7th and 8th c. (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2004b; 2005, 687-704, Fig. 2, 5, 7, 8-10, 13-15; cf. Fig. 8:2-3).

Moreover, graves of the 7th and 8th c. were excavated on the “Pyrgi” hilltop (Sector ii), which rises to the west of the Katsivelos site, the terrace on which the basilica was erected. As noted above, the excavations in Pyrgi revealed a further part of the early Byzantine settlement of eleutherna. Built cist tombs were opened in the north and south apses of a cruciform church as well as in the central nave and the narthex. A small cemetery was excavated just south of the church; the seven graves were founded on the pavement of a temple of the 7th c. Bc. in the interior of the graves clay vessels (trefoil jugs, two-handled closed vases, and a cup

16 For a mention of the bishop of eleutherna in sources of the early 9th c. see tsigonaki 2007, 266.17 themelis (2004b, 172, no. 59) supports that the late 7th c. is a terminus post quem for the date of this lead seal.

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with glaze in its bottom (Fig. 7:4) were often placed next to the head of the deceased. their types and fabric are identical with those found in the graves of the “lower city” (Katsivelos-Sector i). during the excavation of the cruciform church in Pyrgi, three bronze belt buckles of the 7th/8th c. were discovered; moreover, lead seals of the 8th c. and bronze issues of the 7th and 8th c. were published (tsigonaki 2007, 16-17).

it seems that the inhabitants of early Byzantine eleutherna used, during the same period, further places to bury their deceased: two early Byzantine built cist tombs were found in the valley which lies west of the hill Pyrgi (Stampolidis 2004a, 143, Fig. 36). they were used for multiple burials and they belong to the same type as the 7th and 8th c. tombs in the “lower city” (Sector i) and the Pyrgi hilltop (Sector ii).

As no graves from the 4th to the first half of the 6th c. were found inside the borders of the excavated area of the early Byzantine city, we may suggest that during this early period the inhabitants of eleutherna used the extended roman and late roman necropolis located outside the city, on hillsides flanking the main road leading from the ne and nW, i.e. from the sea, to the city of eleutherna. it is noteworthy that many of the graves of this necropolis were transformed into christian chapels, which the locals still visit today (Stampolidis 2004a, 140).

Mani, cemetery at teganiAn extensive cemetery has been excavated in Mani, south Peloponnese (drandakis 1977; drandakis,

Gioles, Konstantinidi 1978; 1979; drandakis, Gioles 1980; 1981; 1983). the graves were found in the interior of a three-aisled basilica, which was tentatively dated to the 7th c. (drandakis, Gioles, Konstantinidi 1979, 219; Gioles 2008-2009, 68). the grave pits occupied the main aisle, the south aisle and the narthex of the church. they were mostly oriented east-west, although some were oriented north-south for reasons of space economy. in the 12th c., long after the three-aisled basilica had been destroyed, its main aisle was re-built into a new, single-aisled basilica. inscriptions of the 12th c., found in the later basilica, indicate the presence of military officials, who perhaps were in charge of the neighbouring fort (drandakis, Gioles, Konstantinidi 1978, 190-191; Gioles 2008-2009, 70-73).

Most graves contained bones of more than one deceased, preserved in bad condition. A glass unguentarium had been often placed next to the skull, or sometimes in the middle of the grave. remains of charcoal may give evidence for the custom of incense burning in the grave during the funeral. Most of the deceased were buried with their clothes and jewellery, as metallic finds attest: rings and ear-rings made of bronze and silver, with elaborate decoration, but also plain ones, bronze buckles and some pendant crosses were recovered (drandakis, Gioles 1980; 1981; 1983). the excavators dated the finds of the graves to the 6th-7th c., based on comparative material from Sicily (itself dated on the basis of coins of tiberius and Maurice: orsi 1910, 78; these coins, however, should be regarded as a terminus post quem), corinth (davidson 1952) and other sites. Gioles (2008-2009, 62-68) recently argued for a chronology of all finds to the 5th-6th c.

ever since the publication of the excavation report of tegani, new parallel finds from dated contexts have appeared. Presentation of some of these should only be understood as a potential addition to the extremely useful reports and meticulous research of the excavators. these parallels suggest that the chronology of the tegani finds may extend into the 7th and 8th c., while some of the finds may be dated even later.

Belt buckles of “corinth” type (drandakis, Gioles 1980, 256, Pl. 149:ε; 1981, 250-1, Pl. 182:γ) in Aegean sites have recently been dated from the late 7th to the early 9th c. (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2005, 699; Gerogiorgi 2002, 392, no. 480; Koutsikou 2002, 392, no. 481). Belt buckles of a simple rectangular shape, with the two long sides indented (drandakis, Gioles 1980, 255-6, Pl. 149:δ) have been found in a 7th c. context in eleutherna (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2004b, 234, 246, no. 13, Fig. 13) and in contexts which range from the 5th to the 10th c. in central and east europe (vida, völling 2000, 36, 77). Silver earrings of a circular shape, with small elaborate circles attached at the bottom part (drandakis, Gioles 1980, 253, no. 2, Pl. 148:ä, from Grave no. 10), have been found in Agia triada in elis (vikatou 2002, 253, Fig. 20, found in 7th-8th c. context), Akraiphnio in Boeotia (Koilakou 1997, 128, Pl. 60:b; 1998, 108, Pl. 60:a [found in graves which belong to a Middle Byzantine cemetery]), and corinth (davidson 1952, no. 2036 [6th-7th c. context], no. 2038 [10th-12th c. context], no. 2039 [1st half of 11th c.], no. 2043 [10th c. context]). Bronze earrings with granulated decoration attached on the bottom part (drandakis, Gioles 1981, 249, Fig. 182:ä, from Grave no. 32) have been found in thessaloniki in a golden version, as part of a treasure, along with a pair of enamel-decorated bracelets, or wrist cuffs, of the later 9th-early 10th c. (Pelekanides 1959, 57, Pl. 23); and at Milea, nW thessaly (Kougioumtzoglou

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2010, 552, Fig. 10, 12; found in a context of ca. 9th c.; see below). A ring disc with enamel decoration of a bird, found at tegani (drandakis, Gioles 1981, 250, Pl. 181:â; Gioles 2008-2009, 63, Pl. iii:1) can be paralleled with the decoration of the two enamel-decorated bracelets of thessaloniki, mentioned above (for their dating in the later 9th or early 10th c. see Glory of Byzantium, 243, no. 165), as well as with enamel plaques of a necklace which belongs to the Preslav treasure, of similar date (Alchermes 1997, 333-334, no. 227)18. Finally, glass vessels similar to the ones from tegani (Gioles 2008-2009, Pl. iii:3a) have been found in 7th-c. graves in Athens (Alexandri 1973, 32f., Pl. 24:a; dated by a coin of Heraclius of 614/5) and Attica (Kotzias 1952, 125, Fig. 22; tzavella 2010, 656)18a.

the concentration of a large number of belt buckles and pendant crosses in the graves of this cemetery suggests a prominent role or function of the deceased. this interpretation is strengthened by the discovery, in Grave no. 25, of a single female burial, which was carefully covered with a stone slab which partitions the tomb into two layers, so that the tomb could house later burials in its upper space. A pair of golden earrings, a corinth-type buckle, and two glass unguentaria accompanied the single female burial (drandakis, Gioles 1980, 250, 252, 256, Fig. 148:β-γ-ε; 149:ε). the valuable jewellery, combined with the “protection” of this burial from contact with later ones, attests to a special significance attributed to the deceased.

olympiaolympia’s “Slavic” cremation cemetery fills a major void as the only unquestionable archaeological

evidence for the settlement of a non-Greek “Great Migration” group within southern Greece during the dark Age19.

While isolated inhumation burials presenting characteristics associated with various migratory group mortuary practices, such as the deposition of weapons, iron strike-a-lights with flints, and distinctive forms of bow fibulae, have been excavated at several Greek sites including corinth and nea Anchialos, these cases may represent only the presence of individuals or small groups within Greek communities (for potential archaeological evidence of migratory groups in Greece see generally vida, völling 2000, 11-40; Anagnostakis, Poulou-Papadimitriou 1997; see also curta 2005). Service by members of migratory groups within the Byzantine military could provide an explanation for some burials, although it is by no means the only possibility; at large centers in particular economic opportunities may have attracted a broad range of individuals from various points of origin.

in contrast, olympia’s 32 graves, excavated within a limited area that must belong to a larger cemetery, contrast sharply with Byzantine tradition in both the practice of cremation and accompanying finds and speak to the presence of a settled migratory community. the cemetery, located some 500 m north of olympia’s central area (which remained in use into the early Byzantine period) and close to the modern course of the Kladeos river, was discovered by chance during the construction of a new museum. All but one grave included at least one hand- or wheel-made ceramic vessel (usually employed as a container for the remains of the dead but sometimes deposited as an additional grave good or as an item alongside the cremated remains within a pit; cf. Fig. 9:1), and half of all burials received other objects including jewellery and clothing accessories, torcs, knives, and an iron strike-a-light (Fig. 9:2). the pottery and glass beads allow a time span from the mid-7th to late 8th centuries to be placed upon the excavated portion of the cemetery, offering rare examples of secure 8th c. contexts. the general identification of this migratory group as Slavic is based primarily on the practice of cremation, the burial format associated with numerous early Mediaeval cemeteries in central and eastern europe that have traditionally received a Slavic designation, and is supported by texts referring to a Slavic

18 the excavators dated the ring to the 6th c. based on its comparison with Wessel 1967, no. 3; the manufacture technique of the latter is, however, different, and not as advanced as the enamel decoration on the tegani ring. recently, Gioles (2008-2009, 63f.) remarked on the similarity of this ring with the thessaloniki bracelets, but insisted on its chronology in the 6th c., based on the argument that the grave where the ring was found underlies the church, which he dates to the 7th c. More information is needed, however, both for the chronology of the church to the 7th c., and for its stratigraphic co-relation with the grave.

19 the major study of olympia’s cemetery is vida, völling’s 2000 comprehensive monograph; see also review of curta 2002. the cemetery initially appeared in two excavation reports (yalouris 1960; 1961-1962), where it received a late 6th c. date. nestor (1969) first suggested a date in the second half of the seventh century based on Avar parallels. this latter chronology was accepted by most subsequent studies (notably vryonis 1992, and Anagnostakis, Poulou-Papadimitriou 1997, which offers a broad discussion of handmade pottery and the Slavic question in the Peloponnese) until vida, völling’s work, which demonstrates a continuation of mortuary activity into the 8th c.

18a Katsougiannopoulou (2001) argues for a date of some of these finds, esp. belt buckles, in the 7th c.

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presence in the Peloponnese in the 8th and early 9th centuries (dAi, 49-50, p. 228-245; theophanes, 6291 [798/799], p. 651-652; Vita Willibaldi…, p. 93)20. While it is impossible to identify a specific geographical or cultural origin for those buried at olympia, the graves find some of their closest parallels in the many cremation or bi-ritual cemeteries of the 7th and 8th centuries in the lower danube region that are considered to be of Slavic or mixed ethnicity (for a comprehensive analysis of the lower danube cemeteries see Fiedler 1992).

Agia triada, elisAt the site of Agia triada, in western Peloponnese, an extended cemetery dated from the 7th to the 8th c.

was found (vikatou 2002; cf. Fig. 4:2). it consists of fifty graves of the simple pit or cist type. it is noteworthy that they were dug on the dromos, or entranceway, of Mycenaean tombs which existed in the area. Although no church has been found in this area, the excavators suggest that this cemetery belonged to the destroyed village of Boukouvina or Palaioboukouvina, located nearby (vikatou 2002, 239-240).

All graves were oriented e-W, and the cist ones were covered with schist plaques. Most graves contained burials preserved in a good condition, but only five of them contained burial finds. it is remarkable that the same type of burial finds were found both in pit and cist graves. this leads us to conclude that the locals simultaneously used cist and pit graves. iron knives and rings (Fig. 10:1), bronze and iron earrings (Fig. 10:2), glass beads (Fig. 10:3) and two wheel-made vessels (Fig. 11:1-2) were found in the tombs (vikatou 2002, 242-248, Fig. 13, 15, 17-22).

in the surface layer three hand-made vessels were found (Fig. 12:1-2). these clay pots, dated to the 7th-8th (or even the 9th) c., were not found in the graves, but probably lay on the schist plaques which covered them (vikatou 2002, 248-252, Fig. 12, 14, 16; Poulou-Papadimitriou 2000, 35, Fig. 1).

the material studied from the Agia triada cemetery allows us to arrive at the following conclusions. the site was used as a cemetery for a period which may extend from the 7th to the 8th c.; this chronology is attested by the burial finds, most of which are dated to the 7th-8th c.

the orientation of the graves from east to west and the practice of inhumation at Agia triada possibly attest to the religious identity of the deceased. Moreover, there is a variety of burial finds: iron knives and rings, bronze and iron earrings, as well as wheel-made vessels were found in the graves. on the other hand, three handmade vessels were found on top of tombs. it is noteworthy that no cremations were found in the Agia triada cemetery; therefore, we can note that the handmade vessels from Agia triada had a use totally different from that of the ash-bearing vessels from olympia.

these burial finds allow various possible interpretations for the identity of the deceased. Some of the finds, e.g. the knives, may suggest tribes of a different identity than the local population. Some others, i.e. wheel-made vessels, bronze and iron earrings, are common as burial finds in Byzantine graves. Moreover, the discovery of handmade vessels on the surface above three graves is a funerary ritual rarely attested in cemeteries of the Greek areas during this period. the only so far known parallel is a cemetery at neochoropoulo, ionannina (vokotopoulou 1967, 343).

the burial customs observed at Agia triada may therefore be attributed to different ethnic groups, or may result from a different cultural environment, or alternatively may represent the adoption of foreign customs by local inhabitants of the area.

north-west thessaly, cemetery at Milea

the site is located 25 km north of the modern town of elassona, west of Mount olympus, on a natural route which leads from the plain of thessaly to south-west Macedonia. An early christian basilica with multiple annexes was excavated; its eastern part was transformed into a smaller church during the Middle Byzantine period (deriziotes, Kougioumtzoglou 2004, 70f.; 2005, 143-146; Kougioumtzoglou 2010, 552). 1037 coins of the 11th and 12th c. were collected from the spaces of the later basilica, and show its use until this period.

the area surrounding the basilicas of both phases was used as a cemetery from the Middle Byzantine to the ottoman period, while only a few early Byzantine graves were found scattered around the earlier basilica. the majority of the graves belong to the Middle Byzantine period (177 graves) and contain numerous items

20 According to the controversial so-called chronicle of Monemvasia only the eastern part of the Peloponnesos was free from “Slavonic” control, while Avars, and not Slavs, are named as the ruthless settlers of the central and western Peloponnesos; see Chronicle of Monemvasia, p. 10, 55-57; full discussion: turlej 2001, 45f., 58f., 125f.

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of jewellery. two half tetartera of Manuel comnenus i (1143-1180) were found in the interior of two graves which were both located inside the Middle Byzantine basilica; these provide a terminus ante quem for its disuse (deriziotes, Kougioumtzoglou 2005, 147).

the cemetery has not yet been published in detail, and the excavators make clear that further study of the burial finds is awaited. However, they single out a distinctive group of graves which bears particular interest for our present study. these are pit graves, dug in the southwest part of the basilica. the excavators point out that their construction manner and their burial finds are different from the tombs which can be dated with certainty to the later part of the Middle Byzantine period (11th-12th c.); they are also dug at a lower stratigraphic level than the 11th-12th c. graves. Five graves of this distinctive group, along with their burial finds, were recently presented in more detail (Kougioumtzoglou 2010, 552-3). the excavator believes that the graves and the clay vessels found in their interior belong to the end of the early Byzantine period, while the rings and earrings date to a significantly later period (Kougioumtzoglou 2010, 552). our research on these types of burial finds provided some chronological results, which we would like to present here, and which should be understood only as a tentative addition to the excavator’s meticulous study.

Grave no. 87 contained a female burial with two pairs of bronze earrings, four bronze rings with an incised star, necklace beads and a trefoil mouth jug which had been placed near the lower legs of the deceased (Fig. 13:1). the first pair of earrings, with granulated decoration, finds its parallels in tegani (Grave no. 32, see above) and thessaloniki (Pelekanides 1959, 57, Pl. 23), while the rings find numerous parallels in corinth. of special interest is the second pair of earrings, of half-moon shape with elaborate decoration and two small conical pendants. this type of earrings finds a close parallel of the 9th c. at zalakomár, Kehida, Söjtör (Hungary; Szőke 2011, Fig. 5:bottom row [second from left]). Similar parallels in 9th-c. graves have been found at Mosaburg/zalavár, lower Pannonia, Hungary (Szőke 2003, 313, Fig. 58 [pendants]; 316, Fig. 62 [earrings]; Szőke 2007, 412, Fig. 1:2;1:9) and Staré Město, Moravia, czech republic, in early 10th-c. contexts (chorvátová 2004, Pl. 1, 4).

Grave no. 88 had a male burial accompanied with a roundmouth jug, a bronze ring and an unidentified bronze coin (Fig. 13:2). Grave no. 89 contained a male and a female burial. Six silver earrings, of the same types as the ones from Grave no. 87, were uncovered under the female skeleton, while an iron knife was found under the male pelvis (Fig. 14:1). A small clay handmade jar was found near the leg bones. the interment of the deceased with his knife, which probably hung from a leather belt around his pelvis (Szőke 2003, 314) parallels the knives found in Graves no. 3 and no. 15 in the Agia triada cemetery, discussed above.

Grave no. 111 contained a trefoil mouth jug near the leg bones, an iron knife, a bronze ring and two silver earrings with grape-shaped decoration (Fig. 14:2). these earrings find parallels in 9th-c. graves at Mosaburg/zalavár, Hungary (Szőke 2003, 313, Fig. 58; 316, Fig. 62; Szőke 2007, 412, Fig. 1:3-5) and in late 9th-early 10th c. graves at at Staré Město, Moravia, czech republic (chorvátová 2004, Pl. 1, 5).

Similarly, grave no. 113 contained a trefoil mouth jug, a bronze ring and an iron knife near the pelvis (Fig. 14:3). the position of these finds recalls Grave 15 of the Agia triada cemetery. the trefoil mouth jug, with vertical gouged lines, is paralleled with a jug found in a workshop in thebes, the use of which is dated by coins between the late 9th and the late 10th c. (Koilakou 1995, 80, Fig. 15).

A large number of stewpots and dishes was recovered during the excavation. these appear to post-date the early Byzantine period.

the earring types discovered at Milea, as well as in its neighbouring cemetery of Azoros (deriziotes, Kougioumtzoglou 2004, 64-69; 2005, 140f.; Kougioumtzoglou 2010, 549-551; some finds published by Kougioumtzoglou 2002, 427-429, 434-436) find their parallels in numerous sites of the Balkans; in Hungary, Moravia (czech republic; see above), in Albania (dukat, vlora: Bodinaku 2001-2002, 69f., Pl. 12-13, 21 [9th-10th c. context]), Serbia and croatia (numerous references in deriziotes, Kougioumtzoglou 2005, 141, Footnote 57), Bulgaria, and elsewhere. they are considered as jewellery products of Byzantine manufacture, and are found in graves which belong to members of the local elite (Szőke 2008, 43ff.). their presence in the Milea cemetery should probably be interpreted in similar terms. Moreover, the occurrence of a knife in at least two male burials (89 and 113), a non-indigenous custom, might attest to a mingling of burial habits, or a mixture of populations.

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fig. 4. location of selected “dark age” cemeteries. 1 – athens, nomos attikis, Greece; map based on J. travlos (1960, pl. vii); 2 – agia triada, nomos eleias, Greece;

after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 3); 3 – eleutherna, nomos rethymnis, crete, Greece. sector i: Basilica and graves; after p. themelis (2004a, fig. 34); 4 – eleutherna, nomos rethymnis, crete, Greece; after n. stampolidis (2004b, 19, fig. 3).

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fig. 5. Belt buckles and vessels from “dark age” cemeteries. 1 – athens, nomos attikis, Greece. Belt buckles from the cemetery of st dionysius the areopagite. courtesy of american

school of classical studies at athens: agora excavations; 2-3 – samos, nomos samou, Greece. pythagoreion, episcopal complex. finds from Grave 1; after W. martini, c. steckner (1993, pl. 14-15).

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fig. 6. eleutherna, nomos rethymnis, crete, Greece. form of the graves. cist graves of the “dark age” period.1 – Grave no. 6; 2 – Grave no. 7; 3 – Grave no 12a; after a. yangaki (2004a, fig. 18-19, 35).

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Fig. 7. Eleutherna, Nomos Rethymnis, Crete, Greece. “Dark Age” graves. Grave finds. 1-2 – Grave no. 47a, clay vessels; after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2004a, fig. 7-8); 3 – Grave no. 7a, glass vessel; after a. yangaki (2004a, fig. 25); 4 – clay vessel with glaze in its bottom; after a. yangaki (2004c, 300, no. 409).

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Fig. 8. Eleutherna, Nomos Rethymnis, Crete, Greece. “Dark Age” graves. Grave finds.1 – Grave no. 49, gold amulet; after a. yangaki (2004b, fig. 2-3); 2 – Grave no. 18, belt buckle;

after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2004b, fig. 6); 3 – Grave no. 37, belt buckle; after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2004a, fig. 3).

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Fig. 9. Olympia, Nomos Eleias, Greece. “Dark Age” graves. Grave finds.1 – Grave no. 4, handmade pot (second half of the 7th c.); photo by e.m. czakó, deutsches archäologisches institut/athen. Neg. No. D-DAI-ATH-Olympia 5076. All rights reserved; 2 – Selection of small finds from Olympia’s Dark Age cemetery;

photo by eva-maria czakó, deutsches archäologisches institut/athen, neg. no. d-dai-ath-olympia 5083. all rights reserved (no scale).

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Fig. 10. Agia Triada, Peloponnese, Greece. “Dark Age” graves. Grave finds.1 – iron knives: (a) m 2187, from Grave no. 15; (b) m 2181, from Grave no. 3; after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 17);

2 – Bronze earrings: (a) m 2180, from Grave no. 3; (b) m 2186, from Grave no. 14; after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 20); 3 – Necklace beads (Δ 395) from Grave No. 15; after O. Vikatou (2002, Fig. 22).

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fig. 11. agia triada, nomos eleias, Greece. “Dark Age” graves. Grave finds.

1 – Grave No. 15, trefoil mouth jug (Π 4348); after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 13); 2 – Grave no. 3,

one-handled cup (Π 4280); after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 15).

Fig. 12. Agia Triada, Nomos Eleias, Greece. Handmade one-handled vessel (Π 6216) from surface layer.1 – Handmade one-handled vessel (Π 6216) from surface layer; after N. Poulou-Papadimitriou (2000, Fig. 1 [Photo]) and after O. Vikatou (2002, Fig. 14 [drawing]); 2 – Handmade jar (Π 7166); Photo – Z’ Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical

antiquities, drawing after o. vikatou (2002, fig. 16).

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Fig. 13. Milea, Nomos Larissas, Greece. Grave finds.1 – Grave no. 87; 2. Grave no. 88; after s. Kougioumtzoglou (2010, fig. 10-11).

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Fig. 14. Milea, Nomos Larissas, Greece. Grave finds.1 – Grave no. 89; 2 – Grave no. 111; 3 – Grave no. 113; after s. Kougioumtzoglou (2010, fig. 12-14).

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middle Byzantine period (10th-12th c.)Burial objects of the Middle Byzantine period do not occur often, but their occasional discovery suggests

that funerary practices of the “dark Age” continue. A rare discovery, and exceptionally detailed publication, is the one of the Parapotamos cemetery in epirus (north-west Greece). this cemetery, dated by coins to the 11th c., offers evidence for single burials, accompanied only by jewellery.

Many of the burial finds of this period, such as crosses and small icons, have an apotropaic use. it is noteworthy that during this period clay sherds with the inscription ic XP ni KA and a cross incised on their surface are for the first time attested near the mouth or the hand of the deceased (ierissos). this kind of burial find, attested in a few cases during the excavation of Middle Byzantine cemeteries, becomes more common during the late Byzantine period. Although it is difficult, in some cases, to date the tombs as no coins are found during the excavation, it seems that this custom continues during the 16th c. the same custom is attested in Post-Byzantine graves in three churches on the island of Paros (orlandos 1960, 256; laskaris 2000, 93, no. 149). Burial customs of the period in question are presented using as case studies cemeteries at ierissos, Parapotamos, Herakleion (map of ierissos, Parapotamos, cf. Fig. 15)

ierissos (chalkidiki, central Macedonia)during the Middle Byzantine period graves were often placed in ruined early Byzantine churches that

were either abandoned or replaced by churches of a smaller size. one such case is the cemetery in ierissos of the chalkidiki peninsula, dating to the 10th and 11th c.; 282 graves were found in the interior of the ruined 6th-c. basilica (Papaggelos 1988, 78-79; Papaggelos, doukas 2008; tsanana, dogkas 2010; cf. Fig. 15:1). they occupied the main aisle, the north and the south aisle, the narthex and the atrium of the basilica. Some of them were uncovered in the area outside the church. they mostly belong to the cist type, although some pit graves also exist – and their roofing consisted of schist plaques. Most graves contained bones of more than one deceased; glass unguentaria, jewellery and two small pendant crosses were found. in a few cases, a broken tile with a cross and the inscription ic XP ni KA incised on its surface had been placed in the grave. this is one of the earliest cemeteries where this interesting feature appears.

twenty graves were covered with earth, and their upper surface was decorated with bricks set vertically and forming a cross. this is an unusual way to cover the grave, and according to the excavators this feature was observed in the earliest graves, as most of them were later partially destroyed by the schist covered ones (tsanana, dogkas 2010).

Parapotamos (north-west epirus)the site is located 14 km northeast of the modern city of igoumenitsa, in the valley of the river Kalamas

(ancient thyamis). eighty-eight graves, Middle Byzantine in their majority, were excavated in a large tumulus (diam. 50 m) of unknown date (Preka 1992-3; cf. Fig. 15:2). Four of the graves (nos. 12, 39, 43, 81) are of Hellenistic date, while three (nos. 67, 69 and 76) are possibly roman.

the graves have a coherent east-west orientation, and were found in the same stratigraphic layer (layer 2), with the exception of six graves (nos. 20, 34, 49, 61-63), which were found in the immediately overlying layer. Most Byzantine graves belong to the cist type. they have a rectangular shape, which often becomes narrower in the eastern half, or a trapezoid shape. their floor is coated with pebbles. After their covering with stone slabs, they are covered up with large pebbles. Some of the graves (e.g. nos. 33, 41) are circumscribed by a circuit made of large pebbles.

Most graves house single burials. the deceased lies facing east, with the head placed on one or two stones as a pillow, the lower legs joined, and the hands on the chest or the abdomen. in three cases, the deceased lies on his/her left side. Bronze nails which were found in many of the graves, as well as rare traces of wood, hint to the use of a coffin for some of the burials (nos. 33, 46). in a few cases, the skull of an earlier deceased had been pushed towards the east or the south end of the tomb to make room for a second burial (Preka 1992-3, 197f.). Grave no. 76, built in the roman period, was later used both as a tomb for a single primary burial, as well as an ossuary.

three of the graves contained coins, all of which have been identified as anonymous Byzantine folleis. especially important for the chronology of the cemetery is Grave no. 31, which contained two anonymous

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folleis (class A var.40, coin dated to 976-1030/35 and class c, coin dated to 1042-1050), one of which had been placed in the hand of the female deceased. it also contained a pair of bronze circular earrings with wrapped fine wire, interrupted by three bi-conical beads (Fig. 16:2:a), a type which occurs in some of the other graves (nos. 18, 63, 72, 74, 86), and which has been dated to the 11th-12th c. (Preka 1992-3, 203 and Footnote 51); also a silver ring with elaborate decoration (Fig. 16:1:a; 17:2:a) and a bronze ring (Fig. 16:1:n). the location of the grave in the second stratigraphic layer, in which most graves had been opened, combined with the evidence of the coins and the earrings with bi-conical beads, provide a chronological horizon for the majority of the graves of the tumulus.

Graves no. 19 and 38 each contained one follis of class B, dated between 1030/35-1042, and no jewellery or other finds.

jewellery finds were recovered from thirty graves, while ceramic finds are almost absent. the most common jewellery find is earrings, mainly of the plain ring type, but also of decorated types. A selection of graves which contained decorated types of jewellery is presented here: Grave no. 6 contained a pair of silver earrings (prependoulia) of a basket-shaped type, with granulated decoration (Fig. 16:1:b), two bracelets (Fig. 16:1:c) and a ring (Fig. 16:1:d). Grave no. 18 contained two bronze circular earrings wrapped with fine wire, which is interrupted by three bi-conical bronze beads (Fig. 16:1:i-j). Grave 33 contained two silver wrist cuffs (bracelets) with incised decoration (Fig. 17:2:b-c), a pair of golden earrings decorated with three spheres made of filigrated wire (Fig. 16:2:b), and a pair of silver earrings decorated with knots made of fine wire (Fig. 16:2:c).

the remaining tombs were dated to the late 10th-11th c. (Preka 1992-3, 207; for other finds see Fig. 17:1, 3), based on the similarity of their construction technique with the graves which were dated by coins. the tombs of the first stratigraphic level were dated slightly after the beginning of the 11th c. by the excavator.

Herakleion (crete)immediately after the Byzantine victory against the Arabs on the island of crete (Ad 961), a cemetery

was organized near the maritime wall of the city of chandax, today Herakleio, not too far from the Byzantine port. its excavator has distinguished two distinct phases of use: the first one dated to the second half of the 10th/11th c., and the second to the 11th/12th c. (Starida 2003, 717).

Some of the graves of the first phase were just pits separated from each other by rows of small stones. this feature probably indicates hasty burials (due to an epidemic?). the deceased were buried with their clothes, jewellery and belts. Among them some very interesting burial finds were uncovered: a bronze ring with the representation of a military saint (Fig. 18:1; Poulou-Papadimitriou 2008, 171, Fig. 25; for bronze rings with incised decoration but of a lower quality see Antonaras 2001, 84, Fig. 98), a unique bronze belt (Fig. 18:2; cf. Poulou-Papadimitriou 2008, 171-172, Fig. 26) and a reliquary cross (Fig. 18:3; Poulou-Papadimitriou 2008, 170-171, Fig. 24; for analogous bronze crosses see Pitarakis 2000, 308-312, no. 23-25) are the most impressive burial finds, dated from the late 10th/11th c.

409


fig. 15. plans of selected middle Byzantine cemeteries. 1 – ierissos, nomos chalkidikis, Greece; after a. tsanana, th. dogkas (2010); 2 – parapotamos, nomos thesprotias, Greece; after K. preka (1992-93, fig. 1).

410


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411


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412


Fig. 18. Herakleion, Nomos Herakleiou, Greece. Middle Byzantine period – Grave finds. 1 – Bronze ring with engraved decoration of a military saint; after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2008, fig. 25);

2 – Bronze belt; after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2008, fig. 26); 3 – reliquary cross; after n. poulou-papadimitriou (2008, fig. 24).

413


late Byzantine period (13th-mid 15th century)Graves of the late Byzantine period are organized in urban cemeteries, around or inside parish or

monastery churches (Makropoulou 2006, 7), or in many cases in ruined ancient sites. in Mystra (S Peloponnese), the vast majority of graves are located in or around the small, mostly

private, chapels (Arvanitopoulos 2008, 107). Burial customs of the Middle Byzantine period continue into the 13th-15th c. Graves still have an e-W orientation, and are constructed in the same manners as before. Multiple burials, or graves which were later used as ossuaries, are still common. Moreover, in Arta, in the island of Skopelos as well as in Praisos and in Petras in crete, Μiddle and late Byzantine cemeteries are organized in the areas of ruined ancient buildings (Arta: vokotopoulou 1975, 211; laskaris 2000, 118, no. 226a1; Skopelos: Sampson 1968, 166; laskaris 2000, 214, no. 385; Praisos: Platon 1960, 297, 299; laskaris 2000, 261, no. 482b).

A new burial custom is the placement of open vessels into the grave (Makropoulou 1985, Fig. 4) – unlike the eB habit of placing closed vessels, jugs or pitchers. this custom appears in a high number of cemeteries in thessaloniki21; although it is not particularly common elsewhere, it occurs occasionally, as in Petras (crete) and cyprus (du Plat taylor 1938). the precise method of use of open cups during the funeral is uncertain. these are placed into the grave after the funeral, often upside down, normally on the grave floor and along the sides of the corpse; some of these vessels were also found in a broken state, which means that they were broken just at the end of the funeral and their sherds were placed into the grave (Makropoulou 1985, 260, 291, no. 21; Makropoulou 2006, 10). often these vessels are glazed and bear decoration of high quality (vavylopoulou-charitonidou 1989).

Petras (Siteia, east crete)the custom of placing a sherd or tile incised with a cross in the grave appears in a further Byzantine

cemetery, that of Petras – Sitia in east crete. the cemetery was founded on the ruins of the destroyed Minoan palace of Petras (tsipopoulou 2002, 133-144). the earliest use of the cemetery dates to the late 11th or the early 12th c., based on the discovery of a complete two-handled glazed cup, painted with green and brown (Poulou-Papadimitriou 2003, 220-221, Fig. 30-31), found in the interior of Grave 8, near the hand of the deceased (a woman?; cf. Fig. 19:1)22.

the 33 cist and pit graves were covered with schist plaques or tiles. they were mostly oriented e-W, although some were oriented n-S, and each one contained bones of one deceased. the head usually lay on a stone plaque, often a stone grinder of the Minoan period.

Glazed clay and in a few cases glass vessels had been placed in eight graves; these burial finds, dating to the 13th (Fig. 19:3; for a same type of 13th-c. glazed vessels see Hayes 1992, 148, Fig. 90:3; cf. Fig. 19:4) and 14th c. (Fig. 19:2; for glazed vessels with the same profile, from graves in thessaloniki, dated to the late 13th/early 14th c., see vavylopoulou-charitonidou 1989, 212, Figs. 8, 13, 30), were placed near the hand or the mouth of the deceased as in grave no. 17 (Fig. 20:1). the fragmentary vessel of grave no. 17 is unglazed and may date to the 13th/14th c. based on its shape (Fig. 20:2). Sherds with incised crosses and apotropaic inscriptions, i.e. ic XΡ ni KA, were uncovered near the mouth or the right hand of the deceased in five graves (Fig. 20:3). Many sherds of cooking pots were found broken on top of the graves or, whenever the graves had been destroyed, inside them. these cooking pots, some of them of a large size, were used during the funeral for common meals (hence the great size of some of them), and they were probably broken after their use. one ossuary was also found containing the bones of many burials.

21 Makropoulou 1985, 294. these are the cemeteries of the vlatades Monastery, the Hippodrome Square, the tranfiguration church, the St nicolaus the orphan church, all in thessaloniki.

22 For identical cups from corinth excavations see Morgan 1942, 72, 75, no. 406, Pl. XiXb; Sanders 2001, 166.

414


Fig. 19. Petras, Nomos Lasithiou, Greece. Graves of the Late Byzantine period. Grave finds and analogy.1 – Grave no. 8. Glazed cup; photo by n. poulou-papadimitriou;

2 – Glazed cup; photo by n. poulou-papadimitriou; 3 – Glazed cup; photo by n. poulou-papadimitriou;

4 – saraçhane, constantinople. Glazed cup; after J.W. hayes (1992, fig. 90:3).

415


Fig. 20. Petras, Nomos Lasithiou, Greece. Graves of the Late Byzantine period. Form of grave and grave finds.1 – Grave no. 17; photo: archive petras; 2 – unglazed vessel from Grave no. 17; photo: archive petras;

3 – clay sherd with incised inscription; photo: archive petras.

416


conclusionsMajor changes in Greek Byzantine mortuary practices occur throughout the millennium surveyed in

this paper. in the early Byzantine period christianity makes its first mortuary appearance as evidenced by tomb painting in 3rd-4th c. northern Greece and later in the south, terra cotta lamps accompany burials across the duration while ceramic deposition peaks in the late 6th to mid-7th c., and cemetery locations, including disused urban zones and new basilica sites where small numbers of clergy constitute the first interments, begin to deviate from the Greco-roman tradition. in the dark Age tomb painting all but vanishes, the lighting of lamps ceases (but may be replaced by candles), pottery deposition is limited, new cemetery locations that arose in the early Byzantine period become the standard, and non-Greek ethnic groups reveal their presence through notably different customs. the dark Age looks forward to Middle and late Byzantine practices, in which, with certain exceptions, tombs are undecorated, pottery deposition (now with a higher percentage of open vessels) is rare, and cemeteries are sited at churches or in abandoned urban areas. Within this mortuary evolution no sharp break between periods is evident, and the changes that occur may be linked to a variety of distinct causes rather than any programmatic variation. Moreover, it is important to remember the commonalities in ritual across all periods: the body is laid in the same basic position (with some differences in arm placement) and facing east, most tomb types endure, clothing accessories and jewellery are always the exception, and trends in cemetery location that emerge in the 6th c. remain those of the 14th c.

despite the significant amount of progress, due primarily to excavation, which has been achieved over the course of the past century in understanding Byzantine burial practices, many questions persist, and new scientific advancements await their full implementation. chronology is always an issue and may find much-needed refinement through the application of radiocarbon dating via accelerator mass spectrometry to both human skeletal remains and the plaster of tomb constructions and related buildings. our knowledge of the expression of familial relationships within the mortuary sphere is basic and relies on a limited body of early Byzantine tombstones in addition to assumptions based on modern customs; dnA analysis of skeletal remains would significantly contribute to the clarification of familial relationship within individual tombs as well as across broader areas of cemeteries. Additionally, stable isotope analysis of skeletal remains offers to provide an indication of the long-distance movement of individuals and potentially larger groups as well. Finally, it must not be overlooked that much of our evidence for burial practices, especially those of the early Byzantine Period, relies on rescue excavations in modern cities built atop ancient ones and, at some of the same sites, long-term archaeological projects by universities and foreign archaeological schools seeking to uncover the places of the Greek world best remembered by history. the result is that the picture presented is very much an urban one. excavation of a broader range of sites, including minor settlements and rural locales, may confirm if some aspects of mortuary customs are confined to the city or extend throughout the countryside.

417


Резюме. Погребальный обряд византийской Греции: данные археологии и методологические проблемы их интерпретации. Распространение христианства в Византийской империи изучалось главным образом на основе христианской архитектуры и погребальных памятников. Погребальные практики на территории материковой Греции и островах Эгейского моря в ранневизантийский период (iv-vii вв.) постепенно отходили от языческих норм захоронения. Данные археологии позволяют нам наблюдать эволюцию погребальных традиций от кладбищ вне городских стен (extra muros) к городским некрополям (intra muros), расположенным преимущественно вблизи общинных церквей. Ориентация и положение тел погребенных по христианскому обряду постепенно стабилизировались, а погребальный инвентарь перестают помещать в могилы. Христианская символика прослеживается в погребенияx исключительно в виде изображений, нанесенных на стены могил и гробниц, керамических ламп или иныx предметoв, использовавшиxся в погребальной церемонии. В большинстве случаев, когда такая символика не прослеживается, установить различие между христианскими и языческими погребениями затруднительно или невозможно. В период, традиционно именуемый «темными веками» Византии (vii-iX вв.), в городах с устоявшейся христианской культурой распространяется новый стандартизированный обряд погребения. Однако очевидное преобладание данных о городском погребальном обряде над результатами исследования сельских некрополей можeт способствовать сложению не вполне объективной картины в отношении религиозных верований и погребальных практик этого времени. В настоящей статье рассматриваются материалы раскопок некоторых сельских памятников, в том числе и славянские погребения в Олимпии, для того, чтобы продемонстрировать многообразие, существовавшее в области погребального обряда. Погребальный обряд средне-византийского периода (X-Xii вв.) в значительной степени остается археологически не изучен. Для захоронений этого времени отсутствуют четкие хронологические критерии, что, в сочетании c низкой степенью опубликованности раскопанных памятников, создает определенные проблемы для понимания изменения погребальной традиции. Материалы опубликованных некрополей демонстрируют, однако, что кладбища возникали преимущественно в заброшенных в предшествующее время городских кварталах, например, на форумах римского времени. Одновременно распространяется практикa погребений внутри церквей. Обычными для этого времени находками инвентаря в погребениях оказывается керамика, украшения и монеты. Кресты и энколпионы встречаются весьма редко. Данная публикация предлагает обзор ряда хорошо документированных некрополей Византийской Греции, затрагивая вопросы их интерпретации и хронологии. Несмотря на то, что ряд выводов нуждается в дополнительной проверке, становится очевидно, что сравнительное изучение византийских материалов с археологическими данными других христианизируемых областей на территории Византии и вне ее пределов способно существенно уточнить наши знания о погребальных традициях и практиках.

418


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addresses of the authors:

Δρ. Ναταλία Πούλου-ΠαπαδημητρίουΤομέας ΑρχαιολογίαςΑριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης54124 ΘεσσαλονίκηΕΛΛΑΔΑe-mail: [email protected]

Έλλη ΤζαβέλλαΜαρκορά 6311141 Άνω ΠατήσιαΑθήναΕΛΛΑΔΑe-mail: [email protected]

jeremy j. ott MAnew york University institute of Fine Arts1 e. 78th Streetnew york, ny 10075 United StAteS oF AMericAe-mail: [email protected]

Excavation at Corinth, 1973, Hesperia, 43/1, p. 1-76.

Excavations at Corinth, the Gymnasium Area. 1965, Hesperia, 36/1, p. 13-41.Excavations at Corinth, the Gymnasium Area. 1966, Hesperia, 36/4, p. 402-428.Excavations in Corinth, the Gymnasium Area. 1967-1968, Hesperia, 38/1, p. 64-106.The Gymnasium Area at Corinth. 1969-1970, Hesperia, 41:1, p. 1-42.

Ολυμπία, ΑΔ, 16, p. 125-126.Περιοχή Ολυμπίας, ΑΔ, 17, p. 105-107.

Οι τάφοι, [in:] P. themelis (ed.), Πρωτοβυζαντινή Ελεύθερνα, Τομέας Ι, v. 1, p. 115-186.Τα χρυσά φυλακτά, [in:] P. themelis (ed.), Πρωτοβυζαντινή Ελεύθερνα, Τομέας Ι, v. 1, p. 187-192.Λήμμα Καταλόγου, Κύπελλο, [in:] n. Stampolidis (ed.), Ελεύθερνα. Πόλη-Ακρόπολη-Νεκρόπολη, Αθήνα, p. 300, no. 409.

dr natalia Poulou-Papadimitrioudepartment of Archaeology

Aristotle University of thessaloniki54124 thessaloniki

Greecee-mail: [email protected]

elli tzavella MPhilMarkora street 63

11141 Ano PatesiaAthens

Greecee-mail: [email protected]

University of Birminghamcollege of Arts and law

institute of Archaeology and AntiquityArts Building

edgbaston B15 2ttBirmingham

United KinGdoM

Burial customs in Byzantine Greece (with N. Poulou and J. Ott), in: Rome, Constantinople, and...

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