Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

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Women's Studies International Forum

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Building better communities: Gender and urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso,Havana, Cuba

Ariadna D. Fernandez a,⁎, Leonora Angeles b

a University of British Columbia, Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, BC Children's and Women's Hospitals, Room B427A, Shaughessy Building, 4500 Oak Street,Vancouver, BC V6H 3N1 Canadab University of British Columbia, School of Community and Regional Planning & Women's Studies Programme, Canada

a r t i c l e i n f o

0277-5395/$ – see front matter. Crown Copyright ©doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2009.03.006

s y n o p s i s

Available online 28 April 2009

This article seeks to develop an understanding of urban regeneration through the examinationof thework of the Taller de Transformación Integral de Cayo Hueso (TTICH), a local planning bodyin Havana, Cuba, and of the women's roles, identities and social networks within thisorganization and the community. An exploration of the community dynamics of Cayo Huesodemonstrates that gender and gender roles significantly influence the nature and focus ofcommunity regeneration. Given the central role that women continue to play in the realm ofcommunity care and regeneration, it is important to give serious consideration to gender roles,social networks and resource use in the design and implementation of urban regenerationplans and programs.

Crown Copyright © 2009 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction

In Cuba and other Latin American countries, women andmen play varied and distinct roles in their social networkingand community work. Women are often seen as the traditionalcaretakers and nurturers within their households and commu-nities, and are often mobilized to address new challengesarising from political decentralization (Feijoó, 1998; Gilbert,1998; Jaquette,1994; Jaquette &Wolchik,1998; Jaramillo, 2002;Lind,1997; Naples,1998a,b; Rowbotham& Linkogle, 2001; Safa,1995; etc.). Studying women as agents of change in urbanregenerationprocesses is important in understandinghowpoorurban communities deal with macro sociopolitical and eco-nomic changes. Urban regeneration is a comprehensive processthat aims to bring about lasting improvements in the economic,physical, social and environmental conditions of an areathrough integrated vision and action. In inner city neighbour-hoods, where infrastructure and living conditions have dete-riorated more than in other areas, the roles of women withinurban regeneration programs and processes are particularlysignificant and deserve further examination.

The successes of Integrated Neighbourhood Transforma-tion Workshops (Talleres de Transformación Integral) incontributing to urban regeneration have been recognized in

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Cuba and abroad. In 1995 and 1998 the work of Cuba inparticipatory approaches to neighbourhood regeneration wasdeemed an example of best practice by the United NationsCentre for Human Settlements (Habitat) and continues to berecognized in other areas of urban transformation (UNHabitat, 1996). The Taller in the Havana neighbourhood LaGüinera was among the fifty most successful communitydevelopment projects in the world honoured by the UnitedNations in celebration of its 50th Anniversary.1

Cayo Hueso and its Taller (TTICH) provide an excellentcase through which to review the work of local planningbodies and to study the roles of women and men (womenbeing the focus) within local regeneration initiatives, parti-cularly within the context of serious resource scarcitiesbrought about by drastic economic shifts and decreasedavailability of state resources. Therefore we reviewed thestructure and operations of the TTICH and the roles of womenin the community and within the TTICH.

Methods

A combination of qualitative and quantitative researchmethods, as well as primary and secondary sources of data,was used in this study (Fernandez, 2003). Secondary sources

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81A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

of data included documents related to urban regeneration andparticipatory policies and processes in Havana and a house-hold survey of Cayo Hueso conducted in the first quarter of2001, as part of an investigation on health and communityparticipation by the Cuban National Institute of Hygiene,Epidemiology & Microbiology and the University of Mani-toba.2 The documents were examined alongside results froma cross-tabulation of employment categories (paid versusunpaid) and gender (male versus female) from the survey.

Primary data for this study was gathered qualitativelythrough semi-structured, in-depth interviews and focus groupdiscussions with TTICH staff and female and male communitymembers inMay 2002, June2002, October 2002 and June2003.Interviewees were found using a reputational snowballsamplingprocess, and chosenbased ona defined set of criteria.3

All of the interviews and focus group interviews wereconducted, transcribed and analysed in Spanish and latertranslated into English for presentation. Interviews wereconducted with 20 women and 8 men ranging from 36 to73 years of age.4 In June 2002, two focus group sessions and onecombined workshop were conducted in addition to the inter-views.5 In June2003, onefinalworkshop in the communitywasheld. Of the 36 community members who attended, approxi-mately half were men and half were women. Participantobservationwas conducted at activities, events andmeetings inthe TTICH and the community in general during fourmonths offieldwork. Furthermore, organizational mapping of the TTICHwas completed to uncover the intricate relationships betweenthe TTICH and various government agencies and communityorganizations.

Reviewing the urban regeneration and women'smobilization literature

The urban regeneration literature and women's mobiliza-tion literature have grown independently within the largerscholarship of planning and community studies and feministstudies. Thus, they have not been adequately cross-fertilizedto inform each other's analytical frameworks. Urban regen-eration initiatives are undertaken with the involvement ofneighbourhoods and the people living in them (Meegan &Mitchell, 2001), but most studies on these initiatives do notconsider the gender implications of their research. Feministliterature on women's organizing, on the other hand,emphasises that these urban regeneration efforts would notbe possiblewithoutwomen's considerable time and resources(see Lind, 1997; Naples, 1998a,b). Community involvement iscrucial in these initiatives and as such debates around theeffectiveness of the participatory approach, including issuesaroundwho participates andwhy, have begun to be addressed(Jones, 2003).

Scholars such as Leavitt (2003) and Lind (1997) havecalled for more attention on the role of gender in communitydevelopment. Gurstein's (1996) work in a Vancouver neigh-bourhood, for example, documents the failure of communitydevelopment practices to acknowledge gender differenceseven though women's experiences and participation werecentral to the process. Likewise, Nick May's (1997) work inthe UK and developing countries criticises the lack of genderperspective in both theoretical analysis and practice ofmainstream urban regeneration work. While feminist writers

(e.g. Lind, 1997) acknowledge that women play a crucial rolein social reproduction and in urban change, mainstreamwritings on women and urban change have yet to system-atically apply gender analysis to the urban regenerationprocess. Given that gender creates differences in needs andparticipation levels, gender should be carefully consideredwhen developing and designing planning strategies forcommunity involvement.

However, gender role expectations, particularly the ideali-zation of women as mothers and homemakers, perpetuate thegendered divisions of labour, leadership roles, and resourceaccess and use (Jaramillo, 2002). These gendered divisions arealso evident in the political realm, as women's involvement inthe public sphere is often tied to family welfare issues andmatters stereotypically defined as feminine or appropriate towomen's maternal roles (Jaramillo, 2002). These traditionalroles do not necessarily impede the ability of women toinstigate change, particularly at the community level. Combin-ing traditional female roles and revolutionary actions forpolitical change to benefit their families and communities iswhat Naples (1998a,b) calls “activist mothering”. Severalscholars have acknowledged that within Latin America a newkind of feminism has emerged, one that embraces women asmothers andmobilizes them tomakedemands asmothers. Thisfeminism effectively pulls mothers away from the privatesphere of family and thrusts them into the forefront ofcommunity organizations (Feijoó,1998; Gilbert,1998; Jaquette,1994; Jaquette & Wolchik, 1998; Safa, 1995). The neighbour-hood is an extension of home for regeneration and other socialpurposes (Forrest&Kearne, 2001) and is “themosteffective sitefor effecting change” (Naples, 1998a, p.136). Therefore, it isnecessary to incorporate integrative gender interventions thatare sensitive to this unique “female position” and are groundedin the commonalities and values associatedwithwomen's livesand experiences in the work of reproduction.

The Cuban context: urban planning in Cayo Hueso

The challenges inherent in neighbourhood change inHavana and Cayo Hueso are deeply rooted in the history ofthe place (Perez,1991; Vazquez,1990). Cayo Hueso is one of theoldest municipalities in Havana (Vazquez, 1990). Urbanized asearly as 1880, Cayo Hueso was officially registered as part ofHavana by 1912 (Diaz Gutierrez, 2001). The population of thearea grew substantially between 1919 and 1943. Despiteattempts to slow Havana's growth following the 1959 Revolu-tion, populationdensity in its central districts actually increasedover this same period, leading to the unregulated constructionof improvised lofts and attics within existing homes andstructures. At the same time, formal housing constructiondecreased; however, no coercive measures were used toprevent migration. Centro Habana currently has the highestpopulation density in the country, with approximately 170,000inhabitants in an area of 3.5 km2. The Popular Council of CayoHueso occupies 0.83 km2 in the northwest area of themunicipality. In 1995, thepopulation densitywas46,016peopleper km2, representing 38,193 inhabitants (Yassi et al., 2003).Physical deterioration, exacerbated by the increased populationdensity, was further accelerated due to lack of routinemaintenance, especially of streets and buildings that neededrepair andpainting (Scarpaci, Segre, &Coyula, 2002).Despite its

Fig. 1. Organizational map of the TTICH.

82 A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

deteriorated conditions the central government deemed it veryimportant for Cuba to protect the heritage sites and culturaltraditions of Cayo Hueso for future generations. This hasinfluenced the decision to use Cayo Hueso as an example forremodelling and conservation in different periods (Scarpaci etal., 2002; Vazquez, 1990).

In 1971, the Plan de Remodelación de Cayo Hueso (CayoHueso Remodelling Plan) was initiated to address persistentproblems with infrastructure and services, mainly through theconstruction of new housing and the demolition of tenements(Coyula, Uggen, & Angotti, 1996). The Plan de Remodelaciónwaseventually abandoned and it was not until 1987, with theestablishment of the Group for the Integrated Development ofthe Capital (Group para el Desarollo Integral de la Capital –GDIC)that there was a shift in policy from containment of urbangrowth to reversing the decline of conditions in the capital(Chappotin, 1998).6 The establishment of the GDIC and theTalleres sought to place a greater emphasis on communityparticipation. The organizational map of the TTICH shown inFig. 1 demonstrates this more collaborative approach, andshows the dense linkages between institutions, the TTICH andthe community. The establishment of the TTICH in May 1998

indicated a renewed commitment to revitalize the Cayo Huesoneighbourhood.

Women, economic and political change in Cuba

The Cuban Revolution promised many social and politicalchanges in the country. One of its objectives was to ensurewomen's equal status to men in educational, social, economic,cultural, and political pursuits (Catasus-Cervera & Gantt, 1996).Althoughwomen's rights and equality were not formally a partof the Cuban revolution,womenwere involved in revolutionaryreform. The Federation of CubanWomen (Federación deMujeresCubanas – FMC) was created to organize the participation ofwomen in the revolution's pursuit of sovereignty, economicdevelopment, and social justice and to elevate the ideological,political, cultural and scientific level ofwomen in Cuba (Lutjens,1995). The 1970s were known as the “decade of institutiona-lization” (Roque, 1999). Important legal statutes substantiallyimproved the position of women in Cuban society, the mostsignificant of these being the Family Code. This Code outlinedthe roles of both the mother and father in the home and calledfor the equal distribution of domestic labour (e.g., child care)

Table 1Percentage of women's share of power in Latin America and the Caribbean in1996.

Antigua and Barbuda 26.7Argentina 5.2Bahamas 30.3Belize 6.0Bolivia 7.3Brazil 13.7Chile 10.3Colombia 20.5Costa Rica 27.2Cuba 9.1Dominican Republic 9.8Dominica 25.0Ecuador 3.4El Salvador 26.8Grenada 22.5Guatemala 16.7Guyana 14.6Haiti 22.2Honduras 14.1Jamaica 14.3Mexico 7.5Nicaragua 17.4Panama 9.4Paraguay 4.3Peru 13.2Saint Kitts and Nevis 16.7Saint Lucia 5.0Saint Vincent and Grenadines 19.2Suriname 11.3Trinidad and Tobago 13.8Uruguay 13.7Venezuela 14.5Median 14.0Average 14.7

Source: Fact Sheet on Women in Government as of January 1996, see http://www.un.org/womenwatch/claw/public/percent.htm. Data compiled by theDivision for the Advancement of Women, United Nations, based on January1996 information from the Worldwide Government Directory 1996,Bethesda, Maryland, U.S.A.

83A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

between parents. The laws also institutionalized equalitybetween men and women in the workplace, protected therights of mothers in pregnancy and childcare, and protectedwomenagainst physical and sexualviolence(FMC,1992; Roque,1999). Despite advancement for women, gender divisions stillpersist and traditional gender roles, particularly motherhood,continue to be valorized. These divisions are reflected in thepolitical representation of women within government.

Data from the Human Development Report (Table 1)indicates that women's share of power within Cuba is lowerthan the median and average for Latin America and theCaribbean. This is also reflected in the Cuban CommunistParty (CCP) of which women comprised only 25% of its

Table 2Participation of women in government — 1997 representation of the participation o

Political Bureau VCongress of the PCC

StateCouncil

CouncilMinistr

Total 24 31 32Women 2 5 2% 8.3 16.13 6.25

Source: Rodriguez (1999).

membership in 1995, while total membership at the timereflected 4.5% of the total population (Greenwood & Lambie,1999), meaning that only 1.1% of women in the country weremembers of the CCP. This representation of power is inkeeping with the data shown in Table 2, which illustrates thatwomen's participation in higher levels of government is low,especially compared with their representation at lower, locallevels of government.

Former President Fidel Castro's view of women as the“pre-eminent creators of human beings” (quoted at 1974 FMCCongress in Lutjens, 1995) has been reflected within com-munity organizing, where women are involved in activitiesthat directly relate to their societal role as mothers andnurturers of children or the elderly. Women interviewedinvariably spoke about their key role as the “procreators” and“socializers” of Cuban society. In general, the state's respon-sibility for social reproduction and welfare, such as freehealthcare and education, maternity and childcare support,and housing and welfare benefits, has positively impactedwomen. Cuba's official commitment to women's equality thuschanges the nature and focus of women's national and localmobilizing. However, the realization of this official commit-ment is limited by material realities shaped by ongoingeconomic restructuring, internal political shifts and globalevents.

The collapse of the Soviet Socialist bloc in 1989 severed allbeneficial trade arrangements with Cuba and brought on aneconomic crisis. The “Special Period in Time of Peace” wasdeclared in 1990, marking a series of self-imposed changesthat resembled, to a certain extent, structural adjustmentprograms. Cuba opened up to the international economy, cutsubsidies, reduced employment in the state sector andexpanded the tax base during this four-year period (Enriquez,2003; Hamilton, 2002; Zimbalist, 1992).7 As a result, somefree welfare services, such as daycare, were simply unavail-able (Greenwood & Lambie, 1999; Jennissen & Lundy, 2001;Zabala Arguelles, 1999) and the prices of some public services(e.g., transport, electricity, water and telecommunications)were raised (Zabala Arguelles, 1999). Food and merchandisecosts went up 28% and 50%, respectively; production costswent up 30%; and shipping costs went up 50 to 400%. Wagesremained the same despite these cost increases (Garfield &Santana, 1997; Zabala Arguelles, 1999). Many people facedunemployment for the first time since the Revolution(Enriquez, 2003; Zabala Arguelles, 1999). The economic crisisof the Special Period and the continuing U.S. embargoseverely limited the state's ability to provide the servicesthey had previously guaranteed, thus dramatically alteringwomen's lives and attitudes (Jennissen & Lundy, 2001;Lutjens, 1995). The burden of shortages of essential items,such as food, fuel and clothing fell predominantly to women

f Cuban women within political posts at the State and Government Level.

ofies

National Assemblyof Poder Popular

Community Level Delegatesof Poder Popular

601 14,533166 259527.62 17.86

84 A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

who continued to do the domestic work with fewer resourcesand less state support. Thus, in addition to work outside thehome and in the community, women also spent more timewaiting in line-ups at bodegas (markets for rationed items),searching for scarce items, and waiting for unreliable publictransport (Jennissen & Lundy, 2001).

Gendered mechanisms and strategies for urban regenerationin Cayo Hueso

Created by the GDIC to promote urban and socialdevelopment in the neighbourhood, the TTICH classifies itswork under the categories “Social Investigation” and “UrbanProjects.” Under guidance and training from the GDIC, theTTICH promotes urban development through the plans madein the Provincial Directorate of Physical Planning of the City ofHavana (Dirección Provincial de Planificación Física de Ciudadde la Habana), which is then approved by the provincial andmunicipal governments (Poder Popular Provincial y Munici-pal). To increase popular participation, the TTICH coordinatesand promotes a strategic planning process for their neigh-bourhood, integrating local institutions, organizations andthe population in all the planning stages. Specific goals aredefined after local needs are assessed and an inventory ofmaterial and human resources is drawn up (Scarpaci et al.,2002). For Cayo Hueso, the main aim is to solve the mostpressing physical problems in the territory, namely housing,the shortage of potable water and the lack of recreationalareas for children, youth, and the general population.

The TTICH incorporates many visual and qualitativeresearch, action and planning tools and methods known asParticipatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) (Chambers, 1994). Forexample, the diagnóstico (diagnostic), which assesses CayoHueso's Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats(SWOT), is essentially an adapted SWOT analysis used in PRA.The diagnóstico was identified by interviewed TTICH workersas one of themost important mechanisms for planningwithinCayo Hueso.

The diagnósticos are used as baseline information fromwhich to develop community strategic plans. Once problemsand solutions have been incorporated into a strategic plan, theplans are presented for approval to the Popular Council andCouncil of Municipal Administration, where the correspond-ing municipal departments make further refinements. Theseare then prioritized with respect to community needs andallocated material and financial resources to support theirimplementation (Oliveras & Gonzalez, 2003). An obviousweakness of these diagnósticos is the lack of attention paid togender, especially women's networks in sustaining urbanregeneration. This points to the importance of uncovering thegender dimensions when assessing community needs, doingasset mapping, visioning or problem-solving processes.

The structure of the TTICH is also an essential feature ofregeneration initiatives in Cayo Hueso. The TTICH has threecommunity centres or casas comunitarias, six paid staff andover thirty volunteers. The casas are central to regenerationinitiatives and have their own client and work focus. CasaComunitaria San Jose is primarily responsible for work withseniors and children; Casa Comunitaria San Miguel workspredominantly with youth; Casa del Niño y la Niña workswith children. They serve as places where people can socialize

and provide a forumwhere neighbours express their opinionsand share their suggestions for the community with TTICHemployees or volunteers. Their presence also helps lendcredibility to the organization within the community and tolocal and foreign collaborators and prospective donors.

Interpersonal and organizational networking accounts forthe very dense and close community networks of localvolunteers and community advocates in Cayo Hueso. Com-munity networks are essential to the day-to-day functioningof the TTICH. The strong community linkages are demon-strated in the following quote:

Mobilization is like this, fromword of mouth, we ourselvesmobilize each other, there are no official invitations oranything like that, as you can imagine how the communityis: ‘Hey, so and so, remember that Saturday we have thatactivity in the Callejón,' and like that, word of mouth…(Non-Profit Organization Director, resident, female).

Despite the small size of the TTICH workforce, strong tiesto the community make it possible for many activities andprograms to be developed. Every activity that takes place inCayo Hueso is in some way related to or supported by theTTICH, either through their community diagnostic process orthrough their staff (see Fig. 1).

Due to financial limitations the majority of regenerationactivities organized by or through the TTICH are predomi-nantly social, cultural and/or historical in nature. The TTICHtries to capitalize on the cultural and historical endowments ofCayo Hueso in its regeneration initiatives. Art is another keyelement to these initiatives: many activities revolve aroundvisual arts, song, dance, music and/or poetry. All three TTICHcommunity centres offer art programs and activities. Culturaland artistic activities are used as tools to encourage attach-ment to place and social responsibility. Education is also animportant mechanism for community mobilization. Environ-mental brigades, for example, offer a way to teach childrenabout environmental and health issueswhile promoting socialresponsibility. Art and education encourage social connectionsthrough common facilities, organizations and projects, andimprove the image of the area through a focus on its heritage,history, and traditions. The links to the artistic community arealso very strong:

The collaborators are from the community and they arethe ones who cooperate in the preparation of activitiesthat are to be done, we need to bring the chairs, we needto bring the audio, which is what Municipal Culture[government run cultural group at the municipal level]does and the artists come voluntarily. We have saved4,000 pesos in salary in one year because the artists alsocome to participate for free… (Director, Casa del Niño y laNiña, female).

The regeneration activities in Cayo Hueso, especially thoseinvolving international collaboration, would not have beenpossible without an organization like the TTICH. However, it isnot only the organization but also the people of Cayo Hueso,their ties to the neighbourhood and their high level ofparticipation in regeneration initiatives that makes the TTICHsuccessful. Strong leadership is essential in the sustainability of

85A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

urban regeneration initiatives, aswell as individual communitymembers' interests andwillingness to contribute personal timeand energy. Furthermore, open communication betweenplanning bodies, particularly the TTICH, and members of thecommunity, is also important.

The outcomes of planning for regeneration in Cayo Huesohave been considerably successful given the fiscal andpolitical constraints. Improvements to the physical environ-ment have been made through the establishment of moreparks. Many community leaders comment that the social andcultural environment has improved as well. One communitymember expressed the outcomes in the following way:

I think that we have achieved a lot in the cleanliness ofthe streets, the desire to have our streets clean, this hasbeen achieved. There is pride in the neighbourhood. Thepeople, I can't tell you anything different, the people arecareful not to use bad words. The children, they say a few,but, no, no, no they have achieved a lot so that this is abetter place… (Community historian, female).

Gendered relations in urban regeneration

Women's roles within the TTICH and the community arecritical to the successes of urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso.Their involvement in urban regeneration in Cayo Hueso is anexample of how women are integrating themselves into localdecision-making and planning processes.

In-group settings, both men and women focussed onpolitical achievements related to gender equality. However,individual interviews and observations showed a much morenuanced relationship between gender roles and communityengagement. The information gathered from the qualitativeinterviews was also supported by the analysis of paid andunpaid labour from the survey data. Analysis of the householdsurvey (Table 3) uncovered no significant difference in thenumber of Cayo Hueso men (at 253 or 51.6% of paid workers)and women (at 237 or 48.4% of paid workers) engaged in paidlabour. However, a much larger percentage of women (55.3%)are engaged in unpaid work as compared tomen (28.7%).8 Thisfinding is particularly significant if you look at the differencebetween paid and unpaid work within the same gendercategories. There is an almost equal percentage of womenengaged in paid work at 44.7% and unpaid work at 55.3%; incontrast, 71.3%ofmen are involved inpaidwork,while less than

Table 3Employment−categories⁎Gender Cross tabulation.

x2 (1)=60.65, pb .001

Employment – categories Paid work Count% within Employm% within Gender

Non-paid work Count% within Employm% within Gender

Total Count% within Employm% within Gender

Source: 2001 Household Survey of Cayo Hueso conducted by the Cuban NationalHigiene, Epidemiología y Micobiología – INHEM) and the University of Manitoba.

one third of men (28.7%) do unpaidwork. This finding suggeststhat the biggest share of unpaid work — from communityvolunteerism to household reproduction — is still done bywomen. The structure of the TTICH itself, where themajority ofvolunteerswerewomenwhilemanyof the communityworkersin paid positions were men, also reflects these findings.

One-on-one interviews with key community workers (bothmale and female) in Cayo Hueso revealed that women are theprimary protagonists in the community and have a stronger,more visible role in the community than men. Certainly, asTable 3 illustrates, significantly more women than men wereengaged in unpaid labour. The network of relationshipsbetweenwomen is essential in the organization and realizationof activities within the community, particularly when thecommunity is faced with limited resources. A leader of one oftheFMCs inCayoHuesodescribed the role ofwomenas follows:

The role that women play in this country is tremendous.The men are very intelligent as well but we [women]organize almost everything and the men help us some-times because all of these parties, activities that arecultural, social, political, recreational, all that we organizeis done primarily by women. We have 12 CDRs [Commit-tees for the Defense of the Revolution] here [in CayoHueso] and do you know how many presidents of thesetwelve are men? Two, ten are women. And if now youtake the delegations of the Federation (FMC) that have tobe women, who dominates the circumscription? Thewomen. So, it is not really who dominates but who carriesthe weight of this work, and well, here it is the women…(FMC leader, female).

In general, it was thought that men might have been lessactive in community activities because it is a traditionalexpectation for them to work outside of the home to addressthe family's economic needs. However, increasing female labourforce participation rates show that women in Cuba have beenincorporated more fully into the workforce and have to docommunity work on top of their reproductive and productivetasks. Furthermore, women have significantly higher participa-tion rates in community development work than men, evenamong seniors, many of whom have retired. “You can see foryourself, even with our seniors, it is the women that come to theCirculo de Abuelos [seniors' group], and the men are retired, theyhave no excuse...” (Leader of Casa Comunitaria San José, female).

Gender Total

F M

237 253 490ent – categories 48.4% 51.6% 100.0%

44.7% 71.3% 55.4%293 102 395

ent – categories 74.2% 25.8% 100.0%55.3% 28.7% 44.6%

530 355 885ent – categories 59.9% 40.1% 100.0%

100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Institute of Hygiene, Epidemiology and Microbiology (Instituto Nacional de

86 A.D. Fernandez, L. Angeles / Women's Studies International Forum 32 (2009) 80–88

In Cayo Hueso, the roles of men and women in organizingthe community for regeneration initiatives fall very muchwithin the realm of traditional gender roles. Discussions heldwithin a focus group revealed that women's sensibilitiesmade it possible to create projects that address the needs ofthe family, especially among children and seniors. This insightis further reflected in the comment of one communitymember: “We are, a bit, the mothers here, looking after thechildren” (Leader of independent community project, female).

The traditional roles of women have persisted and stereo-typical distinction between males and females remain strong.Another community member documented the gap betweenpolicy and the behaviour of many men:

Well, men in general, you know that even though we havea Family Code …we still have ‘machistas’. You know thathere men are very good. They share many of the labourswith women but they are very ‘machistas’. They think thatwomen work for them, some, not all, but still we havethose characteristics … (President, special needs organi-zation, female).

Women are clearly the driving force behind communitysupport activities as it was through women's initiatives thatmany relevant projects were realized. Many participants,including the Vice President of the Consejo Popular (LocalCouncil), highlighted the effectiveness and productivity ofwomen:

When they initiated the family medical centres, womenwere involved in the construction. A greater percentage,statistically, of people involved in this work werewomen...the family medical centres in Cayo Hueso werepredominantly initiated by women. Although men werealso involved, women were in the majority in this work,they painted, they shifted sand… (Vice President, ConsejoPopular, female).

The gender implications of these trends on urban regenera-tion patterns are clear. As Cuba continues to undergo economicchanges, community development work has to rely on theelasticity of women's time and unpaid labour, especially in theface of male and female unemployment and underemploy-ment. While it would seem from Table 3 that women and menare both well-integrated into the paid labour market, there arestill high percentages of women (55.3% of total women) andmen (28.7% of totalmen)engaged in unpaidwork. The resourcescarcity and overall economic crisis under the Special Periodmeant that women had to respond to their family's needs aswell as sustain their community life through urban regenera-tion activities that not only provide cheap food, better shelter,and improved services, but also reinvigorate social and culturalinstitutions.

Conclusion

This research supports a commonobservation in the literature(e.g., Jaramillo, 2002; Lind, 1997; Naples, 1998a,b) that womentake on the primary role in community care, particularly insituations where resource scarcity accompanies economicrestructuring trends. This article contributes to our understand-

ingof the role ofwomen inurban regeneration initiatives inCuba.In Cayo Hueso, though men were involved in communityactivities, women influenced existing strategies of communitychange as leaders and champions of community regenerationinitiatives. Many of the community-based initiatives weredependent upon women's unpaid labour as well as their socialnetworks. Furthermore, women's engagementwith and sense ofresponsibility to Cayo Hueso stemmed from their self-identifica-tion as the “mothers” of the neighbourhood, which stronglysupports the arguments presented in feminist literature aboutwomen's roles in community organizing and works, particularlyin Cuba and Latin America (Feijoó, 1998; Gilbert, 1998; Jaquette,1994; Jaquette & Wolchik, 1998; Jaramillo, 2002; Safa, 1995). Itwas clear thatwomen in CayoHuesowere verymuch engaged in“activist mothering” (Naples, 1998a) in order to sustain thecommunity-based efforts to upgrade city infrastructure andrevitalize neighbourhood activities.

Some excellent community development tools are beingused by the TTICH to encourage bottom-up participatoryplanning, empowerment and social learning. Participation inactivities organized by the TTICH or other community leadersresides in the extremely strong bonds between members of thecommunity and their keen attachment to Cayo Hueso. For themost part, regeneration inCayoHuesohasdeveloped in auniqueway, focusing on social programming designed to address theneeds of people in the community, and seeking to changeindividual and group behaviour to help improve physical, socialand cultural conditions in the area.

Nevertheless, stubborn gender hierarchies and gendereddivisions of labour are prevalent. Recognition and seriousconsideration of the gendered aspects of social networks andresourcesmay improve their ability toworkwithin the commu-nity and better achieve regeneration goals. Even though thediagnósticowas recognized by TTICHworkers as instrumental indetermining the issues that need to be addressed in thecommunity, it lacked gender sensitivity. For example, the diag-nóstico recognized the sociability of neighbours as communitystrength, yet didnot acknowledge the importance of communitynetworks, many of which are women's networks. Throughoutthis work in the community, the importance of social networksand linkages with local organizations became very clear. Thesesocial networks and organizations are gendered in that there aremale- and female-dominated associations and the quality ofparticipation in these is also gendered.

Even within the structure of the TTICH itself, genderhierarchies are present. The director of the TTICH, a paid position,is male. More females than males work as unpaid volunteers.Most significantly, thedirector of theCasa delNiñoy laNiña,whohas been pivotal in securing international collaboration andfinancial support for the children's projects that she champions,is an unpaid volunteer. This suggests the unfair association offemale labour with unpaid work, and the prevailing assumptionthat paid work should go to men who are expected to be theprimary breadwinners in the family.

The community dynamics of Cayo Hueso clearly demon-strate that gender and gender roles significantly influence thenature and focus of community regeneration. Further genderanalyses would enhance these tools and perhaps enable evenmore inclusive and equitable participation in communityregeneration initiatives. The Taller de Transformación de CayoHueso provides useful and valuable lessons and insights for

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regeneration initiatives elsewhere. This article suggests thateven in countries with different political systems, as in Cuba,it is possible to realize the goals of grassroots regenerationwith the presence of strong community support and women'sparticipation. Given the central role that women continue toplay in community care and regeneration initiatives, seriousconsideration must be given to the gendered nature of labour,social networks and resource use in the design and imple-mentation of urban regeneration. Community developmentefforts can only become an effective vehicle for addressingboth social exclusion and gender inequality, when greaterattention is paid to men's and women's roles and how thoseroles tend to reproduce inequalities in allocating labour andother resources necessary for building better communities.

Acknowledgements

The authors gratefully acknowledge the women and menwho took part in interviews and focus groups, in particularthe staff and volunteers of the Integrated NeighbourhoodTransformation Workshops (Taller de Transformación Integralde Cayo Hueso – TTICH), as well as fieldwork support from theCanadian International Development Agency (CIDA), theNational Cuban Institute of Hygiene, Epidemiology andMicrobiology (INHEM) and the International DevelopmentResearch Council (IDRC). The authors thank Dr. Annalee Yassifor the introduction to INHEM and community members inCayo Hueso, Natasha McCartney for editorial assistance andRaul Pacheco Vega and Mike Halpin for helpful suggestions.This research was conducted as part of the requirements for aMaster of Arts (Planning) at the School of Community andRegional Planning, University of British Columbia.

Endnotes

1 In 1998 the Taller initiativewas selected again as a best practice experience atthe Habitat-II Conference in Istanbul.2 The surveyconsistedof a randomsample of 1708 surveyparticipantsover theage of 15 from 654 households in neighbourhoods of Cayo Hueso and Colon(Tate et al., 2003; Yassi, Fernandez, Fernandez, Bonet, Tate, & Spiegel, 2003). Forthe purposes of this study only the data collected from Cayo Hueso wasanalysed.3 Interviewees had to be over 18 years of age and either be residents ofCayo Hueso or closely affiliated with the TTICH.4 Relatively few men were interviewed compared to women because morewomen than menwere actively involved in the TTICH. The research focus thusshifted from a focus on the role of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC)within community planning to a focus on gender roles within the TTICH, givenits strategic role inurban regeneration efforts compared to thebroadermandateof the FMC. Other logistical issues also affected the researchers' ability to recruitmore participants in the October 2002 period of the field research: There werehurricane and severe stormwarnings in Havana and the local government, andthe TTICH and other community members were busy preparing to evacuatepeople from severely deteriorated housing.5 Five women attended the first focus group and four women attended thesecond focus group. At the combined workshop the primary authorpresented some emerging themes to ten women and five men.6 The establishment of the GDIC coincided with several important externaland internal political and economic changes. In the late 1980s Gorbachev'srise in power made the preferential trading relations with the USSRunreliable and signalled that economic and political changes were eminent.The Cuban government recognized the need to simultaneously diversify andbecome more self-reliant. An emphasis on tourism emerged, which placedHavana as central to the national tourism strategy (Colantonio & Potter,2006). The Rectification Campaign also began in 1986, which was designedto improve participation and reduce bureaucratic planning procedures.

Community self help was also encouraged (Greenwood & Lambie, 1999).After 1991, local councils (Consejos Populares), composed of local govern-ment delegates and representatives of key local enterprises, were formed togive more decision making to local communities (Greenwood & Lambie,1999).7 Unlike orthodox structural adjustment programs, national policy con-tinued to prioritize spending on education, health and social services(Greenwood & Lambie, 1999).8 The relationship between gender and type of work is statistically significant[x2 (1)]=60.65, pb .001).

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Ariadna D. Fernandez completed her Master of Arts in Planning at theUniversity of British Columbia (UBC) Canada in 2003. Prior to this shecompleted a Diploma in International Relations and Development from theFacultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (Latin American Faculty ofSocial Science – FLACSO) at the University of Havana, in Cuba. Following thecompletion of her Master's degree, she has worked on some internationalprojects in both health promotion and clinical research. Ms Fernandezcurrently works at the UBC Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology.

Leonora Angeles is an Associate Professor in the School of Community andRegional Planning and the Women's and Gender Studies Programme at theUniversity of British Columbia Canada. Her research interests are feministperspectives on international development, gender and globalization, transna-tionalism, participatory development, and women's movements.