Botswana Media Studies Papers Vol 2

THE BOTSWANA MEDIA STUDIES PAPERS

A Collection Presented by the Media Studies Department, University of Botswana

Volume Two

The Botswana Media Studies Papers, vol 2

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The Media Studies Papers, vol 2. A Collection of Papers Compiled by the Media Studies Department, University of Botswana

Edited by Richard Rooney Published by The Media Studies Department, Faculty of Humanities, University of Botswana, Private Bag 703, Gaborone, Botswana

www.ub.bw

©2015. Copyright remains with individual contributors

http://www.ub.bw/


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Contents

Introduction

By Richard Rooney ……………………………………………………………….

4

The Effects of Political Advertising in Botswana By Patience Mathambo …………………………………………………………..

6

Of Shooting and Shootings - Illumination as Africa Shoots Back By Foluke Ogunleye ……………………………………………………………….

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BTV Fails The People: an analysis of Botswana Television News

By Richard Rooney ……………………………………………………………….

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Introduction

By Richard Rooney

This is a collection of papers originally presented at a series of research seminars hosted

by the Department of Media Studies in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of

Botswana during 2014.

The work presented recognises the wide spectrum of teaching and research that takes

place within the department; ranging, in this collection, across television, advertising and

film

The Media Studies Department is the major centre in Botswana for the teaching of

vocational and theoretical media. It runs two undergraduate programmes in Media

Studies and intends to launch a Masters programme in the not-too-distant future.

In this volume, Patience Mathambo discusses the effects that political advertising has

on citizens of Botswana. Elections are the most noteworthy proceedings in representative

democracies. Even though for the vast majority of the time most people in Botswana are

indifferent with regards to political issues. Elections however do draw people into the

political arena for a while and determine who will wield political power. According to

prior research, exposure to political advertising is largely informative and may even

decrease information gaps between those who are well versed regarding politics and

those who are unconcerned in society, although it does not create significant changes in

candidate predilection.

Foluke Ogunleye examines the various functions that the cinema in Africa has

performed at various times in the history of the development of the continent. The cinema

has been pressed into service, both to colonize and decolonize the African mind. This is

explained through an exposition of the history of cinema in Africa, its use by the

colonialists as well as its roles in post-independence Africa. Ogunleye discusses the fact

that the cinema in colonial Africa was used, both as a means of propaganda by the

colonialists as well as a commercial product by the business class. Ogunleye points out

the fact that in spite of an attempt to relegate the colonized Africans into the role of

passive consumers of filmic fare, some Africans were very active in the filmmaking

business, thereby participating in laying the foundation for the African film.

Richard Rooney explores news content on Botswana TV in the context of the

station’s stated aims to inform people about events within and outside the country, to

interpret such events and whenever possible suggest appropriate approaches to them and

to do this by providing balanced, credible and professionally-tailored programmes

containing fair and balanced reporting. It must do this while also promoting the policies

of the Botswana Government. Rooney answers three broad research questions: (i) what


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are the self-defined aims of BTV News?; (ii) to what extent are these aims being met

through the station’s news bulletins?; and (iii) how well does BTV fit the model of public

service broadcasting?

The Botswana Media Studies Papers Vol. 1 is

available on-line by clicking here

http://www.scribd.com/doc/206895870/The-Botswana-Media-Studies-Papers-Vol-1


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The Effects of Political Advertising in Botswana

Patience Mathambo

Abstract This article discusses the effects that political advertising has on citizens of Botswana.

Elections are the most noteworthy proceedings in representative democracies. Even

though for the vast majority of the time most people in Botswana are indifferent with

regards to political issues. Elections however do draw people into the political arena for

a while and determine who will wield political power. According to prior research,

exposure to political advertising is largely informative and may even decrease

information gaps between those who are well versed regarding politics and those who

are unconcerned in society, although it does not create significant changes in candidate

predilection. Key words: political communication, political advertising, election campaigns, democracy, effects Introduction

Political communication is a power

game and those who already wield the

power are therefore able to easily

penetrate the political sphere, acquiring

publicity for themselves and thus

adequately getting their messages across.

Often times the news media are

engrossed with matters concerning the

privileged and influential in society.

This tendency has wide-ranging

significances for the function the media

play in politics. Wolfsfeld posits that,

“Owing to demarcations of what is

considered news, the feebler contenders

often have the choice of either doing

something shocking or being relegated

to that distant land known as oblivion”

(2011:2). He accurately puts it by

pointing out that, “in many areas, when

it comes to media attention, the rich get

richer and the poor get poorer” (ibid).

Political communication consists of

various components some of which

include political campaigns, political

marketing and political advertising.

Therefore, political advertising which

also encompasses political campaigning,

will be the focus of this paper.

Stockwell (2005:7) points out that a

political campaign is not simply the

introduction to a snapshot of the

“collective will” taken on the day of the

elections. Instead, politics is a job that

attempts to create the “collective will” so

voters take specific choices not just on

election day but on a variety of concerns

and in their day-to-day life too (ibid).


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The responsibility of the contributing

civilian is to use all and any method of

influence available to prompt the

collective to actions the citizenries deem

essential. According to Jackson and

Lilleker (2006:28) political

communication has become a pursuit

designed for a mass audience utilising

the mass media of television throughout

most of the nations in the world today.

Therefore, targeted political

communication has developed into less

of an aspect in modern elections,

notwithstanding research that denotes

the significance of direct communication

among politicians and the public (ibid).

In a pluralist democracy, where a

number of voices are contesting on any

matter, it appears evident that they

would all contest over the media plan. It

is the principal method of interaction

with a large audience, and so a

significant way of persuading the public.

According to Norris et al (1999:54)

election campaigns disregard TV at their

detriment and hence as a result, have

come to be devised for the cameras.

Each party tries to increase the news

profile of issues and themes it believes

to be most flattering for itself and most

harmful to adversaries, with the

conviction that status in the news will

convert into better salience in voters’

minds, and thus sway voting decisions.

They point out that this campaigning

reasoning is in line with agenda-setting

theories of media effects, which point

out that if the media do not quite tell us

what to think, they tell us what to think

about (Norris et al, 1999:54). Hence, if

television is the main combat zone for

the news agenda, the significance of

newspapers cannot be undervalued.

Norris et al posit that a ‘good campaign’

is anxious about the evaluations of

efficiency in terms of succeeding and not

succeeding, although with the value of

political discourse. US research has

revealed developments to progressively

negative party campaigning and has

connected these to indication of

diminishing citizen engagement with the

democratic process and growing voter

indifference (Norris et al, 1999:55).

Trent and Friedenburg (2004:3) view

political campaigns as essential in the

democratic process because citizens are

able to dynamically contribute in placing

their desired candidates in positions of

power. Therefore, allowing citizens to

have a say on how their nations should

function. They view political campaigns

as communication phenomena and hence

strive to offer realistic understanding of

the strategic and tactical communication

choices candidates and their managers

must make as they wage the campaign.

Trent and Friedenburg postulate that the

basis of each election campaign is

communication, which occupies the area

between the goals or aspirations of the

candidate and the behaviour of the

electorate (2004:4). They posit that

political campaign communication is

much more than just ‘talk’ (2004:67).

Here they pinpoint that imbalance

regarding the way in which people

organize their thoughts about politics

can occur, however, a consistent finding

after years of research indicates that the

public often shares a lot of beliefs about

the personal qualities candidates ought

to possess, especially presidential

candidates (Trent and Friedenburg,

2004:69). Consequently, voter

assessment of a candidate’s image is a


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significant factor in voting behaviour.

Often voters have a mental picture of an

ideal candidate that they use as a gauge

in evaluating actual candidates (Trent

and Friedenburg, 2004:71). However, it

is essential to note that all these

glamourised characteristics romanticised

by the voters are often put forward under

disingenuous circumstances as a way of

enticing the electorates.

It is ostensibly clear in Botswana that

preceding the elections politicians often

become very antagonistic in their

campaigns and go to great lengths to

rally citizens on their side in a bid to win

votes. As the elections approach

political posters, fliers and billboards of

diverse dimensions and designs are quite

often seen in numerous places around

the country with politicians promising

all up in arms, promising to give an

improved life for the citizenry. This

campaigning is done through various

means one of which includes political

advertising. Political advertising is a

pervasive presence in the modern

Botswana political campaign today.

Mass political advertising, includes

television, radio, billboards, newspapers,

internet, direct mail, pamphlets, etc.

However, the prevalence of political

advertising raises a problem for political

theorists (Kaid, Gerstle and Sanders

1991; Johnson-Cartee and Copeland

1997).

The news media are a particularly

significant part of nearly every political

competition. Since the burgeoning of

the Internet, the manner in which, the

media functions has been altered

momentously. However, the desire to be

heard remains an integral part of the

political game. Every political actor

wishes to disseminate their message to a

sizeable audience in order to summon

followers to their cause. Therefore,

recognising the political framework in

which the news media operates is

essential.

The approach that politicians use to

campaign and the degree to which they

specify an informed choice for voters, is

a vital part of the study. Consequently,

how candidates present themselves in

the ‘free media’ (such as nightly news

bulletins) and in the ‘paid media’

(political advertisements) is increasingly

important to the election outcome.

Political parties and election candidates

place great emphasis on political

advertisements because these are the

most direct method for communicating

with voters (Young, 2002:81). It is

essential to describe the type of ‘political

advertising’ which is examined in this

thesis as there are numerous

circumstances in which advertising

might be considered ‘political’.

According to Young, Firstly, there is

government advertising which is used to

promote or explain government policies

or programs (2002:82). Secondly, there

are the advertisements placed by lobby

groups and private interests (such as

unions, business leaders and ‘issue’

groups), which are devised to sway

community outlook and persuade

politicians (ibid). Thirdly, the term

‘political advertising’ is usually used to

signify the advertisements produced by

political parties and individual

candidates which are presented during

election campaigns in order to persuade

voters to vote for them. This paper will

focus on this type of political advertising

(ibid).


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Political advertising performs two

functions, to inform voters and to

persuade them. The approach in which

politicians campaign and the level to which they provide an informed

choice for voters is an important theme of the study. Theoretically

political advertising is one of the main methods politicians can use to

highlight their distinctions regarding policy, philosophy and leadership

(Laughey, 2007). It is a crucial issue whether politicians use political

advertising for this purpose – to educate voters and aid informed

decision-making or whether they use them for other measures such as

scaremongering, making false claims about their opponents or reducing

complicated matters to simplified slogans. The principal objective in

political advertising is of course to win elections and while no researcher has

been able to conclusively determine how, Young (2004:142) argues that

political advertisements have an effect on voters and can even influence

choice. It is contended that political advertisements have contributed to

the deterioration of the political parties, the ascent of a skeptical

constituency and the dumbing down of political debate. These are

worrisome accusations and with no comprehensive study of political

advertising in Botswana it is essential to test these claims. Political

advertising seems to have transformed profoundly over the

years and numerous analysts as in the case of Australian political analyst

Sally Young, fear it has changed for the worst (Young, 2004:278). However,

in Botswana it is not yet known how it

has changed or what impact any of the changes have had on the political

system. Many complaints about political advertising raise issues about

the truth and accuracy of the advertisement, in particular if the

advertisement is seen to be disingenuous. The main aim of this

paper therefore, is to determine the effects that political advertising has in

Botswana.

Public and Academic Interest in

Political Advertising

Political advertising is everywhere, and

its ubiquity raises fundamental

questions.

1. Does campaign advertising really

matter?

2. Do campaign ads break through the

clutter and enter the consciousness of the

Motswana voter?

In other words, do they influence

citizens’ views of the candidates and

affect how they vote on Election Day?

On the one hand, of course, the

answer seems obvious. They must

matter. Why, otherwise, would

candidates and their allies spend so

much money on them?

Although there is some scholarly

evidence that political commercials

move votes, there is still no consensus

about the extent of advertising’s

impact—that is, how many votes, if any,

are changed (Young, 2004). Many

scholars have chosen to investigate

important by-product effects of

advertising, such as the relationship

between advertising tone and citizens’

involvement or participation in the

political system. However, Huber and


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Arceneaux (2007, 957) write that, “Few

studies that analyze actual campaigns

have been able to demonstrate that

advertisements persuade individuals to

change their minds.”

Political Parties in Botswana

Since independence in 1966, the

Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has

won all the elections. The other

opposition parties have not posed much

of a threat to the BDP. The main

opposition parties are made up of the

Botswana Congress Party (BCP) and the

Umbrella for Democratic Change which

consists of the Botswana National Front

(BNF) and the Botswana Movement for

Democracy (BMD) other political

parties are the Botswana People’s Party

(BPP) and the Botswana Alliance

Movement (BAM). Party politics in

Botswana are characterized by series of

disintegration and the formation of

splinter parties. For example the BCP

was formed after the BNF split in 1998

and the BMD was formed in 2008 after

some members of the BDP had in-party

disagreements with the party leadership.

Because the ruling BDP was such a

powerful party and had over the years

proven to be unbeatable, the main

opposition parties decided to form a

coalition and become what was referred

to by the media as the “umbrella party”

(Mmegi, 2011). The umbrella party

consisted of the BCP, BNF, BMD and

BPP. At the time of formation in 2010,

the umbrella party had not yet made

known its mandate. It did not have a

name and was only known as the

“umbrella party”. Due to its lack of

direction the umbrella party appeared to

be formed out of frustration.

Furthermore, in January 2012, the BCP

decided to breakaway from the umbrella

party (Mmegi, 2011). A statement by

the party’s publicity secretary Taolo

Lucas indicated that the ‘umbrella party’

lacked seriousness, “…and we as a

competitive and serious organization

cannot stand for that” (Sunday Standard,

2012). Even so, in November 2012, the

“umbrella party” launched its new party

colours, symbol and leadership and a

new name and is now known as the

Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC)

(Sunday Standard, 2012). Due to the

BDP ruling for an extended period,

political analysts believe there has been

a tremendous decline in democracy in

Botswana since independence (Balule

and Kandjii, 2004; Fombad, 2002; Good,

2005). Good (2005:45) also states that,

“Inequality, discrimination, the

dominance of a single political party, the

government‘s aversion to criticism, and

an array of human rights abuses are

among the many problems afflicting

Botswana today”.

Campaign Practices in Botswana

The length of a campaign is

approximately 15 months although it is mainly contingent on the

accessibility of party and candidate funds (Maundeni, 2005). There is a

system of primary elections which occur before the general election;

therefore a campaign could take about three to four years (Maundeni, 2005).

Due to the meager funds, campaigns for the opposition parties typically

commence much later than the ruling party. This is a way for them to

preserve and sustain the funds until the end of the elections. This


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automatically puts the opposition

parties at a major disadvantage as the ruling party enjoys wider public

media coverage. Furthermore, the ruling party is the only party with

giant billboards in every constituency bearing portraits of its parliamentary

candidates (Gazette, 2012). Paid political advertising is a means

through which parties and candidates sell themselves to the electorate,

mostly through the mass media. The former National Broadcasting Board

(NBB) now known as the Botswana Communications Regulatory Authority

(BOCRA) encouraged that parties should rely on regular media

coverage, particularly the state media, which is free because it allows

candidates and parties to appear in the media without having to pay for it

(Gazette, 2009). It is well known that the ruling

party is the richest and can afford the most advertising (Gazette, 2009).

However, possession of abundant campaign finance is not necessarily

the same as having valuable political ideas. It is, indeed, true that a party

representing the aspirations of the down-trodden and underprivileged

may be at a disadvantage under paid political advertising (Gazette, 2009).

Much political-science research more

generally would suggest that ads should

have little impact on changing people’s

candidate preferences. For example,

many people enter election campaigns as

partisans/followers which makes it

difficult to sway these voters. Moreover,

scholars have shown that election

outcomes can be predicted quite well on

the basis of a few pieces of data known

months before an election—that is

months before the bulk of advertising

has been aired (Forester and Marks

1999). Other scholars submit that while

advertising might have the potential to

sway voters when one side dominates

the airwaves, most presidential

campaigns are balanced ones in which

competing messages cancel each other

out (Pinkleton 1998).

In first world countries, specifically

the United States, political advertising

has captured the public imagination.

Dramatic, negative, and sometimes

shocking advertisements are frequently

used in American presidential elections.

This level of awareness is reflected in

the amount of media attention which

political advertisements receive.

According to Kaid and Holtz-Bacha

(1995) during presidential election

campaigns, American media

commentators take an active role in

‘policing’ political advertisements in

what is termed ‘adwatches’— these are

print and broadcast media segments in

which reporters critique political

advertisements and comment on the

claims made in them.

Now in contrast, in Botswana,

political advertisements have tended to

be viewed as only peripheral/non-

essential to the election, with academics

and media outlets focusing instead on

opinion polls, the activities of the party

leaders and or ‘unpaid’ media events. In

essence, Botswana political

advertisements receive far less public or

media attention (Young, 2002). Partly,

this may be due to some major

differences in the way advertisements

are used.


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An in-depth focus on one or two ads

in a campaign would only begin to

answer the question of how the ad

environment in total influences citizens’

attitudes and choices. Indeed, most

citizens in actual campaigns view

multiple political ads and often in high

numbers.

The contention is relatively simple.

The argument is that campaign ads do

matter, but their impact is largely

contingent. More specifically, the focus

is on the influence of political ads as

moderated by three key factors:

• the characteristics of the ads

(promotional versus attack ads, for

example),

• the campaign context in which they

air (such as open seats and competitive

races with an incumbent running),

• and the receiver of the ad message

(partisan/follower viewers or

independent viewers).

These are not the only conditions

under which an ad’s effectiveness might

be moderated, of course; the issues

discussed in the ads may help or hinder a

campaign’s persuasive appeals; the

presence or absence of a scandal may

also matter, as might the overall

production quality of the ads. The three

major factors focused on here, however,

are the ones scholars have studied the

most and are arguably the most

important factors that condition the

influence of advertising.

Determining the actual persuasive

influence of campaign advertising is

more than an academic exercise,

however. Certainly, elections are the

primary means by which voters and their

elected representatives are connected,

and political advertising in particular

accounts for the overwhelming bulk of

candidates’ and parties’ electioneering

budgets. Voters are often bombarded by

these short messages, and in many cases

they represent the voter’s only exposure

to the candidate.

If ads aired during an election

campaign do, in fact, alter voters’

candidate preferences, determining the if

and when is only part of the bigger story.

The question to be considered is how ads

are persuading? On the one hand, ads

might be “manipulating,” convincing

people to vote for a candidate who might

act against their best interests.

This would be quite troublesome, as it

would suggest that the candidate who

has the most money to buy ads will be

the victor, not the candidate who is more

representative of the particular

electorate. On the other hand, ads might

be persuading by informing, by

providing people with the information

that they need to make enlightened

decisions about which candidates best

represent their interests. In this case, ads

are not troublesome but represent one

more way by which to bring information

to voters, offering a connection between

elector and elected.

Electoral Effects of Political

Advertising

The most nagging advertising in

particular in the study of campaigns

generally and political advertising in

particular is whether campaign messages

exert any influence on electoral

behaviour. Consultants and

commentators cite a long list of political

advertisements that apparently produced

significant shifts in voting preferences of

constituents and therefore, reversed the


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momentum of a political campaign.

Most political scientists, have, however,

questioned whether campaign messages

such as advertisements exert any

influence on voting decisions. Forty

years of survey research have repeatedly

found that the effects of campaigning are

negligible compared to circumstantial

factors such as the state of economy,

party, and incumbency (McNair, 2011).

There is no statistical evidence from

surveys that campaign advertisements

are persuasive.

The argument that campaign

advertising has only minimal effects on

elections is difficult to reconcile with

candidates’ actual behaviour. All

serious campaigns invest heavily in

advertising. What is more, surveys

likely understate the magnitude of the

effect of campaign advertisements.

Ansolabehere and Iyengar (1996) find

that exposure to a political advertisement

increased the lead of the candidate who

sponsored the advertisement by 7.7

percentage points (plus of minus 4.0

points with 95 percent confidence.) The

effect of airing a single advertisements

to a population are too small to detect

except with very large surveys.

Tone

Political messages come in many shades

and tones. Some of them are progressive

and inspirational, where contenders

relate the hardships and

accomplishments of their lives.

Candidates will often conjure feelings of

fervour, anticipation, or joy. Others

portray the candidate eagerly talking

with everyday Batswana about economic

or moral issues. Some ads, by contrast

are negative and nasty, attacking an

opponent’s policy ideas or personal

character. An example is one of the

internet ads about the President of

Botswana on the UDC Facebook page.

In this ad we see the president of

Botswana portrayed as narcissistic. The

advert depicts his brain with the largest

part of it consisting of “me, myself and

I”. The “family and friends” and friends

section is the second largest and finally

the smallest part of the brain consists of

“Batswana (rest of the country)”.

These messages, shown by candidates

attempt to alarm or cause resentment

towards a political opponent. The point

of these ads is crystal clear: to convince

voters to vote for the other candidate in

order to have a better future.

Consultants and campaign managers

have increasingly turned to “attack” or

“negative” ads, commercials in which

candidates or their surrogates assail their

opponents’ abilities, experience and

integrity rather than promote themselves

and their own record, issue positions or

ideas.

The nasty tone of current political

campaigns is widely thought to generate


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serious political externalities. Citizens

allegedly become disaffected from

conventional politics and are less likely

to vote. The bitterness of campaigns

continues long after the election,

creating greater animosity between the

parties within the legislature and greater

problems disciplining members to vote

on controversial issues.

Do Political Advertisements Work?

Despite the host of research which has

been performed, no researcher has been

able to determine conclusively the

‘effects’ of political advertising on

voters. Findings from surveys and

experimental studies are largely non-

generalisable and, in some cases,

research results have been blatantly

contradictory (particularly in regard to

the effects of negative political

advertising) (Young, 2004). Overall, it

remains virtually impossible to isolate

the effect of advertising on voting choice

as distinct from other elements of

influence such as family, education,

media and partisanship. Even the

political parties themselves have little

data on advertising effects (Powell

1998).

If you ask typical Batswana what they

think of negative campaign ads they see

on billboards, Internet etc., many will

tell you that they detract from Botswana

politics—that they weaken democratic

discourse.

However, to admit that we do not

know and perhaps will never know what

effect political advertisements have on

voters, is not to say that advertisements

are unworthy of study or that they make

no difference at all. Even if they do not

sway many (or even, any) voters,

political advertisements are still

extremely important to the politicians

who produce them. Clearly, political

advertisements are extremely significant

to their producers— and by focusing on

this group we can still determine much

about politics and elections. Their

advertisements speak volumes about

what our politicians want to tell us, how

they want to present themselves, how

they try to convince us, who they think

their audience is and their assumptions

about that audience. “It is ok to

change!” by Gomolemo Motswaledi.

By studying the content of political

advertising we can learn much about

Botswana politicians, including their

messages, strategies and assumptions

about their audience. This information

is of great significance to political

scientists who are trying to make sense

of political actors and their behaviour.

Advertising is one of the main

methods by which candidates can outline

their differences in terms of policy,

philosophy and leadership. There are a

number of concerns surrounding the use

of political advertising in Botswana.

One major concern relates to the


15

inability of minor parties and

independent candidates to afford

television advertising or any form of

advertising in Botswana. These

candidates face a significant

disadvantage in communicating with

potential voters compared to the

established major parties that receive the

lion’s share of public and private

funding and are far better resourced to

purchase television advertisements

(Tucker and Young 2001). There are

also concerns that the lack of quality

information in political advertisements

‘dumbs’ down political debate and that

the increasing use of negative

advertising in Botswana fosters public

cynicism where false and misleading

claims are made in political advertising

(Ward 1995; Ansolabehere and Iyengar

1995). This has the potential to distort

the democratic process by giving

advantage to wealth.

Political Advertising During the

Botswana Elections

In a 2006 Gallup poll, 69% of Batswana

reported that they believe little or

nothing of what is said in political

advertising. Furthermore, opinion poll

after opinion poll finds that Batswana

think politics and campaigns are too

negative. In 2014, for example, 63% of

respondents in a national poll reported

that opposition party candidates’ ads

were “too negative”, 61% reported that

ads from ruling party candidates were

“too negative.” Nearly 70% reported

that neither the ruling party nor the

opposition parties’ ads “provided useful

information.” If Batswana do not trust

political ads, then how can they be

persuaded? What emerges is a

compelling puzzle. Even as political

parties spend lots of money on campaign

ads, believing that they are crucial for

victory, some scholars believe their

effects are small, and many citizens

express displeasure at their abundance.

The conventional view of voting

behaviour in Botswana was that the

majority of Batswana identify with a

particular party and will cast their vote

for that party regardless of what occurs

during the election campaign. However,

this view has been challenged by

evidence which suggests that there are

now fewer partisan voters, more

swinging voters and more people

deciding their vote during the campaign.

An online Facebook poll of 322

respondents in 2014 indicates that

exposure to campaign stimuli via the

electronic/social media can have some

influence on voting behaviour. At least

158 (49%) respondents indicated that

campaign stimuli had influence on their

voting behaviour, with 109 (34%)

indicating there was no influence and 55

(17%) were neutral.

Maundeni (2005) found that print,

radio and television advertisements

played an important role in persuading

undecided and swinging voters during

the Botswana 2004 elections. So this

actually shows that campaign advertising

appears increasingly important in terms

of its effect on voting behaviour.

Although many voters are supporters

and have determined their vote before

the election campaign begins, many have

not and their proportion is increasing

(McAllister and Mughan 1987; Bean,

Gow and McAllister 1998).

For a growing number of people,

election campaigns are therefore a major


16

influence on voting choice and, when a

difference of only a few percentage

points can determine the outcome of an

election, this group is large enough to be

very significant. Given that American

‘effects’ researchers have found that

undecided voters and late deciders are

the groups who are most likely to be

influenced by political advertising spots

(Kaid and Johnston 2000, 20), it

therefore seems increasingly important

to pay attention to how advertisements

are actually utilised.

According to Mills (1986, 22), one of

the major criticisms of modern political

advertising is that it is emotive and

manipulates people’s feelings. There are

those who view modern political

advertising in this light – as essentially

trivial, exploiting emotions and

substituting catchcries and slogans for

real political debate. On the other hand,

idealists might hope that political

advertisements will encourage informed

decision-making, educate voters,

stimulate debate and promote

participation. However, political parties

are less concerned about these civic

functions; for them, the primary aim of

political advertisements is to win votes.

Botswana Research Constraints

First, Botswana political parties have

little funding available for research and

tend to conduct their own ‘in-house’

appraisals of advertisements. In the

United States, by contrast, one of the

driving forces behind academic interest

in political advertising is the availability

of funding for research. Because so

much is spent on political advertising in

other countries such as the US, there is a

great deal of interest amongst candidates

and political parties about whether they

are ‘getting their money’s worth’.

Research on the ‘effects’ of political

advertising on voters is therefore better

funded and has been a particularly

popular topic amongst communication

researchers.

A second factor may be the relative

lack of prominence within Botswana

political science, in comparison with the

American profession, of the quantitative

methods that predominate in the US

research in this field (Ward and van

Acker, 1996). Limited access to

research materials is another factor

which discourages research in Botswana.

For instance, in Botswana there is no

single repository of political

advertisements. Other TV

advertisements held in private

collections are neither easily obtainable

nor stored on a format which preserves

them for future use. Botswana

researchers who wish to investigate

radio or print advertisements face an

even more difficult task. Currently, they

have to trawl through archived radio

tapes and old newspapers in order to

locate individual political

advertisements. This is a time

consuming and expensive process which

has undoubtedly contributed to the lack

of research which has been undertaken

on Botswana print and radio

advertisements.

All political advertisements are

cultural documents which represent in

miniature the issues, major players,

debates and circumstances of the day. In

60, 30 or even 15 seconds, television

advertisements encapsulate a great deal

about politics, history and society. It is

important that Botswana political


17

advertisements are collected, preserved

and studied. Because political

advertisements are central to Botswana

election campaigns, it is unfortunate that

difficulties in accessing information

sources about electioneering—both

research materials and interview subjects

who are willing to discuss their roles—

have evidently discouraged greater

study.

Conclusion

It will take some time, and further

elections, before a clearer picture

emerges. The influence of media use in

elections may be different in countries

with different size populations and with

different political and electoral systems.

Nevertheless even motivating a small

percentage of the population can (at least

in some electoral systems) make a

considerable difference to the result of a

party or an individual candidate.

Certainly an upward trend in citizen

participation in African elections due to

any media, social or not, would be taken

by many as a good sign.

It is no longer possible to understand

modern election campaigns without

considering election candidates’ reliance

on the mass media and on expensive

television advertising. Political

advertising is now central to the conduct,

if not the results, of modern election

campaigns. Significantly, some of the

old impediments which discouraged

academic research on this

phenomenon—such as lack of access to

materials and the constraints of conventional theoretical assumptions—

are breaking down. A new and

burgeoning interest in this area reflects a

growing awareness of the crucial role

that political advertising currently plays

in Botswana politics and of its likely

increasing importance in the future.

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22

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About the Author Patience Mathambo is a Lecturer in the Department of Media Studies at the University of

Botswana. She teaches courses in Media Studies, specialising in Public Relations. Her

research interests encompass political communication; political media history; political

advertising and public relations. She is particularly interested in the effects of political

advertising in Botswana.

Suggested citation Mathambo, P. (2015) ‘The Efects of Political Advertising in Botswana.’ In Rooney, R. ed.

The Botswana Media Studies Papers, vol. 2. Gaborone, Department of Media Studies,

University of Botswana.


23

Of Shooting and Shootings - Illumination as Africa Shoots Back

Foluke Ogunleye

Abstract The cinema in Africa has been an instrument for all seasons. This article examines the

various functions that the cinema in Africa has performed at various times in the history

of the development of the continent. The article states that the cinema has been pressed

into service, both to colonize and decolonize the African mind. This is explained through

an exposition of the history of cinema in Africa, its use by the colonialists as well as its

roles in post-independence Africa. We discuss the fact that the cinema in colonial Africa

was used, both as a means of propaganda by the colonialists as well as a commercial

product by the business class. The article points out the fact that in spite of an attempt to

relegate the colonized Africans into the role of passive consumers of filmic fare, some

Africans were very active in the filmmaking business, thereby participating in laying the

foundation for the African film. The article identifies colonial cinema as ‘annihilative’ in

the way its message is designed to destroy the image and psyche of the African. The

article concludes by examining ways in which post-independence African cinema can be

described as ‘restorative’ through the way it positioned itself to recover lost ground by

designing its images to fight colonialism and to recover the African past. Also, rather

than harping on the colonial past, even in the twenty-first century, African filmmakers

are now performing a watchdog role by exploring themes relevant to present challenges

of governance (and mis-governance) in Africa.

Key words: African Cinema, Colonial Cinema, Post-independence African Cinema,

Third Cinema, Charte du cineaste Africain, FEPACI.

“Imperialism leaves behind germs of rot which we must clinically detect and

remove from our land but from our minds as well.”

- Frantz Fanon


24

The ability to picture oneself is a vital need. In fact, if a man were to live

without the capacity of forging a picture of himself, he would have no

aspirations, no desires, no dreams of his own. The same applies to a

community, a society and a people. A society daily subjected to foreign

images eventually loses its identity and its capacity to forge its own destiny.

The development of Africa implies among other things the production of its

own images.

- Gaston Kaboré

Introduction

The above quotes succinctly summarize

the intent of this article – examining the

role that cinema played (and still plays)

in the colonization and decolonization of

the African mind. The career of the

cinema in Africa can be described as

colourful and eventful. In taking a

panoramic view of the film in Africa, we

ask the question ‘what types of ‘film

shooting’ have been going on in Africa’?

It is not possible to comprehend the

totality of the African film without a

scrutiny of the colonial past. This

connection can be seen in the question

raised by Ossie Davis who directed the

first feature film made in Nigeria,

Kongi’s Harvest

… power grows out of the

barrel of a gun … might it not

also grow, in this instance, out of

a barrel of a camera! (Ossie

Davies, 1970: 18)

This implies different types of

shooting – the colonial master shooting

his way to power (with the gun) to

accomplish colonization and the

shooting of films by Africans to effect

decolonization.

It must however be noted that the act

of colonization was not merely

perpetrated through the barrel of the

gun, in a very insidious manner,

colonization was also perpetuated

through the barrel of the camera by

introducing the colonial film into

Africa. Such films were racist and they

were disseminated to show a negative

image of black people and to valorize

the white race.

Although political colonialism has

disappeared from the African continent

on the attainment of political

independence, the insidious form, that

of ‘mind-colonization’, remains and

one of its most vibrant agents is the

cinema. According to Marcelo Dascal,

“the metaphor ‘colonization of the

mind’ highlights the following

characteristics of the phenomenon

under scrutiny here: (a) the intervention

of an external source – the ‘colonizer’ –

in the mental sphere of a subject or

group of subjects – the ‘colonized’; (b)

this intervention affects central aspects

of the mind’s structure, mode of

operation, and contents; (c) its effects


25

are long-lasting and not easily

removable; (d) there is a marked

asymmetry of power between the

parties involved; (e) the parties can be

aware or unaware of their role of

colonizer or colonized; and (f) both can

participate in the process voluntarily or

involuntarily” (Dascal, 2009: 308-309).

Pre-Independence Cinema in Africa

Under the colonial system, the

prejudices of the colonizers made it

impossible for them to imagine that an

African could actually make any sort of

film, let alone a feature film. The

assumption, chillingly spelled out by

Notcutt and Latham in their account of

the 1930s Bantu Educational Cinema

Experiment, was that, at best,

“intelligent young Africans” could be

trained “to do much of the routine work

of the darkroom and the sound studios,

and even some of the semi- skilled

work.” (Notcutt, & Latham, 1937: 183

cited in Armes, 2008: 3)

The denigrative opinion expressed by

Notcutt, & Latham above was debunked

by the activities of many Africans who

made films even during the colonial

period, against all odds. We will outline

some of them below.

The first pre-independence film

directed by an African is said to have

come from the North of the Sahara –

specifically from Tunisia. The man who

directed and produced the film was a

Tunisian, Albert Samama Chikly. Chikly

started his career with the commercial

exhibition of Lumiere films, graduated

to recording actuality films such as the

one he filmed from a balloon in 1908

and his career of filming with the French

army at the war-front during the First

World War. Chikly also served as a

cameraman for one of the numerous

French filmmakers who flocked into

North Africa to utilize the scenic locales

in their productions. The title of the film

was Tales of the Arabian Nights/Les

Contes des mille et une nuits (1922)

directed by the Russian émigré Victor

Tourjansky (Armes, 2006: 25).

Building on the experience garnered

from the above involvements, Chikly

recorded his first short fiction film titled

Zohra in 1922, and recorded his first

feature-length film titled Ain el-Ghezal

ou la fille de Carthage/The Girl from

Carthage in 1924. The film was reputed

to have been made entirely on location

(Armes, 2008: 3,

www.filmbirth.com/tunisia). It is

interesting to note that Zohra had a

major input from a woman – Haydée –

Chikly’s daughter, who received credit

for being ‘actress, scriptwriter, and

editor’ for the film (Armes, 2008: 3).

This shows that right from the inception

of film in Africa, women have been on

the front-line. The first major film

produced by an Egyptian was also

produced by a woman. The involvement

of women in African filmmaking will be

the subject of another article.

Although Egypt became theoretically

independent in 1922, British dominance

persisted until the 1952 military coup

against King Farouk. We can therefore

describe the pre-1952 Egyptian Cinema

as notionally ‘pre-independence. Some

historical records state that Egypt started

indigenous feature filmmaking in 1923

with Muhammad Bayyumi’s minor short

fictions, al-Mu‘alim Barsum Yabhath

‘An Wazifa /Master Barsum is Looking

for a Job. He followed this up in 1924


26

with al-Bashkateb/The Head Clerk and

al-Bash Katib/The Chief Secretary

(Leaman, 2001: 46). The first indigenous

feature film titled Leila was produced in

1926 by veteran actress, Aziza Amir.

With the coming of the indigenous

cinema, Egyptians now had something to

be proud of in the industry. According

to Magda Wassef, through its stars and

singers, Egyptian cinema became ‘an

object of Arab desire and pride. Through

it, they feel reconciled with their

identity, ridiculed and crushed by the

destructive and often castrating colonial

presence’ (cited in Armes, 2006: 28).

Finally, the example of the man that

is now described as veteran film

historian and documentarist, Paulin

Soumanou Vieyra is quite interesting.

According to Gugler, “His

collaboratively made short, Africa on the

Seine/Afrique sur Seine, is one of the

pioneering films of francophone West

Africa”. It explores the difficulties of

being an African in France during the

1950s and is considered to be the first

film directed by a black African.

(Gugler, 2003: 3, Armes, 2008: 129).

Shooting to kill: Colonial Cinema in

Africa

Many film scholars have criticised the

annihilative nature of the colonial film.

According to Joseph Gugler, colonial

films propagated images of ‘Black

Africa’ dominated by people of

European descent with whom Western

viewers could easily identify. Such

portrayals repeated and reinforced

negative stereotypes, presenting

Africans as barbaric, savage and

bloodthirsty, servants, incompetent, or

simply as part of the décor (Gugler,

2003: 2). Frances Harding further

opined that the Africa portrayed in such

films was an Africa seen through the

romanticized filter of intelligent

animals, smarter than human beings,

the macho white hunter filter, killing

big game in the African safari, the

benevolent imperialist filter, presenting

colonialism as saving and civilizing the

African savages (Harding, 2003: 70).

Such films accomplished a lot of

damage to both the African image as

well as the African psyche.

A classic example of a film that

manifests the colonial agenda is Jamie

Uys’ The gods must be crazy. Although,

according to Armes, the film appeared

innocuous, poking fun at blacks and

whites alike, English documentary

filmmaker, Peter Davis, has

demonstrated that it is impregnated with

the spirit of apartheid (Armes, 2006: 26-

27, Adesina, 2011: 54). The film utilizes

the mockumentary format (also known

as a mock documentary or

pseudodocumentary). It is a genre of

film and television in which fictitious

events are presented in a non-fiction or

documentary format (Roscoe and Hight,

2001: 10). At the beginning of the film,

the narrator describes the Kalahari and

its inhabitants:

Narrator: It looks like a

paradise, but it is actually the

most treacherous dessert in the

world. The Kalahari, after the

short rainy season, there are

many water holes, but even with

this, within a few weeks the

water sinks into the deep

Kalahari sand … So the beautiful

landscapes are devoid of people


27

… “Long Pause” except for the

little people of the Kalahari.

Pretty, dainty, small and graceful

…

The racist slur comes at the point of

the “Long Pause” in the narration. The

Narrator tells us “the beautiful

landscapes are devoid of people”, pauses

and tells us “except for the little people

of the Kalahari”. It is implied that these

people are insignificant. The word

“little” is an insult, and underscores how

inconsequential they are. In the light of

the foregoing explanation, the other

adjectives used to describe the people –

“pretty, dainty, small and graceful”

therefore sound patronizing (Adesina,

2011: 58).

The film also utilizes elements of the

‘road movie’, a film genre in which the

film's plot takes place during a journey.

According to Atkinson, during the

course of the story, the hero changes,

grows or improves (Atkinson, 1994: 14).

Unfortunately, by the end of the movie,

the main character, Xi, has not been

given any redeeming quality; he remains

a ‘stupid’ and ‘unintelligent’ person till

the end.

Africa Shoots Back

African scholars have discussed the

various functions of the African film and

an examination of films made by

Africans has yielded the following

themes:

Fighting Colonialism Recovering the African Past The struggle for Majority rule

in South Africa Betrayals of Independence

The Exploited and Neglected Peasantry

This is by no means an exhaustive list. However, the list suffices for our intent in this article.

Shooting Down Colonial Fallacies -

Fighting Colonialism

African artists, politicians, thinkers, etc.

had severally condemned the nihilistic

tendencies of colonial cinema on the

continent. With one voice, they opined

that colonial cinema fosters “cultural

domination, which is all the more

dangerous for, being insidious, imposes

on our people models of behaviour and

systems of values whose essential

function is to buttress the ideological and

economic ascendancy of the imperialist

powers” (“The Algiers Charter: 1975:

166). However, when African countries

attained independence, African

filmmakers also determined to de-

colonize Africa through the same

medium and have been making films

that tell the African story in all its

ramifications. Their position is

documented in the Charte du cinéaste

Africain (Charta of the African

Cinéaste), adopted in Algiers in 1975 by

the union of African filmmakers

(FEPACI). It states partly:

... the cinema has a vital part

to play because it is a means of

education, information, and

consciousness raising, as well as

a stimulus to creativity. The

accomplishing of these goals

implies a questioning by African

filmmakers of the image they

have of themselves, of the nature


28

of their function and their social

status, and of their general place

in society. The stereotyped image

of the solitary and marginal

creator which is widespread in

western capitalist society must be

rejected by African filmmakers,

who must, on the contrary, see

themselves as creative artisans at

the service of their people. (“The

Algiers Charter: 1975: 166)

An example of a film crafted in the

spirit of the Algiers’ charter is Kwaw

Ansah’s Heritage Africa (1989).

In Heritage Africa, we are

introduced to a middle-aged cocky

African, Quincy Arthur Bossomfield,

who has become totally brainwashed

and alienated from his roots. He fits

into the image painted in Okot

P’Bitek’s Song of Lawino & Song of

Ocol and involved in behaviour

described as “apemanship” – an

overriding desire to ape the colonial

master (P’Bitek, 1984:5). However, by

the end of the film Bossomfield has

seen the error of his ways. Although he

dies at the end of the film, his death is

not regarded as a tragedy, because he

becomes reconciled to the ways of his

people and dies while fighting for the

rights of Africans.

Shooting from the Hip: Denouncing

Betrayals of Independence

... although postcolonial

theories are multiple, they seem

to be powered by the now-

naturalized notion that African

literatures are a response to a

singular European Other and an

insurrection against an external

aesthetics. This position ignores

the way in which individual local

texts address emergent themes

that demote the West as the

reference point of non-Western

cultures. (Mwangi, 2009: ix)

It would be very ridiculous if in the

21st century, African filmmakers are

still mourning and harping on the

themes of ‘paradise lost and regained’

through the colonial enterprise. The

focus of African films is now mainly on

things happening on the continent. One

of the themes utilized by African

filmmakers is the denunciation of

betrayals of independence by the new

African rulers. They do this by

criticizing the social and economic

failures engendered by corruption and

mis-rule. Such films utilize the tropes

of 'Third Cinema’, a cinematic

approach that rejects the

commercialism of Hollywood and

focuses on a developmental agenda that

is openly political and preoccupied with

social considerations. An example of a

film belonging to this genre is Ousmane

Sembene’s Mandabi (1968). In this

film, Sembene criticized the post

colonial world of the late 1960's,

bedevilled by unethical business

practices which grew out of capitalism

in Africa. The film also underscores the

suffering that would continue to be the

lot of the common man if governance

remains ineffectual.

Conclusion

A Third World Filmmakers Meeting was

convened in Algiers in 1973 (December


29

5 - 14,) and the purpose was the

Discussion of common problems and

goals to lay the groundwork for an

organization of third world filmmakers.

The filmmakers resolved that “the role

of cinema ... consists of manufacturing

films reflecting the objective conditions

in which the struggling peoples are

developing...contribute sound and

objective information for the people of

the entire world” (“Resolutions ..., 1973:

155, 158).

We will conclude this article by re-

emphasizing the basic differences

between the colonial inspired films and

the African films:

Colonial Films African Films

Many colonial film producers never set

foot on African soil; they read many

adventure tales and painted their own

personal picture of Africa which had

nothing in common with the real Africa.

African film producers base their works on

cultural and intellectual history and African

literature. This enables them to portray a

realistic picture of the African continent.

The black African is shown to be childlike,

in perpetual need of paternal guidance, and

portrayed as a superstitious cannibal -

contemptible and debased in society.

Protagonists are portrayed, not as

complacent dupes but as intelligent, quiet

leaders who rebel against the injustice of

colonialism.

Colonial filmmakers’ attitude toward the

black man is to present him as an object of

entertainment. The jokes in racist films are

at the expense of the black man who is

made to look very stupid

African Film-makers combine

entertainment with socio-political and

cultural discourse, and some consider

themselves the modern-day equivalent of

the griots.

Colonial films present blacks as ‘noble

savages’ who, because of their ignorance

and lack of intelligence, lead a rustic life in

contrast with vibrant and progressive

Western culture.

African films provide filmic revisions and

reinterpretations of African history. The

images portray early African civilization as

rich and valuable.

Focus is on prejudicial propaganda. Focus is on conscientization.

Colonial films conclude with the

glorification of the myth of supremacy –

the white man is presented as a heroic

achiever, while the black man is presented

as slothful and remains in a position of

servitude.

African films conclude by upholding the

African dream – an Africa free from the

shackles of neo-colonialism and

championing the renaissance of African

culture.

(Adesina, 2011: 108)

References

Adesina, G. O. (2011). A Comparative

Analysis of Racism and Pan-Africanism

in Selected Films about Africa.

Unpublished M. A. Thesis presented to

the Department of Dramatic Arts,

Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife,

Nigeria.

Armes, R. (2006). African

Filmmaking North and South of Sahara.

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.


30

Armes, R. (2008). Dictionary of

African Filmmakers. Indiana University

Press.

Atkinson, M. (1994). Crossing the

frontiers. Sight & Sound. 4(1).

Dascal, M. (2009). Colonizing and

decolonizing minds. In Kuçuradi, I. (ed.).

Papers of the 2007 World Philosophy

Day. Ankara: Philosophical Society of

Turkey.

Gugler, J. (2003). African Film: Re-

Imagining a Continent. Oxford, James

Currey.

Mwangi, E. M. (2009). Africa Writes

Back to Self Metafiction, Gender,

Sexuality. State University of New York.

P’Bitek , O. (1984). Song of Lawino

& Song of Ocol (reprint edition). African

Writers Series.

Roscoe, J. & Hight, C. (2001). Faking

it: Mock-documentary and the

Subversion of Factuality. New York:

Manchester University Press.

Other references

2010, “Resolutions of the Third World

Filmmakers Meeting, Algiers, December

5–14, 1973, in Black Camera, Vol. 2, No.

1 (Winter 2010).

2010, “The Algiers Charter on

African Cinema, 1975”, in Black

Camera, Vol. 2, No. 1, (Winter 2010).

About the Author Foluke Ogunleye is a professor in the Department of Media Studies at the University of

Botswana, Gaborone. She has lectured and served as a visiting professor in many

Universities. Her areas of research interest include media cultures, media industries as

well as gender from transnational and cross-cultural perspectives. Ogunleye has

published widely in internationally recognized books and academic journals.

Suggested citation Ogunlye, F. (2015) ‘Of Shooting and Shootings - Illumination as Africa Shoots Back.’ In

Rooney, R. ed. The Botswana Media Studies Papers, vol. 2. Gaborone, Department of

Media Studies, University of Botswana.


31

BTV Fails The People: an analysis of Botswana Television News

Richard Rooney

Abstract

The Botswana Government, through a number of its departments and the Office of the

President, has since the station’s launch in the year 2000 identified a number of aims for

the station’s news programming. These include the necessity to inform people about

events within and outside the country, to interpret such events and whenever possible

suggest appropriate approaches to them and to do this by providing balanced, credible

and professionally-tailored programmes containing fair and balanced reporting. It must

do this while also promoting the policies of the Botswana Government. No substantial

research has been undertaken into the programming at BTV (news or otherwise) and this

research paper begins to fill the gap in our knowledge. It sets out to answer three broad

research questions: (i) what are the self-defined aims of BTV News?; (ii) to what extent

are these aims being met through the station’s news bulletins?; and (iii) how well does

BTV fit the model of public service broadcasting?

To answer these questions a survey was made of material published by BTV and

Botswana Government departments to establish what its aims are. Once the ‘model’ for

news programming was established a content analysis of 14 news bulletins was

undertaken to ascertain (i) the kind of items that were being broadcast and (ii) the

sources journalists used in their reports.

The BTV aims were interrogated by the data from the content analysis and it was

concluded that most aims were not met.

This is followed by a discussion identifying the main characteristics of public service

broadcasting (PSB) in which it is concluded that BTV is not a PSB broadcaster.

Key words: Botswana television, BTV, television, democracy, public service

broadcasting

Introduction

In theory, news on television can give

space to people who do not have a place

to air their views. But for this to work

the reports that appear on television need

to be of high quality, relevant and useful

to the audience. Television needs to

allow the expression of a full range of

opinions and matters of public concern.

This paper explores the extent to which

Botswana Television (BTV) allows this

to happen


32

BTV is the main television channel in

Botswana and is the only one that

broadcasts local news to the population

of the country. It is owned and

controlled by the state (Balule, 2013,

pp.86-87).

The Botswana Government, through a

number of its departments and the Office

of the President, has since the station’s

launch in the year 2000 identified a

number of aims for the station’s news

programming. These include the

necessity to inform people about events

within and outside the country, to

interpret such events and whenever

possible suggest appropriate approaches

to them and to do this by providing

balanced, credible and professionally-

tailored programmes containing fair and

balanced reporting. It must do this while

also promoting the policies of the

Botswana Government.

No substantial research has been

undertaken into the programming at

BTV (news or otherwise) and this

research paper begins to fill the gap in

our knowledge. It sets out to answer

three broad research questions: (i) what

are the self-defined aims of BTV News?;

(ii) to what extent are these aims being

met through the station’s news

bulletins?; and (iii) how well does BTV

fit the model of public service

broadcasting?

To answer these questions a survey

was made of material published by BTV

and Botswana Government departments

to establish what its aims are. Once the

‘model’ for news programming was

established a content analysis of 14 news

bulletins was undertaken to ascertain (i)

the kind of items that were being

broadcast and (ii) the sources journalists

used in their reports.

The BTV aims were interrogated by

the data from the content analysis and it

was concluded that most aims were not

met.

This is followed by a discussion

identifying the main characteristics of

public service broadcasting (PSB) in

which it is concluded that BTV is not a

PSB broadcaster.

Media landscape in Botswana

BTV is the largest television station in

the country, but it does not transmit

across the whole nation, reaching only

about 40 percent of the population. BTV

is also available via the satellite

subscription services, DSTV, and can

thus theoretically be accessed by viewers

with a satellite dish and DSTV decoder

throughout the country (African Media

Barometer, 2011, pp.46-47).

The only other free-to-air television

station, eBotswana, a relation of e.tv in

South Africa, is broadcast in the capital

city, Gaborone and the surrounding area.

eBotswana, previously the Gaborone

Broadcasting Company, relaunched in

2010 and now states its “vision” is to be

“the television channel of choice as well

as the best source of entertainment in the

country” (eBotswana website).

Its schedule is dominated by foreign

programming , which it says includes,

“Hollywood blockbuster movies that

have proven to be a major hit amongst

our viewers”. However, to “grow and

nurture local talent”, eBotswana has also

produced local shows, “not only serve to

provide viewers with locally produced

programs but also helps empower the

Botswana Television Industry” (ibid).

Although the media landscape is

dominated by government–controlled

media in both print and broadcasting,

there are significant numbers of private

media, especially in the print sector, with

a reasonable degree of diversity and


33

independence (Rooney, 2012; Fombad

2011, p.18).

In the broadcasting sector there are

two state-owned national radio stations;

three national privately-owned and eight

foreign stations in Botswana (IREX

2010).

Botswana TV: its aims as seen by itself

and the government

The purpose of this research paper is to

examine BTV’s stated aims on news and

current affairs programming and to

examine empirically the product the

station actually broadcasts. In this way it

will be possible to come to a conclusion

about how well BTV is meeting its aims.

BTV and Radio Botswana 1 and 2 are

run as government departments, within

the Office of the President, with staff

hired by the Directorate of Public

Service Management, as is the case with

all government employees. Therefore,

the state broadcaster is not accountable

to the public (African Media Barometer,

2011, pp.43-44).

This means, according to the African

Media Barometer, that in effect BTV is

run as an organ of the government and

there is no legislation to guarantee the

station’s editorial independence from

political influence.

Before coming under the present

Department of Broadcasting Services,

which is a division of the Office of the

President, BTV was part of the

Department of Information and

Broadcasting (DIB). The aims of the

station date from the days of DIB. The

DIB said the station committed itself to

provide at least 60 percent local content

to meet the diverse needs of Batswana

(the people of Botswana) According to

its guiding principles, the station was

upbeat and forward looking, and sought

to align its strategy with the national

vision, Vision 2016 (see below). It

recognized that the majority of Batswana

were young people, and that Botswana

had diverse cultural and language

groups. It also recognized that Botswana

was part of an integrated global village

and had to compete effectively (Dept. of

Information and Broadcasting website).

It also said that the role of the DIB

was to use BTV to mobilize Batswana

towards national development, to inform

them about events within and outside the

country, to interpret such events and

whenever possible suggest appropriate

approaches to them. The department also

educates and entertains citizens in

accordance with national development

goals and interests.

DIB said it executed editorial policy

in line with its role as a public service

media charged with the responsibility of

promoting policies of the government.

“The department is hence, dedicated to

the provision of objective, balanced,

credible and professionally-tailored

programmes and publications.”

The “Standards and Values” of

Botswana TV stated that “Botswana TV

aspires to produce work to the highest

standards of professionalism.

Programmes must be impartial and

informative” (BTV Standards and

Values website).

In a seeming contradiction to the

DIB’s stated role to “mobilize Batswana

towards national development”, BTV

itself regarded its programming policy as

“attempt[ing] to cover most genres, but

the emphasis at first must be on sports,

news music and talk shows” (ibid).

However, possibly with the

department’s mandate of “national

development” in mind BTV stated its

task was “to celebrate and develop the

civic values that the nation hold

common, while reflecting and enjoying


34

the diversity of culture within

Botswana” (ibid).

The commitment of BTV News was

stated as “to giving you fair, accurate

and balanced reporting. In line with the

country's Vision 2016, BTV News aims

at ensuring that Batswana are properly

informed, educated and become

innovative”.

It stated, “There is no doubt in our

minds that BTV News is perhaps the

most watched show in the station. So to

those who wonder about editorial

independence and integrity we say,

watch us and judge for yourself for

indeed the proof of the pudding is in the

eating” (BTV News Striving for the

Truth website).

A statement from the (unnamed)

Director Department of Broadcasting

that formed the introductory page to the

Botswana TV website appeared to have

been written at or about the time of the

station’s launch in 2000. It said the

“most basic benefit” in introducing the

nation’s own TV service was that the,

“people of Botswana had never really

seen themselves in the manner they

perceive themselves” (BTV from the

Director website).

From the information supplied on the

various webpages we can conclude that

according to BTV’s own interpretation

of its aim, the following statements

represent the station’s commitments to

news and current affairs programming.

1. News and current affairs are to

inform Batswana about events

within and outside the country, to

interpret such events and

whenever possible suggest

appropriate approaches to them.

2. BTV executes editorial policy in

line with its role as a public

service media charged with the

responsibility of promoting

policies of the government.

3. BTV is dedicated to the

provision of objective, balanced,

credible and professionally-

tailored programmes.

4. BTV programmes must be

impartial and informative.

5. BTV News aims to broadcast

“fair, accurate and balanced

reporting. In line with the

country’s Vision 2016, BTV

News aims at ensuring that

Batswana are properly informed,

educated and become

innovative”.

6.

Vision 2016

In addition to BTV’s interpretation of its

own aims, it is instructive to also

consider the aspirations of the people of

Botswana in regard to what the

television station might deliver.

Vision 2016 is a document published

as the result of deliberations of a

Presidential Task Force, which started its

work in January 1997. The Task Group

conducted extensive consultation with a

wide cross-section of individuals and

institutions in Botswana. The views and

ideas in Vision 2016 are said to “reflect

as closely as possible the aspirations of

Batswana about their long term future”

(Vision 2016 website, p.1).

Vision 2016 stated that regarding

Botswana’s communication capacity,

particularly in the electronic media,

radio and television, Batswana will be

informed about the rest of the world.

Vision 2016 aspired that, “all Batswana

will have access to the media through

national and local radio, television and

newspapers” (Vision 2016 website, p.7).

Vision 2016 predicted, “The society

of Botswana by the year 2016 will be

free and democratic, a society where


35

information on the operations of

Government, private sector and other

organisations is freely available to all

citizens. There will be a culture of

transparency and accountability” (ibid).

Vision 2016 stated, “The challenge is

to ensure access of all families to

information technology, television,

audio and print media, and to further

develop an environment conducive to

the free flow of information among all of

the communities of Botswana” (Vision

2016 website, pp. 17-18).

The African Media Barometer 2011

There is next to no research available

regarding audience attitudes to BTV

programming. The only easily-available

material was published by the African

Media Barometer (AMB) (2011).

AMB describes itself as, “an in-depth

and comprehensive description and

measurement system” (African Media

Barometer, 2011, p.2). It is an analytical

exercise to measure the media situation

in a given country. Every two to three

years a panel of 10-12 experts,

consisting of at least five media

practitioners and five representatives

from civil society, meets to assess the

media situation in their own country.

The AMB confirmed that BTV was a

state run and state-controlled

broadcaster. AMB commented, “When

the state directs its own organ to do

something, it is not seen as interference.

The state is simply operating its own

machinery.” State House is known to

give directives to the state broadcaster

about what topics to cover and not to

cover (African Media Barometer, 2011,

pp.45-46).

The AMB reported it was “common

knowledge” that “government can stop

or delay the news bulletin to serve its

own interests”, although an advertiser

would not have this kind of control.

BTV is funded wholly by a budget

drawn from taxpayers. Money made by

the broadcaster through advertising or

sponsorship goes directly into state

coffers (see also Balule, 2013, p.91).

The state broadcaster does not serve the

public interest, but that of the state.

Some AMB panellists felt that the

state was not funding the state

broadcaster adequately since BTV, for

example, is failing to meet its quota of

airing 60 percent local content.

“As a state broadcaster, its funding is

already infiltrated. The state is

adequately funding the state broadcaster,

so it has control over it, including its

editorial content. This funding does not

protect it from arbitrary political

interference” (African Media Barometer,

2011, pp.45-46).

The AMB reported that state

television, BTV, continues to push a

very one-sided viewpoint (that of

government/the ruling party) and it has

many repeat programmes and not much

diversity. Panellists said BTV’s

programming is described by viewers as

“boring” and “lacking in creativity”

(African Media Barometer, 2011, p.48).

Some 90 percent of BTV’s local

offerings are “talking heads” as the

station rarely goes into the field to

interview people. This could be

attributed to stifling of programme

content in order to stick to what has been

approved and agreed upon prior to

airing.

The AMB report said, “People in

rural areas and those from low income

groups do not watch BTV because they

feel it is not relevant to them.” The news

on both state radio and television is

particularly unbalanced and single-

sourced (ibid).


36

Generally, there is little balance in

news and current affairs offered by the

state radio and television services, as

opposition parties and viewpoints are not

given the same platform as the ruling

party, which dominates the airwaves.

There is also misleading information and

propaganda broadcast on BTV and RB 1

and 2.

BTV News was reportedly given an

instruction from State House in 2010 to

cover only the president and the vice

president as, “they talk about issues of

national interest” (African Media

Barometer, 2011, p. 49).

“Sometimes state media journalists

have good intentions, as it is

traumatising from the inside, but you

can’t strike your stomach.”

AMB reported this has led to a

general lack of confidence by Batswana

in the state broadcaster, resulting in a lot

of people not watching or listening to

these services (ibid).

The quota for different programming

by BTV is reportedly 20 percent local

news, 30 percent local programming, 10

percent local interviews and 40 percent

foreign programming.

There is local content on the national

broadcaster, but this is not very diverse

or creative, especially on BTV. The state

television service has a budget of

P2million to procure local content, but

this is not sufficient and would only pay

for two 24-minute programmes, and not,

for example, a 13-episode local series

(African Media Barometer, 2011, p.50;

see also Ditlhokwa, 2014).

It is argued that BTV, “was always

meant to be a political mouthpiece of the

ruling party, for its own political gain”,

and that even if local producers find

their own funding, BTV is still reluctant

to air the programmes (African Media

Barometer, 2011, p.50).

Content analysis of bulletins

To examine the contents of BTV News,

a total of 14 bulletins were surveyed

over a period starting 6 January 2013

and ending 15 March 2013. The

occurrence of “news” is not evenly

spread across the week. For example,

law courts and government offices tend

not to operate at weekends and more

sporting events take place on Saturday

than any other day of the week.

Therefore, one might assume it is less

likely that political news will happen and

be reported at the weekend when in turn

there will be greater opportunities to

report sporting activities on Saturday

and Sunday.

To try to minimise bias due to the

uneven spread of news occurrences

across the week, the 14 days chosen

consisted of two bulletins from each day

of the week. A purposive sample was

used in selecting the dates: that is

bulletins were chosen at random until the

required total was achieved.

Botswana TV News (English version)

runs each day Monday to Sunday and is

aired at 20.00 hrs. It is scheduled to fit a

30 minute time slot, but in practice

during the survey period the programme

ran for between 20 and 25 minutes. The

remaining time in the 30-minute slot was

taken up with advertising and / or

previews of forthcoming programmes.

The news bulletin had a set running

order that never changed during the

research period. It ran as follows:

welcome and news headlines read by

announcer; news reports from within

Botswana; foreign news reports; stock

market and currency reports (Monday to

Friday only); sports news; closing

headlines read by announcer.

The total number of reports broadcast

in a bulletin varied between nine and 13.


37

As Table 1 shows, of these the number

of news reports from within Botswana

ran between three and seven. In 10 of the

14 bulletins 50 percent or fewer of the

items broadcast were from news reports

from Botswana.

Table 1: Number of news items originating in Botswana Date (all 2013) No of local

news items Total No of items in bulletin

Sun 6 Jan 4 9 Mon 7 Jan 3 10 Tues 8 Jan 6 12 Weds 9 Jan 4 11 Tues 10 Jan 4 11 Fri 11 Jan 5 11 Sat 12 Jan 5 10 Mon 14 Jan 5 11 Sun 20 Jan 4 13 Weds 27 Feb 5 12 Tues 5 Mar 7 11 Thurs 7 Mar 7 11 Sat 9 Mar 7 10 Fri 15 Mar 6 11 TOTALS 72 153 Source: Author

Reports from within Botswana

typically consisted of the studio

announcer reading an introduction to the

report followed by a reporter (rarely

himself or herself seen on camera)

presenting a voice-over report. There

was little attempt to present the report

visually. A typical report would consist

of a summary of an organised event that

took place (for example, a press

conference, a workshop, a

commemorative event of some

description). Dominant in the report

would be a speaker addressing a

gathering through a microphone. The

camera would cut away to faces in the

audience from time to time. However, it

was obvious that the cutaways were not

contemporaneous; that is the audience

were not filmed reacting to the words

spoken to them, the shots appeared to be

general footage of the audience that was

then cut into an edited report presumably

in an to attempt to add some life to the

report.

Other reports that were not from an

organised event would typically consist

of a person (usually a spokesperson for a

government department or an

organisation of some kind) speaking to

camera. Rarely, were there reports that

had ordinary people (here defined as


38

people who did not appear to be

speaking on behalf of an organisation) at

their centre. During the research period

only eight reports (of a total of 72 from

within Botswana) were of this type.

In all occasions reporters were not

shown asking questions. In the case of

the public events, the speaker’s words

were shot during their speech to the

gathering. No one-on-one interview

between journalist and subject was ever

conducted. This was true, even when

technical problems (for example,

feedback in the amplifiers) distorted

what the speaker was saying to their

audience.

In this way, reporters never took the

opportunity to ask supplementary

questions of the speaker or hold them to

account on matters that might have been

controversial.

In the times when a person being

reported was not at an organised event,

but simply speaking to a camera, no

attempt was made to show the

involvement of the reporter. It is to be

supposed that the subject was

responding to a question from the

journalist before making their response.

However, there were no supplementary

questions asked by the reporter and

reporter and subject did not engage in

dialogue of any sort.

Often, the subject (at organised

events or in comments to the camera)

spoke in a language other than English.

BTV News made minimal efforts to

translate this for an English-only

speaking audience, making it difficult

for them to fully understand what was

being said in the report. This could even

be the case when the person speaking

was an official spokesperson for

government or a business entity and (one

supposes) would have been able to give

their comments in English if requested

by the reporter.

Foreign news consisted entirely of

agency reports. BTV News does not

have its own correspondents outside the

country. The studio announcer would

read brief reports based on agency

reports and filmed inserts supplied by

the agency would be shown.

The Botswana Stock Market and

currency report was read out by the

announcer. It consisted entirely of share

prices supplied by Botswana Stock

Market and foreign currency prices

supplied by the Bank of Botswana. No

analysis of the data was given (beyond

saying the prices had moved up or down

and by how much). During the whole

survey period these prices consisted of

the only news about business that was

broadcast, apart from where businesses

were involved in donating to charity or

some other “social responsibility”

activity.

Sports news consisted of two types:

(i) reports on sporting events that had

taken place or were about to take place,

and (ii) reports on the activities of

sporting organisations.

Some of those sports reports

originating from within Botswana were

indistinguishable from the general news

from Botswana. For example, during the

survey period there were separate reports

about Botswana athletics, football,

softball coaching and boxing that were

based on organised events such as press

conferences and mainly consisted of

officials talking about some initiative

they wished to be publicised.


39

It was rare to see any action footage

of sporting events that had taken place

within Botswana. The exception to this

was on one Saturday when footage of

that day’s soccer matches was shown.

The only action footage shown in the

survey period came from foreign

sporting events (for example, the Dakar

Rally and Australian Open Tennis).

This paper concerns itself with the

news items about Botswana broadcast on

the bulletins. Appendix 1 breaks down

the local news items from each bulletin

and gives a brief description of each and

identifies the main source or sources of

information for each.

Table 2 demonstrates that the local

news items on BTV News are dominated

by official state sources, such as the

government. A total of 29.1 percent

came directly from government

ministries and / or the President and

Vice President of Botswana. These

included a statement (uncontested by the

journalist) from the President that poor

public services would be a thing of the

past and a report on a retreat organised

by the Department of Youth, Sport and

Culture to discuss its development plan.

A further 9.7 percent came from local

government and political parties,

including a response to farmers

complaining about a local council’s

decision banning them from growing

cattle fodder. Of the three items about

political parties, two were from the

ruling BDP, one of which was a report

on the BDP’s Women’s Wing’s dinner.

Combined, these politically-oriented

items accounted for 38.8 percent of local

news items.

No other source category came close

to is. Items from parastatals (7 percent)

and the Botswana Defence Force (BDF)

contributed a further 9.8 percent of

sources. The BDF reports concerned a

local littler clean-up campaign.

The forces of law and order (police,

prison service, law courts) contributed

12.5 percent of sources. These included

reports on heavy traffic over the

Christmas / New Year holiday period,

road accidents and a prison escape.

The above statistics suggest that

journalists on BTV seem to over-rely on

official voices (politicians and other

representatives of the state) for their

local news sources.

There are other voices heard on BTV

news, but like the official state voices

these also tend to represent power. For

example, “businesses” (such as diamond

mining and tourism: two major drivers

of the Botswana economy representing

“economic power”) accounted for 11.1

percent of sources. The main thrust of

these items was that companies were

acting in socially-responsible ways to

local communities, for example Majwe

Mining donating clothes to poor

children.

“Ordinary” people are not entirely

overlooked by BTV News, but in the

research period there were only eight

local news items out of a total 72 (11.1

percent) that originated with them. The

news items included people complaining

about one thing or another (e.g. farmers

criticising local stores for not buying

their produce; parents worried that shops

did not have enough stocks of school

uniforms ahead of the start of the school

year; road traffic fines). They also

included two items that identified

children who were trapped by poverty:

one included children who were unable


40

to attend school because they had

responsibilities at home as “care givers”;

the other was about a child “trapped by

poverty”: both appeared to be poorly

concealed appeals for charity.

Table 2 Main source of information for local news stories: consolidated figures Source type No of times appearing Percentage of total

(figures rounded) Govt department or ministers

14 19.4

President or Vice President

7 9.7

Local councils 4 5.5 Political parties 3 4.2 (38.8) Botswana Defence Force 2 2.8 Parastatals 5 7.0 National organisations 2 2.8 Hospital management 2 2.8 (15.4) Police / prison service 7 9.7 Law courts 2 2.8 (12.5) Workshops / conferences 3 4.2 Businesses 8 11.1 ‘Ordinary people’ 8 11.1 Miscellaneous, not included above

5 7.0

TOTALS 72 Source: Author

Analysis of BTV News stated aims

The data collected in the content analysis

allow us to test BTV’s stated aims for its

news programming. As discussed above,

BTV News has five main aims for news

and current affairs programming. Below

is a discussion that tests each of BTV’s

aims against the data gathered in the

content analysis.

Aim 1: To inform Batswana about

events within and outside the country, to

interpret such events and whenever

possible suggest appropriate approaches

to them.

Comment: BTV has no journalists

operating outside the country and its

foreign news is supplied entirely by

international news agencies. Therefore,


41

BTV is unable to “interpret” these

events, nor offer appropriate approaches

to them. Also, BTV is limited in its

reporting from inside Botswana. In 10 of

the 14 bulletins 50 percent or fewer of

the items broadcast were from news

reports from Botswana. The local news

that is reported privileges the voices of

those with political and economic power

over the “ordinary” people.

The sources of the majority of news

reports in the bulletins seem to be

organized or staged events to which the

media are invited (sometimes the only

purpose of the event is to impart

information to the media). This raises

questions about the way the government

dominates the news agenda and who else

within Botswana is allowed to

communicate through the TV station.

We should be interested in the

relationship between journalists and their

sources because everyone should have

equal access to the media. We should be

concerned with relations between the

media and those who have political and

ideological power and especially

institutions that seek to define and

manage the flow of information in

contested fields of discourse

(Schlesinger 1990, pp.62-66). The

traditional liberal pluralist view has it

that in a democracy the media reflects a

wide range of opinions and interests in

society. That position is contested by

Hall et al (1980) who argue that people

in powerful positions are able to over

access the media and become “primary

definers” of the news because journalists

faithfully reproduce what they say and

thus reinforce the existing structure of

power in society. The primary definers

are allowed to set the agenda and others

with opposing views have to insert

themselves into its definition of what is

at issue. In this way, Hall argues, the

dominant ideology of the ruling elite is

transmitted by the media (Hall et al

1980, p.58).

Generally, reports on BTV News are

presented at face value. Reporters tend

not to ask questions that require people

in positions of power to justify their

statements or actions. Reporters tend to

receive information from a single source

and re-present it unquestioningly in

reports. In most of the stories in the

survey, the reporter made little attempt

to gather additional information, not

even to get a balancing quote in the case

of a story about a matter of controversy.

Nor do journalists tend to give

background information to the stories,

even those running from day to day.

They seem to have no institutional

memory and are unable to draw on

information from their own archives to

put stories into context.

On a simple logistical level BTV does

not inform Batswana about events inside

and outside the country because

technically it is not capable of reaching

the whole population and people in rural

areas do not see the station as having

relevance to their needs (African Media

Barometer, 2011, p. 48).

Aim 2: The department also executes

editorial policy in line with its role as a

public service media charged with the

responsibility of promoting policies of

the government.

Comment: BTV promotes the policies

of the government, but this is done to the

exclusion of almost all opposition

voices. This is especially so on matters


42

of controversy. It is difficult for this

research to properly analyse BTV’s

news agenda, because only those stories

the station chooses to broadcast are

visible. The researcher and the viewer

have no idea what “news” BTV has

chosen not to broadcast. There is

evidence that BTV censors news that is

unfavourable to government. AMB has

said, “State house is known to give

directives to the state broadcaster about

what topics to cover and not to cover,”

and that “government can stop or delay

the news bulletin to serve its own

interests” (African Media Barometer,

2011, p.45).

The Media Institute of Southern

Africa (MISA), Botswana chapter, in its

annual review of media freedom in the

country in 2011, came to a similar

conclusion. It described BTV reporting

during a long-running strike by public

sector trade unions as “unashamed

propaganda” for the government. “The

viewers [of BTV] were treated to one

side of the story as government literally

dominated the airwaves and never

broadcast the point of view of the

unions” (Ndhlovu, 2012, p.42).

“It was clear during the strike that

whoever was in control believed the

thousands of Batswana workers who

were on a legal strike did not deserve to

be heard by the rest of the citizens

(Ndhlovu, 2012, p.43).

Freedom House has reported the

“government occasionally censors or

otherwise restricts news sources or

stories that it finds undesirable”. It gives

the example of coverage in 2010 of the

split in the ruling Botswana Democratic

Party (BDP) and the resulting formation

of the Botswana Movement for

Democracy (BMD) party that was

“conspicuously absent from state-run

radio and television broadcasts, and

journalists were discouraged from

interviewing BMD leaders” (Freedom

House, 2012).

BTV’s role as “a public service

media” is not clearly defined. This has

been interpreted (see Ndhlovu, 2012,

p.43; Balule, 2013) to mean a “public

service broadcaster”. If this is the case

BTV fails on a number of levels that will

be discussed below.

Aim 3: The department is dedicated

to the provision of objective, balanced,

credible and professionally-tailored

programmes and publications.

Comment: BTV News bulletins are

not objective or balanced and therefore

are not credible. Journalists overly-rely

on people in power as sources of

information. The number of people

appearing in most news items is limited

in number and views in opposition to

government are not aired.

Journalists do not behave

“professionally” as they do not hold

people to account. They do not question

the people they report on, instead

allowing them to make claims

unhindered. Even in matters of

controversy, such as the report from the

President’s Office that poor public

services would be a thing of the past

(broadcast 11 January 2013), there is no

counterbalancing argument.

Journalists at BTV News also fail the

“professional” test by being incapable of

telling a story visually and using editing

techniques that are commonly used in

newsrooms across the world.

The lack of capacity of some media

practitioners in Botswana is recognised


43

by journalists themselves, who see them

operating as public relations people for

the powerful, (Ntibinyane, 2014) or

ignoring facts in favour of their own

prejudiced news angles (Molefhe, 2008).

Aim 4: Programmes must be

impartial and informative.

Comment: This aim seems to repeat

that covered in aim 3 (above). The

choice of news items to broadcast and

the restricted voices that are allowed to

speak demonstrate that the news is not

impartial. What “information” that is

broadcast is directed towards news and

views that the government wishes to be

broadcast, rather than impartial

information that might help viewers

better understand the state of their

country.

One of the traits of journalism in

Botswana (print included) is its

unwillingness to produce stories that

contain a balance of views within them.

Instead, journalists opt for revisiting

stories over a period of time, introducing

new elements and different views in

each new episode. In this way

committed viewers or readers might be

able to piece together the disparate

elements of the story into a

comprehensible whole. But, each new

episode tends to include only one source,

thus there is no balance of views or

attempt at interrogation of the powerful.

This demonstrates a lack of capacity

among Botswana’s journalists to

perform one of their vital roles within a

democracy which is to examine what

government is and is not doing and to

provide the public with information,

comment, analysis, criticism and

alternative views.

Aim 5: To give “fair, accurate and

balanced reporting. In line with the

country’s Vision 2016, BTV News aims

at ensuring that Batswana are properly

informed, educated and become

innovative”.

Comment: This aim has similar

characteristics to aim three and four

(above). It is correct that Vision 2016

aspires to see Botswana as “a culture of

transparency and accountability”.

(Vision 2016 website, p.7), but the

evidence from the bulletins suggests that

neither of these exist.

BTV and its government controllers

do not explain what they mean when

they want to see Batswana “become

innovative”. One might speculate that

this is somehow related to giving

viewers news and information that they

could use in some unspecified way in

their daily lives to improve their own

situations. However, it would be

impossible to identify an item in any of

the news bulletins examined in this

research that could be said to meet this

need.

BTV and Public service broadcasting

BTV does not make the explicit claim to

be a “public service broadcaster”, but

many of its stated aspirations at least

imply that this might be its intention

(Balule, 2013). Therefore, it is useful

here, to explore the model of public

service broadcasting and to demonstrate

that it does not exist in Botswana.

Sometimes among broadcasters there

can be confusion about what are the

differences between a “public

broadcasting service” and a “public

service broadcaster.” In simple terms a

“public broadcasting service” is a


44

service that is broadcast to the public.

This can include radio and television that

is state-controlled, commercial

broadcasting, church broadcasting,

national stations, local stations and

community stations. It is a generic term

and includes all forms of broadcasting

that reaches an audience. Even very

small stations such as the stations that

broadcast exclusively to one chain of

shops, which play music and

commercials advising customers of the

bargains of the day (such as you hear in

some supermarkets) could be called a

public broadcasting service (Rooney,

2013).

Meanwhile, “public service

broadcasting” is a very specific form of

public broadcasting service. It aims to

inform, educate and entertain in a way in

which the commercial or state sector left

unregulated would not do. Generally, it

is understood that public service

broadcasters air a wide range of

programmes in a variety of tastes and

interests. They speak to everyone as a

citizen and everyone has an opportunity

to access the airways and participate in

public life (Balule, 2013, p.81).

The World Radio and Television

Council put it well when it defined

public service broadcasting “as a

meeting place where all citizens are

welcome and considered equals. It is an

information and education tool,

accessible to all and meant for all,

whatever their social or economic

status” (Rooney 2013).

As Rooney (2006) has stated, today,

there is a wide geopolitical consensus

that political systems should exist to

provide opportunities for all the people

to influence government and practice

(DFID 2001) and that the media

reinforce or foster this kind of

democracy (Price and Krug, 2002, p.3).

To engage effectively there is an

assumption that access to information is

the first requirement for an engaged,

participative democracy (Roth, 2001,

p.13). An active citizenry will help

prevent governmental excesses and

breed trust in the democratic system,

thereby enabling the private media to

perform their functions (Tetty, 2003,

p.28) and the media are the major

mechanisms by which citizens are

informed about the world (Sparks,

1993). There are specific public interest

political goals which the media can be

used to serve, including the following:

informing the public, public

enlightenment, social criticism and

exposing government arbitrariness,

national integration and political

education. But the more the media serve

the narrow self-interest the less able they

are to serve the other group of public

interests (Ojo, 2003, pp.829-830).

Public service programming fulfils

some of the criteria necessary for

democratic participation. Public service

programming aims vary from country to

country but there is a core of common

features that are universally valid. Public

service broadcasting is broadcasting

made for the public, financed by the

public and controlled by the public.

Generally, the “public” is the entire

population of the country and ideally

means every household in the service

area should be in a position to receive

the programme service. Programming

should be in the fields of information,

entertainment and education for people

of all ages and social groups. It plays an


45

active role in presenting and promoting

national culture and can contribute to

strengthening notions of identity and

community and establish adequate

interaction between citizens and their

immediate wider communities

(Rumphorst, 2003, pp.73-74; Yaakob,

2003, p.96).

Broadcasting has a role as a partner in

development as it can help to mobilise

people who are directly affected by a

community condition (that is, the

victims, the unaffiliated, the

unrecognised, and the non-participating)

into groups and organisations to enable

them to take action on the social

problems and issues that concern them.

For community development to take

place, the people must first be conscious

of and open to changes for development

(Dy, 2004).

People have a right to express their

needs and concerns, in development

programmes and across society and

government. At an operational level,

fulfilling people’s rights to speak about

problems with service delivery will

improve service provision. More

fundamentally, communication can help

create open and responsive government

(Burke, 1999).

But, public service broadcasters

should be neutral towards all parties,

providing facts, education and

entertainment to the people, and not

serve as the mouthpiece of those in

power (Samuon, p.106).

BTV meets none of the conditions to

be a public service broadcaster. It does

not air a range of programmes in a

variety of tastes and interests. It does not

treat the citizens of Botswana as equals,

affording access to the airwaves to all.

Instead, it privileges the Botswana

Government and those in powerful

positions in society. BTV does not

attempt to achieve public interest

political goals which would include

informing and enlightening the public.

Nor does it allow space for social

criticism or to expose the arbitrariness of

government.

Conclusion

This paper has concluded that on the

evidence of what BTV News broadcasts

in its daily bulletins it is not fulfilling the

aims it has been set by itself and the

government which include the necessity

to inform people about events within and

outside the country, to interpret such

events and whenever possible suggest

appropriate approaches to them and to

do this by providing balanced, credible

and professionally-tailored programmes

containing fair and balanced reporting.

It has also concluded that BTV News

does not fit the model of a public service

broadcasting provider.

There remains an unanswered

question. Why did BTV News set these

aims in the first place? We might

speculate that in Botswana it is not in the

interests of the ruling party (the

Botswana Democratic Party since the

country gained its independence from

Britain in 1966) to allow the airwaves to

be used by those who might wish to

criticise it. With no real alternative local

television station in Botswana, the

government holds the monopoly for

television news and probably has no real

desire to see the airwaves democratised.

There is no strong advocacy within

Botswana for large scale change in its


46

broadcasting landscape and despite the

existence of “press freedom” advocates

such as the Press Council of Botswana

and the Media Institute of Southern

Africa the government is under no

pressure to make changes in this regard.

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47

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48

About the author Richard Rooney is an associate professor and head of the Department of Media Studies at

the University of Botswana, Gaborone. He has taught in universities in Europe, Africa

and the Pacific. His research, which specialises in media and their contribution to

democracy and good governance, has been published in books and academic journals

across the world.

Suggested citation

Rooney, R. (2015) ‘BTV Fails The People: an analysis of Botswana Television News.’ ’

In Rooney, R. ed. The Botswana Media Studies Papers, vol. 2. Gaborone, Department of

Media Studies, University of Botswana.


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Appendix 1 News sources for the Botswana News items 1 Sunday 6 January 2013 Item Source(s) of information New mayor elected Local council meeting Parents rush to buy school uniforms before schools reopen

Unclear – might be journalists’ initiative

Police shoot and injure man Police Heavy traffic over holiday period Government department 2 Monday 7 January 2013 Secondary schools reopen Education Director public address Magistrates court orders committal in murder case

Law court

BDP (government party) statement on MPs who change political parties

BDP general secretary

3 Tuesday 8 January 2013 Government schools reopen – poor exam results last term

Head teacher

Farmers complain about local council decision banning growing of cattle fodder

Farmers and local council

Primary school exam results published late

Botswana Exams Council

Seven prisoners escape Prison service Well-known musician dies Source uncertain. His record producer is

interviewed Outbreak of African Army Worm Ministry of Agriculture 4 Wednesday 9 January 2013 More Batswana people are holidaying within Botswana

Tourism businesses

Delay in publishing school exam results Botswana Examination Council press conference

30 die in road accidents during holiday period

Police

Children can’t go to school because they are care givers.

One child is interviewed. She appears to be appealing to viewers for financial help


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5 Tuesday 10 January 2013 Met Office forecast of rain for next three months

Met office

Children are affected by extreme poverty One mother interviewed Crime rates Police and courts Vice President visits farmers who are complaining about not being allowed to grow cattle fodder

VP, farmers, Botswana Water Company

6 Friday 11 January 2013 Office of President says poor public services are a thing of the past

President’s Office

Farmers unhappy local chain stores are not buying their produce

One farmer, one business.

Workshop on anti-poverty (business management)

Workshop

Mining company and its ongoing ‘social responsibility’ projects

Debswana

Four of seven escaped prisoners recaptured

Police

7 Saturday 12 January 2013 Follow up on stories about poverty aired earlier in the week. Businesses have made donations

Business who made donations

Famous musician is buried Family of musician Late rains allow for late ploughing of fields

Farmers interviewed

Mining project construction at Jwanenge Debswana press conference Miss Botswana Pageant to go ahead Botswana Council of Women press

conference 8 Monday 14 January 2013 Princess Marina hospital has electricity crisis

Hospital management, Botswana Power Company

Oil spilling from businesses into residential area

Residents, Dept for Environmental Affairs

Majwe Mining donates clothes to children

Majwe Mining presentation

Serowe Association of Disabled could close due to lack of funds

Workers at the association

Retreat organised to discuss Youth, Sport and Culture Development Plan

Dept of Youth, Sport and Culture


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9 Sunday 20 January 2013 Vice President urges solution to foot and mouth disease

Vice president at a public meeting

MP urges residents to take advantage of rain and plough fields

MP at public meeting

Motorists complain about level of traffic fines

Motorists and police

Houses collapse in heavy rain Residents 10 Wednesday 27 February 2013 Botswana Defence Force commemorates death of soldiers at Lesoma in 1978

BDF commemoration

President says BDP (govt party) will be disciplined if they put their own interests ahead of the people

President

Botswana Defence Force clean-up campaign in village

BDF brigadier

Minister of Education visits local councils to talk about back-to-school programme

Minister of Education

Launch of new ‘umbrella’ organisation of political parties for democratic change

Political rally

11 Tuesday 5 March 2013 President opens international health conference in Gaborone

President, conference participants

Public meeting on fight against malaria, organised by mining company

Karowe Mine

Commemoration of Africa Environment Day

Government minister

Minister opens Africa Technology Conference

Minister of Transport and Communication at conference

Minister of Trade and Industry statement on trading between Botswana and S Africa

Minister of Trade and Industry statement

Govt officials tour rural area in response to residents’ concerns over damage caused by mining.

Ministry

BDP Women’s Wing dinner BDP


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12 Thursday 7 March 2013 Water shortages in Gaborone Botswana Water Company International health conference final day Conference participants, including

UNICEF Meeting on youth and AIDS Minster of Youth, Sport and Culture Youth and AIDS disability workshop Botswana National Library Services Prices of houses too high because of shortage of land for building

Bank of Botswana, real estate companies

Court prosecutor jailed for contempt of court

Magistrates court

Police warn about motorists giving lifts to passengers without permit

Police

13 Saturday 9 March 2013 President on walk-about meeting people near Francistown

President

Initiative launched to prevent blindness Standard Chartered Bank and Ministry of Health

District council rejects plan to build river bridge

Local council

Commemoration International Women’s Day

Meeting

Campaign on road safety Police and motoring businesses Restocking of cattle begins after foot and mouth disease

Government agencies

Crime wave in Gaborone West Residents, police 14 Friday 15 March Abattoir reopens (closed for poor standards)

Butchery operators

Expo on firefighting equipment Central District Council Management response to continuing power outages at Princess Marina Hospital

Hospital management, hospital PRO

Government responses to water wastage through leaks during water shortage crisis

Minister of Minerals Water Utilities PRO

Opening of conference on fair competition

Minister of Trade and Industry

President opens National Council of BDP President and meeting

Botswana Media Studies Papers Vol 2

Documents

Transcript of Botswana Media Studies Papers Vol 2