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Beyond Survival: Tracing Individual Empowerment Processes in a Poor Chilean Settlement

Clàudia Turró

EPUC

Mariane Krause

EPUC

Abstract

Based on the life histories of residents from La Victoria, a poor settlement in Santiago,

Chile, this study reconstructed the central biographic elements in individual empowerment

processes, linking them with the socio-cultural context in which they occurred. Results show the

following main characteristics related to individual empowerment: identification with struggle; a

positive attitude towards learning throughout life; the establishment of goals, with relevant

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expectations, and the ability to take action to obtain them; the will to control the environment; a

perception of meaning in life; and the desire to help others. The most empowering contextual

elements found is the participatory context and the protective space, characterized by emotional

support and sense of community that La Victoria offers its inhabitants.

Keywords: individual empowerment processes, poverty, life histories.

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The present study seeks to contribute to the existing knowledge on empowerment with the

objective of delving into the individual processes by which a person empowers her/himself

during her/his lifetime and in association to his or her environment. Specifically, this study makes

three contributions: first, by describing the psychological aspects that, along with individual’s

biography, facilitate the process of empowerment; second, by describing the influence that the

contextual historical conditions have on this process; third, since there has been more literature

on the detrimental effects that poverty has on individual development (Gissi, 1986), it seems to

us especially relevant to increase knowledge about the individual and contextual aspects that

allow a person to evolve towards empowerment, despite the negative conditions represented by

poverty.

Most of the existing literature on empowerment processes has been developed in contexts

of citizen participation and/or community organizations, with less attention being given to the

individual aspects inherent to the process by which a person is empowered (Kieffer, 1984;

Zimmerman & Rappaport, 1988). Nevertheless, Kieffer’s classic study (1984) inquires into the

transition processes by means of which a person passes from a state of impotence as a political

agent to a social-political state of empowerment. More recently, research carried out by Yus

(1997) with women community leaders in two settlements of Santiago, Chile, describes the

individual aspects that influence the transformation of their self-image as women as the result of

their social participation, considering empowerment to be an expression of self-efficacy in the

public world.

Levels of empowerment

Empowerment is seen as a process by which people, organizations and communities gain

control over their lives with comprehension of their environment (Kieffer, 1984; Rappaport,

1984; Zimmerman, 1990a; Zimmerman, 2000). Rappaport (1984) distinguishes at least two levels

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of empowerment. The first involves individual processes, known as personal self-determination,

and refers to the capacity for determination that a person has over his life. This is understood as a

process through which people learn to establish a connection between their objectives and how to

obtain them and, therefore, to establish a relationship between their efforts and the results they

achieve throughout their lives (Mechanic, 1991). Zimmerman and Rappaport (1988) and

Zimmerman (1990a, 2000) also contemplate an introspective component in this type of

individual process that we call “psychological empowerment,” which includes personality,

cognition and aspects of motivational control. This type of empowerment is based on a perceived

control in three different domains of a person’s life: personal, interpersonal and socio-political

(Kieffer, 1984; Paulhaus, 1983; Zimmerman, 1995; Zimmerman & Rappaport, 1988). This last

domain involves participation in collective actions, membership in organizations that offer

support or mutual aid, or individual efforts to influence the socio-political context (Zimmerman,

Israel, Shulz & Checkoway, 1992; Zimmerman, 2000).

The second level, described by Rappaport in 1984, implies community processes, such as

competent participation, referring to the combination of attitudes, understanding, and abilities

required to execute a conscious and assertive role in the social growth of the immediate

environment.

As previously mentioned, different studies have confirmed that participation in voluntary

organizations is associated with individual empowerment (Berger & Neuhaus, 1977; Prestby,

Wandersman, Florin, Rich & Chavis 1990; Zimmerman & Rappaport, 1988). Nevertheless, the

components of this empowerment depend on the context and the population under study

(Rappaport; 1987, 1994; Trickett, 1994; Serrano-García & Bond, 1994). Kieffer’s 1984 study –

based on interviews with individuals who emerged as community leaders in North America –

revealed that the competences that enabled them to act effectively in their communities, included

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self-esteem, an understanding of cause and effect, and perceived efficacy. Zimmerman and

Rappaport (1988) showed that individual empowerment, involving personal control, a sense of

competence and a critical understanding of the socio-political environment also related to

participation in community organizations and activities. The aspects of empowerment indicated

in these two studies correspond to the interpersonal component previously described. They reveal

participation as an enhancer of individual or psychological empowerment (Prestby et al., 1990)

and make evident the interdependence and mutual influence between levels of individual,

organizational, and community empowerment (Zimmerman, 2000; Maton, 2008). Therefore,

empowerment must be understood as a consequence of a dialectical relationship between the

person and the environment of his/her community.

Poverty as a context

Poverty is a complex phenomena and difficult to define due to its theoretical ambiguity

(Altimir, 1979; Consejo Nacional para la Superación de la Pobreza, 1996; Kotliarenco, Cáceres

& Álvarez, 1996; Valdillo & Gómez, 1974). Nevertheless, poverty is associated with the

deprivation or insufficiency of some aspects linked to basic and psychosocial needs to which all

human beings have a right. The satisfaction of basic needs not only depends on income, but also

on the access that families have to government services, such as education, health, and housing

(Sánchez & Elizalde, 1995). In addition, poverty always has to be considered on the basis of a

determined and broader social context that includes the satisfaction of other needs, including

liberty, emotional support, security, participation, and identity (Sánchez & Elizalde, 1995;

Sirvent, 1998). Therefore, poverty is not only the lack of material resources, but also a given

psychosocial reality (Fundación Nacional para la Superación de la Pobreza, 1999; Gissi, 1986;

Gunn, 1994). On the other hand, it could be said that someone is poor not only because society

identifies him/her as such, but also because he/she has internalized what society thinks and says

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about him/her (Gunn, 1994). It is in this context that a cultural alienation of the poor is produced

by being influenced by improper beliefs, interests, and cultural values (Gissi, 1986). In a more

psychological sense, alienation implies feelings of impotence and “resignation” (op. cit.), which

are in direct opposition to the development of empowerment processes. Poor people’s resignation

has been associated with fatalism, passivity, feelings of impotence, a pessimistic view of the

world, and a low level of ambition – all elements that are contradictory to empowerment. This

conceptualization has been related to the classic notion of “learned helplessness” (Seligman,

1975): the motivation to obtain what is needed is insufficient, the person feels incapable and

becomes less capable of diagnosing the causes of frustration and searching for possible solutions

(Gissi, 1986; Sánchez & Elizalde, 1995).

Although poverty is a human experience in which diverse types of problems and

insufficiencies compound one another (Gunn, 1994), it is also a reality in which some people

discover a potential that allows them not only to survive under precarious conditions but to

actually develop as engaged citizens (Etchegaray, 1996). This phenomenon can be observed in

the Chilean settlement “La Victoria,” which is therefore an ideal setting in which to study

empowerment processes in the context of poverty. In fact, La Victoria has demonstrated the

empowerment of its inhabitants since its origins as an appropriation of land in 1957 (Cortés,

2003).

Individual empowerment in the context of poverty

Studies of individual empowerment processes in contexts of poverty have focused on

community leaders in order to reveal the abilities and experiences related to their psychological

empowerment process. Yus (1997), who studied women leaders in Santiago, Chile, showed that

her participants developed a heterogeneous array of social abilities, having a greater sensibility

towards their neighbors’ needs, as well as a complex view of the social reality and the situation of

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poverty in which they lived. Serrano-García’s (1984) findings, in Puerto Rico, demonstrate how

people learn new abilities in the context of community leadership, develop feelings of

competence, and also learn to take an active and positive role in their community. In North

America, Kieffer (1984) reveals how the experience of empowerment implies overcoming

feelings of dissatisfaction, marginality, vulnerability, and despair. Empowerment is also seen to

involve the management of two types of power: control over one’s own behavior, feelings,

thoughts, and will, and influence over the behavior of other persons or groups (Hollander &

Offerman, 1990; Speer & Hughey, 1995).

The La Victoria settlement

The La Victoria settlement was founded in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Chile, in

1957, through the appropriation of land by an organization of 3,000 families that migrated from a

peripheral zone of Santiago, where they lived in miserable conditions (TV Channel 13, 2003a,

2003b; Cortés 2003; La Victoria Neighbors Committee, 2002). It was the first (known) land

appropriation in South America, and therefore a “symbol” for citizens’ empowerment.

The settlers took the land, defended it, and at the same time, organized themselves in

committees of “homeless” to demand houses from the government. But instead of getting help

from the authorities, the police tried to oust the settlers by force. They were able to resist, because

the leaders had created the first formal organization of La Victoria: the Central Committee of

Settlers, which was able to win the support of members of congress, architects, national and

provincial leaders of settlers, as well as delegations and representatives of various Chilean

institutions (Bustamante et al., 2003; La Victoria Neighbors Committee, 2002; Paiva, 1989; TV

Channel 13, 2003a).

During 1957 and 1958, the settlers of La Victoria organized in many aspects: a health

committee was organized, a guard was kept, and women’s committee organized to prepare food.

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They organized themselves by blocks, in order to keep everybody participating. Even though the

authorities just “tolerated” them, they had help from institutions like universities, political parties,

and labor organizations.

During the 1960s, the people of La Victoria continued developing the settlement.

Urbanization projects were completed, the square, a new school, and Catholic and evangelical

churches were built; stores and street markets were established. They also organized cultural and

recreational activities in order to obtain financial support for basic services.

In the early 1970s, the election of president Salvador Allende represented the hope of a

better future for La Victoria. Allende’s government financed several projects for poor sectors,

including La Victoria. At this time, cultural activity in La Victoria was effervescent.

The military coup of September 11, 1973, put an end to Allende’s government and started

the dictatorial regime that lasted 17 years. For the La Victoria settlement, the dictatorship implied

repression, persecution, and massive unlawful invasions, resulting in death, detention, torture and

disappearance of many settlers (La Victoria Neighbors Committee, 2002; TV Channel 13,

2003a). To overcome their fear, the community united, fighting against the dictatorship both

secretly and openly. The Catholic and evangelical churches also consolidated their efforts to

strengthen the resistance.

During the 1980s, Chile suffered a serious economic crisis that principally affected the

social classes with fewer resources. At this time, an emblematic organization emerged in La

Victoria: the Settlement Command. Open elections were held so that each road chose a delegate

for the Command. In addition to representing the community, the new organization addressed

issues of poverty, unemployment, and quality of housing, and undertook actions for the most

beneficial distribution of resources. The women of La Victoria also demonstrated their leadership

by forming new women’s organizations of justice and resistance, like the Mujeres Democráticas

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de Chile (MUDECHI, Chilean Democratic Women). By this time, La Victoria was a model of

resistance to the dictatorship and enjoyed the support of international organizations (La Victoria

Neighbors’ Committee, 2002; Paiva, 1989; TV Channel 13, 2003a, 2003b). The military regime

ended in 1989, when a plebiscite called for the return of civilian rule.

Today, La Victoria faces new problems associated with drug dealing and violence, but

continues to benefit from the presence of many social organizations, that include the participation

of a high proportion of its inhabitants (Krause, Velásquez, Turró, Ramirez, Bustamante, &

Torres, 2002). Currently, the settlement is home to about 10,000 inhabitants, within a borough of

Santiago whose entire population numbers 102,066. The borough is considered poor, with 1.8%

of the population being indigent (i.e., having a monthly minimum income of under US$50) and

6.3% living in poverty on less that US$100 a month (Ministerio del Planificación, 2008).

La Victoria: A poor but empowered and resilient community

One of the aspects necessary for a community to be empowered is that it offer its

inhabitants the possibility to participate socially (Zimmerman, 2000), a characteristic evident in

La Victoria’s capacity for organization and self-government from its very beginnings (Cortés,

2003). The settlement’s network of organizations also offers the inhabitants the possibility of

voluntary cooperation and mutual support, so that they can collaborate in efforts to improve the

physical, social and economic conditions of their community. These are ingredients of what

Florin and Wandersman (1990) called a “developed community.”

In addition to being an empowered and developed community, La Victoria can also be

considered resilient, as it is a settlement in which members are capable of overcoming poverty

and repression, making use of their own resources to obtain certain changes in their material,

social and affective surroundings.

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Resilience, then, arises as a concept complementary to the understanding of

empowerment processes in poor neighborhoods (Maton, 2008). According to Rutter (1987,

1993), resilience is evident when the individual, faced with experiences that put him/her at risk,

cultivates protective aspects that allow him or her to successfully resolve the situation. Rutter

states that resilience is characterized by a series of protective elements, of personal, psychosocial,

family, and socio-cultural nature. Masten and Garmezy (1986) conclude that the most important

characteristics that operate as protective elements are: a) personal characteristics such as self-

determination, self-esteem, and positive social orientation; b) family cohesion, warmth, and the

absence of serious conflicts; and c) existence of external support systems that reinforce and

encourage efforts of confrontation.

Kotliarenco’s research in Chile (2000) has shown that, under the same conditions of

poverty, quality of life can be very different for different people. Concretely, in those cases in

which the family situation is characterized by a relatively better quality, the overall quality of life

is superior.

In keeping with these results, there is also evidence that relates empowerment to family

life. The Cornell Empowerment Group (1989) undertook a series of studies in the United States,

concluding that close family relationships were essential in favoring empowerment in children.

On the other hand, a study with North-American teenagers carried out by Zimmerman, Ramírez-

Valles and Maton (1999) shows that socio-political control (one of the dominating spheres of

empowerment) is a protecting factor against feelings of helplessness, which has an impact on the

mental health of these teenagers.

Participation and empowerment likewise have a positive impact on resilience. For

example, in the case of women who participate in community activities in poor districts, some of

the benefits include the strengthening of personal security; overcoming shyness, development of

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the ability to defend ideas; and the establishment of solidarity and strong bonds of friendship

(Alegría, Caro & Maragaño, 1993; Barrig & Fort, 1987; Chueca, 1991; Massolo, 1987).

It is evident that the concepts of resilience and empowerment have several common

aspects, even though each has its own focus. The focus of resilience is linked more to the

individual, while the empowerment concept usually focuses on the community. Nevertheless,

when the aim is to explore individual empowerment processes, as in the present study, the aspect

of resilience could be of interest, in order to reveal the development of empowerment processes

not only during adulthood, but also during childhood and adolescence. With this in mind – and

understanding that individual empowerment is the consequence of broader social and cultural

characteristics, as well as one’s family of origin and personal disposition (Garmezy, 1991;

Kotliarenco, Cáceres & Álvarez, 1996) – we can examine the life histories of empowered

individuals born into poverty to discover the individual, family, social, and historic elements that

make possible a resilient evolution towards empowerment.

Method

With the aim of capturing their biographical experiences from their own point of view,

life histories of active, involved participants in the community, inhabitants of the settlement La

Victoria, in Santiago, Chile, were collected and analyzed using qualitative methods, in order to

reconstruct the personal and environmental elements that would reveal how they came to be

empowered.

The community context of this study was well known to the researchers, who had been

working for two years in La Victoria in a community intervention project. The intervention

developed as part of a larger national project for the development of safe neighborhoods, with a

focus on the prevention of violence and drug abuse. The researchers’ previous relationship with

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many of their inhabitants and their knowledge of the community’s characteristics (Krause et al.,

2002, Krause et al., in press) were used as a springboard for the design of the present study. In

fact, the initial contacts with the participants were facilitated by other community members who

helped to “find” people who would fit with the dimensions that should be varied in keeping with

the process of theoretical sampling (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).

Participants

Participants gave their informed consent in an initial contact during which the purpose of

the study and the procedure of interviewing were explained in detail. All of the contacted

community members agreed to participate. The sample was completed successively; after initial

data were collected and analyzed, the researchers decided whom to interview next in order to

obtain a variation in aspects that seemed relevant to the emerging results (Strauss & Corbin,

1990). Nevertheless, all the individuals interviewed had a longstanding active participation in at

least one community organization which demonstrated committed to the development of their

neighborhood from their own point of view and from the perspective of other community

members (those who helped us with the initial contact). The successive sampling procedure was

initiated with two participants who were at least 20 years old by the end of 1957 (when the

appropriation of land took place), because of the probability of having collaborated consciously

in building the settlement.

Variations of type of social participation and community leadership were included in the

selection of the participants, as well as variations of gender, age, marital status, and parenthood,

with the objective of discovering the common aspects that had influenced their empowerment

processes despite these differences. Through these carefully managed variations, the selected

participants represented the broader population of citizens involved in community participation in

the La Victoria settlement.

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Table 1 specifies the characteristics of the people interviewed according to the specified

criteria.

PLEASE INSERT TABLE 1 HERE

Data collection

The principal technique of data collection used was the narrative-biographic and semi-

structured interview. Participants were all interviewed by the same person, a 30-year-old female

graduate student working on her Master’s in community psychology, who had been trained in

qualitative methods and had some contact to most of the participants before, without knowing

them well. Each of the seven participants was interviewed three times. They were not paid for

their participation. The first two interviews were narrative-biographic (Flick, 2004), in other

words, participants were invited to recount their life histories, with as few as possible questions

or interruptions by the interviewer. The interviews lasted between 60 and 90 minutes. The semi-

structured interview was done last, with the purpose of looking more deeply into areas that had

not been covered sufficiently by the narrative interviews.

In order to maximize the fidelity of the information, interview data were triangulated with

information coming the following sources: a) diagnostic and evaluation data from the

abovementioned community intervention (Krause et al., in press); and b) documents and

newspaper articles about the history of La Victoria.

Data analysis

The analyzed data stemmed from 21 interviews, which have been transcribed textually.

Each transcription is between 30 and 40 pages long. Intra-case and then inter-case analysis was

carried out. The first step was open coding, a process by which the text is broken down into

meaningful units that are labeled with concepts (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Coding was done by

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two researchers with experience in qualitative analysis (the authors). After completing an initial

list of concepts, these were grouped into broader categories of related contents. Emerging

concepts and categories were triangulated with the analysis done by students of the Master’s

program in community psychology.

During a second step, the codes were compared to Rappaport’s (1984) and Fetterman’s

(1996) theories, in order to identify possible competences related to empowerment. While the

analysis progressed, these categories were arranged into different levels of abstraction. Since the

system of categories evolves with every new case that is included, usually one has to go back to

re-analyze the first interviews once the categorical system has become stable. Data was examined

for similarities and differences. This technique, together with the intentional selection of cases

through theoretical sampling, allowed the development of a system of classification that includes

the main contents common to all participants, as well as variations or different expressions of the

phenomenon under study.

In a third step, the main categories of the analysis were related to one another. In this

study, characteristics of individual empowerment were related to the different contextual

conditions, such as life events, family relations, community context, and broader social, political,

and historical issues.

Results show the main, common categories (Kleining, 1982) illustrate variations between

cases, and explain the relationship that the common aspects of empowerment have with the

contextual conditions.

Results

Results have been organized according to the common characteristics of the participants’

empowerment processes and their relation with contextual facilitators. Summaries of each

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participant’s biography can be found in the Appendix. Results begin with a schematic

presentation of the main elements involved (Table 2), differentiating between characteristics of

empowerment, associated feelings, attitudes and behavior, and influencing elements from family,

community, and social contexts. The relation of the different contextual elements with the

characteristics of empowerment is not 1:1, which means that each of the former influence more

than one of the latter.

PLEASE INSERT TABLE 2 HERE

Identification with struggle

The childhood of the interviewees was difficult in two ways: the experience of a certain

degree of stress linked to economic privation and generally the death of a parent, which was

compounded paternal abandonment in the cases of Carmen and Esteban. The economic

difficulties of childhood become worse and continued during the adolescence of the interviewees,

as their families of origin were all are very large. As a consequence, the interviewees had to work

to meet their own needs and those of their families; the women also have had to assume domestic

responsibilities and caregiving roles. Thus, the feelings of pain and loss of a loved one are

overwhelmed by a feeling of duty in the face of external demands. The responsibilities assumed

by the interviewees and their strategy of survival in daily life made them grow up fast, as they

themselves observed. In addition to their social participation, this precocious maturity represents

an early introduction to the social world and constitutes an identity based on action within the

environment rather than “existence” within it. The aforementioned can be appreciated in attitudes

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that imply “energy” in the interviewees, such as perseverance, confrontation of difficulties and

having the initiative to change the environment.

In synthesis, the interviewees do not give up when faced with adversity, but rather adopt

an attitude that allows them to see the resources in the world, which means that they focus their

life on what they have rather than what they lack.

Coping with poverty

The interviewees distinguish between an objective poverty, described as the lack of

certain basic needs, and what poverty “means to them”. Objective poverty is evident mainly in

their family of origin, as there were difficulties involved in meeting needs related to housing,

food or school materials. While poverty involved certain constrictions, it is nonetheless perceived

by the interviewees as something that “allows you to face the world” (Bernarda), which involves

a proactive attitude towards reality and allows one to change the situation through coping

strategies. This makes poverty not only more bearable, but also favors personal and material

growth and, therefore, a greater well-being. The first step that the interviewees adopt for coping

with poverty is having an attitude of accepting their reality of being poor. This attitude leads

them to incorporate a sense of dignity in being poor: “I believe, the richness inside, of the spirit,

is more important” (Felisa). Thus, poverty does not hinder the interviewees’ ability to live with

dignity, by participating, reading to obtain culture or fighting for ideals.

The common feature is the proactive attitude in facing and overcoming poverty. It

manifests as perseverance that finds its origin in the maternal model, that is, in having lived with

a strong and hard-working mother. Concretely, this proactive attitude finds expression in their

ability to 1) develop resources; 2) make a better use of them; and 3) plan their expenses. It also

involves looking for solutions in the environment through the identification of resources, sharing

with others, and working.

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Learning to learn: Knowledge is power

The experience the interviewees had in different spheres of their lives taught them to

value the learning process and to utilize what they have learned. Politics is one of the spheres that

allows Armando, Bernarda, Carmen and Damián to analyze society and the way in which it

should function, i.e., with equity and justice. Based on their knowledge of the social structure and

politics, the interviewees become aware of their status as citizens and rights bearers. Political

activism also provides opportunities for self-improvement and the discovery of potential role

models.

Other fields have also influenced the interviewees. In the case of Damián it is folk art, an

activity which he started when he was 18 years old. He incorporates into his own creations

aspects that he observes in the work of other folk artists and what he reads about native cultures,

which also contributes to his self-identity. The creative drive to design art has repercussion in his

daily life, be it organizing some community activity or overcoming economic difficulties. In the

case of Esteban, it is sports; more precisely, the practice of martial arts since he was an

adolescent. The knowledge of movement and the philosophy behind the sport forged his self-

discipline, a positive and serene attitude towards life and the search for a harmonious coexistence

and mutual understanding in his relationships with others. Felisa gets her particular cosmovision

from the constant study of the Bible. She passes on what she has learned to the community

through Christian reflection groups and incorporates the idea of being just (according to the

Christian proposal) in her interpersonal relationships.

At the same time, the interviewees have an emotional bond with their work that facilitates

the integration of what they learn. Moreover, all the participants strive for dominion over

something of their own choosing (in Gema’s case it is the technical field). This generates in them

the pleasure of learning, studying, and growing intellectually.

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A meaning in life

The interviewees’ perception of a meaning in life allows them to interact with the

environment in a way that is coherent with their identity. In the interviews, they relate their

understanding of this meaning in life to the experience of a crisis that made them examine

themselves and take charge of their lives.

Armando’s meaning in life is found in the dignity he gains by working, either as a

professional or in the community. For Bernarda and Carmen, it is obtaining social justice to their

everyday lives and in their community through social participation. Part of the meaning in life for

Damián is found in his community work to make La Victoria a better place, while his folk art

gives him individual pleasure and identity: “the folk artist has native roots (…) [doing folk art is]

like identifying yourself with the pre-Hispanic cultures…” Faith in God, channeled through

social participation, gives meaning to Felisa’s life. She makes the link between God’s teachings

and the social participation quite clear: “…to discover that Christ was the first Communist, that

he and his 12 Apostles went to preach and to tell us that we had to fight for others, we have to

think about others and that things are achieved by coming together in an organization… [and]

fighting for your rights…”.

One’s meaning in life can also be found in the commitment to family. This is the case of

Gema and, to a certain extent, Damian. Gema’s meaning in life is based on giving emotional and

economic security to her children, so that they do not suffer the emotional-family and economic

privations that she had to endure.

Because the interviewees confront a difficult environment, having a meaning in life is

essential. It entails the pleasure of having a purpose in life, something in which you believe,

despite the sometimes-hostile surroundings. For the interviewees, having a meaning in life

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involves making progress towards a goal that has an existential meaning, which is the opposite of

“daily survival.”

The search for intimacy

The ways in which the interviewees cultivate close relationships with other people differs

by gender. Men look for intimacy with a partner and expect to build life with her, which also

allows them to differentiate themselves from their families of origin and to form their own

family. Their partner represents the establishment of an intimate relationship based on caring and

mutual aid and the possibility of unconditional support for their personal projects.

However, the interviewed women do not express the need for emotional support or

protection from a man. Bernarda and Gema, neither of who have partner, receive emotional

support from their children, and before Bernarda’s children were born, her mother played a

central role as a caring and protective figure. While Felisa did have a husband until he abandoned

their home, both she and Carmen look for closeness outside the family sphere, in the

relationships they establish with others within a context of organizational participation. Carmen

and Felisa became settlement leaders in different social organizations, playing a crucial role in

the social change produced in La Victoria during the years of the dictatorship. These two women

share an attitude of self-sufficiency when facing life and its adversities, and their lives are marked

by community leadership and the struggle for individual and social rights.

Helping others

Among the interviewees there is a sense of duty to and responsibility for the world; an

ethical conviction of the importance of helping others that is reflected in the family sphere, in

their social participation, and in daily relationships. They believe one has to commit oneself to

others: “I believe that in order to live in peace with oneself, one has to know how to get along

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well with everybody” (Armando). “It is about principles, education, family, right? One must

always help the person who needs it” (Carmen). “You have to share what you have” (Felisa).

These beliefs, values, and attitudes favor the interpersonal relationships of the

interviewees. Concern for others is not only necessary; it is part of their development as

individuals, because their identity is founded on their relationships with others.

Finally, the underlying idea of being responsible and having a social conscience is of

great importance. In an environment with such difficult socio-political and economic conditions

as La Victoria, it is essential for them to assume a role in the community.

Existence of a “safe space”

In an environment defined by economic precariousness, paternal deaths, and for Felisa

and Gema, abuse during their childhood and youth, the interviewees have found emotional

support in “safe spaces” generated by social relationships based on affection and acceptance, as

well as a social group that facilitates the interviewees sense of belonging. In some cases, this

protective space is the family, and in other cases it may be school, community organizations or

work.

These safe spaces existed during a decisive moment in the psychosocial development of

the interviewees, in their childhood or adolescence, satisfying basic emotional needs and

promoting self-acceptance and self-esteem. These spaces provided a solid base from which the

interviewees were able to confront youth and adulthood with the new responsibilities that both

stages entail.

The influence of La Victoria

For the interviewees, La Victoria represents an environment in which it is possible to

know one another and talk to one’s neighbors. This setting generates a certain neighborhood

intimacy, a climate of trust and a feeling of security and facilitates the interviewees participation

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in improving the settlement’s well-being. “After our fathers got home from work, we had to

build, make sun-dried bricks. We all took part; the mothers, the children, the fathers” (Carmen).

Among the interviewees, this “growing together with the settlement” promoted a sense of

community expressed in feeling secure and being part of a place, perceiving this belonging in

such a way that both sides, the community and the individual, give of themselves mutually. “I

walk along the street, and this is my street, they are my streets, this is my settlement” (Felisa).

The settlement faced extremely precarious conditions during the years following the

original land appropriation. The settlers’ need for mutual association and cooperation in their

efforts to develop a suitable place in which to live turned La Victoria turned into a social context

facilitating the participation of the interviewees. “Almost everybody got organized. Then it was

easy for them, there was good communication” (Bernarda).

Participation and its consequences for empowerment

While the interviewees were chosen intentionally because of their community

participation, for the purposes of this study, it is interesting to explain what participation means

to them and how it benefited the interviewees processes of empowerment.

Their participation was based on the desire to help others and the aim of favoring the

well-being of their social group. Armando establishes supportive relationships that benefit those

in need; Bernarda and Gema offer the organizations their unconditional support; Carmen and

Felisa position themselves as leaders and driving forces for social change because they

understand organizational dynamics and have the ability to command; Damián uses his creativity

to generate community activities that take place in public spaces of the settlement; and Esteban

uses sports as a mean to encourage the promotion of healthy living.

The interviewees derive personal satisfaction from this generosity towards others, and

because they are a resource for the members of an organization in particular and for the

22

community in general, they also feel more competent. As Armando says: “…false modesty aside,

we felt we were useful. We were valuable human beings, we were held in high esteem. Helping

someone, not financially but using words, talking to them, encourages them more than if you say

‘here take a thousand pesos’.”

Participation has many benefits for the interviewees. First, the group or organization

becomes a bridge between the individual and society. It offers the individual an opportunity to

relate him/herself with his/her immediate social reality, i.e., his settlement and its inhabitants – “it

has been good to get to know other people, to get to know others’ needs” (Esteban) – while

simultaneously connecting them with society-at-large: “participating one discovers the world”

(Carmen).

Through participation, the interviewees also develop an assertiveness that allows them to

establish real relationships that reaffirm their own identity. In this sense, Damián states: “If you

are with me, we can both organize something together. Why? Because I am a being that thinks;

you think, and if we think together, something good can come out of it, but if you come and give

me orders ‘do this’ … no, no, no” (Damián).

Participation also favors the psychosocial well-being of the interviewees by building up

the feeling of belonging to the group or organization and feeling valued by it and by perceiving

one’s contribution to the community (which is very evident in those who assume a community

leadership). In addition, the interviewees see the other group members a source of help and/or a

resource to obtain goals.

Work: Need and progress

A positive attitude towards work is outstanding in the men interviewed. Work gives them

a sense of enjoyment, commitment, and responsibility, and it demands results. “I like to do

something, start something, finish it well, do it well, and then start another thing, not leaving

23

things half done” (Esteban). For these interviewees work not only means economic income for

the family, but also a space of personal conquest where they can develop a career. In this way,

they start as apprentices in their jobs and ascend to a supervisory position, being responsible for a

group of workers. In such a role, they learn group management skills, establishing clear limits,

generating a climate of trust, and encouraging others to assume responsibilities in their work.

There is also an attitude of work-related responsibility and efforts to be employed among

the women interviewed. While they share a commitment to always having some sort of

remunerated work in order to support economically their families, most of them don’t have a

career like the men. Carmen is the exception; for years, she has worked in the local government

of her settlement as an administrator and supporter of political and community actions for her

neighborhood. Her job suits her interests in community work and her desire to improve herself in

keeping with her skills.

Both the men and the women interviewed have adapted themselves to different jobs

(formal or informal) over the course of their lives in response to the urgent need to contribute

economically to their family or in light of difficulties in finding work in an adverse political

context (dictatorship). “For example, I don’t have a job… but I work hard selling kerosene.

Selling kerosene I earn enough to eat” (Gema).

Discussion

This study sought to understand individual processes of empowerment in the context of a

Chilean settlement that was the first land appropriation in South America.

The following psychological and individual aspects facilitated the individual processes of

empowerment: (1) an identification with struggle, (2) a positive attitude towards learning

throughout life, (3) the establishment of goals, with relevant expectations, and the ability to take

24

action to obtain them, (4) the will to control the environment, (5) a perception of meaning in life

and (6) the desire to helping others. Each of these findings can be related to prior research and/or

prevailing concepts in the literature on empowerment.

The first aspect, the identification with struggle, is defined by the interviewees as taking

action over their environment and adopting attitudes that imply energy. The community

participants and leaders interviewed persevere in obtaining goals (in keeping with the

observations by Fetterman, 1996), confronting the difficulties and taking initiative to change the

environment. This last attitude is even stronger in the face of emotional and/or economic

adversity and is in line with one of the aspects of psychological empowerment indicated by De

Charms (1968) and Zimmerman (2000): the ability to influence the environment when it does not

correspond to the person’s needs.

In second place, the positive attitude towards learning, involves being confident about

being able to go on, which also develops into an internal protective aspect, according to the

model of resilience and the findings of Florenzano and Valdés (1996).

The third characteristic – establishing goals or expectations and taking action to obtain

them – also corresponds to one of the skills related to empowerment identified by Fetterman

(1996) and is expressed by the interviewees through strict self-sufficiency in obtaining the

proposed goals. In the case of the men, this behavior becomes more flexible when they marry;

they will ask their partner for support. The “autonomy” in the empowerment processes of our

participants – evident in the fact that action is directed by the individual and not imposed by the

environment – is one of White’s (1959) requirements for competence and also coincides with the

contributions of Lefcourt (1976) and Bandura (1977) regarding psychological empowerment.

The fourth aspect of our participants’ empowerment, the will to dominate the

environment in which they found themselves, coincides with the definitions of empowerment in

25

Rappaport (1984) and Zimmerman (1990a). The interviewees’ sense of control gives them an

appreciation for learning, enjoyment of intellectual growth and the opportunity to apply what

they have learned in their daily life and their interpersonal relationships.

In fifth place, the interviewees find a meaning in life related to giving the best of

themselves, individually and/or socially. The importance of having a meaning in life arises from

what the notion of “living instead of merely surviving” means to them, particularly in their

context of struggle in a constantly hostile environment. This aspects coincides with the personal

or subjective criteria of mental health proposed by Strupp and Hadley (1977). An individual

enjoys positive feelings of well-being when his/her actions are coherent with his/her ideals. In a

similar sense, an existential meaning in life is crucial for mental health of people, as long as the

individual is able to overcome adversity and is able to develop the capacity for enjoyment

(Frankl, 1986).

The final main characteristic of the individual empowerment processes studied is the

commitment that underlies social participation, understood as the ethical conviction of the value

of helping others. The collective actions that the interviewees develop aim to help or support

others in different ways. This coincides with another of the characteristics of psychological

empowerment proposed by Zimmerman (Zimmerman, Israel, Shulz & Checkoway, 1992;

Zimmerman, 2000).

Our participants also have the conviction that their living conditions and their

environment can be improved through participation. Berger and Neuhaus (1977) and Florin and

Wandersman (1990) also described this characteristic of psychological empowerment. The

interviewees confront poverty by ranking their needs. Rather than becoming what Moulian

(1997) calls “credit-card citizens” (contracting considerable debts because of unrealistic

economic expectations), our interviewees plan their expenses in a realistic way and manage them

26

with care. In this context of poverty, their perseverance is exemplified by always having a job or

by undertaking new actions that bring them some earnings. Nevertheless, they also accept their

reality, conceiving a dignity of being poor, which is expressed in the spiritual enrichment they get

from participating, in improving themselves or in fighting for their ideals. These findings confirm

that the lack of resources does not imply the absence of life projects or education; furthermore

poverty often strengthens these aspects, as found by Etchegaray’s 1996 study on resiliency.

With regard to the contextual conditions, the “protective space” is one of the essential

mediators of empowerment as it appears in a crucial stage of the interviewees’ development: their

childhood and youth, characterized by an environment with high risks for their psychosocial

well-being (economic precariousness, paternal deaths at an early age and abuse in two cases).

This protective space includes social relationships based on emotional support and acceptation, as

well as participation in and a sense of belonging to certain social groups. In a study of youngsters

in urban North American, Zimmerman, Bingenheimer and Notaro (2002) found that having a

mentor and role model discourages them from high-risk behaviors. Likewise, from the

perspective of resiliency, Rutter (1993) demonstrated that in the face of difficult situations at a

critical age, as is childhood or adolescence, being linked with protective factors fulfills a

repairing role. For our interviewees, one of these factors is family, when there is an open

communication, an emotional bond and a warm atmosphere. While various studies (Florenzano

& Valdés, 1996; Kotliarenco, Cáceres & Álvarez, 1996; Kotliarenco, 2000) show the family as

the most important protective space, our results reveal that it is not the only one. School,

community groups, sports organizations and work are protective spaces that satisfy emotional

needs and develop autonomy and self-esteem for some of our interviewees, offering personal

protective factors that favor resilience (Kotliarenco, Cáceres & Álvarez, 1996; Rutter, 1987)

sometimes despite an unfavorable family context.

27

A second context related to individual empowerment is work, which gives our

participants the necessary economic autonomy. Gainful employment is quite important for the

men interviewed, especially according to traditional roles. By forming part of the “productive”

world, they generate protection and security for their families (Orsi & Riqué, 1996). Our results

also indicate that work is a field of self-improvement for the interviewees, because they feel

successful.

As a macro-context, the La Victoria settlement is crucial to understanding the

empowerment of the participants, for various reasons. First, as an environment in which people

know and talk to each other, generating a certain neighborhood intimacy and a climate of trust.

Second, by having elements inherent to an empowered community (Zimmerman, 2000) including

mutual respect, critical reflection, and caring among the neighbors, as well as the possibility of

participating in different organizations. This social participation strengthens the empowerment of

the interviewees, developing an awareness of their status as settlers, which leads to a

comprehensive and critical vision of the socio-political environment (Zimmerman and Rappaport,

1988; Zimmerman, 2000). This was also found by Yus (1997) in her study of women leaders in

poor, rural contexts. Furthermore, such awareness favors their ability to identify and pursue

resources in the environment, giving them the possibility of participating efficiently in

organizations and public services and defending their individual rights, which are broadened to

the rights of the community. Yus (1997, p. 20) called this “self-efficiency in the public

environment.” Participating also implies the satisfaction of certain basic psychosocial needs, i.e.,

feeling that one belongs to a group and is valued by it. According to Sprague and Hayes (2000),

establishing interpersonal relationships in which there is mutual support, acknowledgement of the

others and joint work strengthens empowerment.

28

A third reason why La Victoria is an essential context for the development of

empowerment is the sense of community that exists in the settlement (McMillan & Chavis,

1986). Our interviewees feel safe by participating in the improvement of the settlement’s well-

being and making it their own achievement. The sense of community, as Chavis and

Wandersman (1990) state, has a reciprocal cause and effect, in the sense that a greater security in

the environment favors this sense and vice versa, generating the adequate conditions for the

person to feel part of the environment. Several studies (Bachrach & Zautra, 1985; Chavis &

Wandersman, 1990; Maton & Rappaport, 1984) show the connection between a sense of

community and empowerment.

As a whole, our results are coherent with two recent articles (Hur, 2006; Maton, 2008)

that review previous literature on empowerment showing, among other findings, the

characteristics of individual (or personal) empowerment. For Hur (2006), the main components

of personal empowerment are “meaning, competence, self-determination, and impact” (p. 533).

The first three are also essential components of individual empowerment in our study. The fourth,

although less explicit during the biographic interviews, can to be inferred by the fact that all our

interviewees are effective participants in their communities. On the other hand, looking at

Mason’s model for empowering community settings, it seems to be very clear that, even though

he is looking at the context and the psychological mediators more than at the individual (as we do

in this study), every one of these mediators – awareness, motivation, self-efficacy, skill

development, caring, support, belonging, meaningful roles, and engagement – coincide with our

findings regarding the individual processes of empowerment (Maton, 2008).

Our study demonstrated how individual aspects commingle with contextual conditions in

the construction of “histories of empowered lives”; but these results were generated in a very

specific context: a poor, but simultaneously, empowered community forged during a period of

29

dramatic political changes in Chile. While these are specific conditions for our result, they

strongly coincide with prior research and with the concepts of community psychology and

resilience literature, and therefore, we believe that the individual and contextual conditions of the

empowerment processes analyzed are not idiosyncratic of the community studied nor even of the

country or cultural conditions. There are other possible contexts that could combine conditions of

empowerment processes similar to those studied here. For example, for the development of

knowledge in this area, it would be interesting to replicate our study in communities in situations

of armed conflict or in those dealing with long-term effects of natural disasters or even to other

communities living in poverty.

On the other hand, since we were interested in empowerment processes, we only studied

successful community participants. Consequently, our results do not show the conditions

involved when empowerment fails. By comparing successful and unsuccessful individual

empowerment processes, future research could define more precisely which conditions are

necessary and sufficient for its development. Also, our results only insinuated gender differences

in empowerment processes. There is a need for future research to explore in greater detail the

differences of gender in individual processes of empowerment.

Finally, the results of our study show some paths for prevention or promotion of

psychosocial health in communities, reminding us yet again how a context that favors

participation and sense of community has a positive impact not only on community development,

but also on the health of individuals.

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38

Appendix

Participants’ life histories

Armando, who is 78 years old, arrived in La Victoria with his wife when he was 32 years

old, shortly after the appropriation of land. He has fond memories of his early childhood, which

he spent with his parents and six brothers. He began work as a shoemaker in a factory when he

was 12 years old, after his father died. He married at 20, very much in love. Throughout his life,

he participated in the community, holding the position as treasurer of the block during the

settlement’s founding. Later, when he was 35 years old, he joined an organization dedicated to

rehabilitation, in which he participated for 30 years, even after the death of his wife, which he

faced with an attitude of acceptance. Three years after this loss, he began another relationship

with an old girlfriend, who continues to be his partner. When he was 73 years old, he suffered a

serious illness but continued to be concerned about to his environment and to others.

Bernarda is 70 years old and arrived in La Victoria two months after the appropriation,

when she was 22 years old. She came from a small town where she lived with her mother and

five brothers. Bernarda remembers her childhood as being sad and hard because she never knew

her father. Nevertheless, this was compensated by the good relationship with her family and the

pleasure of going to school. Since age 14, Bernarda has belonged to different organizations. At

15, she started to work in a tailor’s shop and she has worked as a seamstress on various occasions

throughout her life. She married when she was 20 years old and had her first daughter at that

same age, followed by five more children. In La Victoria, she started a “new life,” raising her

children and beginning to participate in the community. She eventually founded a Mother’s

Center in which she still participates. Between the ages of 44 and 45, she received support from

her family after the death of her husband and her mother, both during the dictatorship. She

39

currently lives with two of her daughters and three grandchildren and continues to participate

actively.

Carmen is a single woman, 46 years old. She arrived in La Victoria with her nine brothers

when she was ten days old, during the appropriation of the land. Carmen feels a solid part of the

settlement, despite the economic difficulties her family endured at the beginning. When she was

16, Carmen started to work in order to pay for her studies, while also participating in various

organizations of the settlement. At the same time she had to assume the role of caregiver for her

younger brothers when their mother died. One of Carmen’s defining characteristics is her socio-

political participation, strengthened by the different responsibilities of community leadership that

she has held from age 17. At the end of the dictatorship, she started to work in administration for

the local government, where she continues today. In recent years, she has been head of

household, caring for her father, who died last year, her sister and nephews. In addition, she has

held a leadership position in a neighborhood organization since 1996.

Damián was born in La Victoria 40 years ago and has seven brothers. When he was 13

years old, his father (with whom he was very close) died, and as a consequence in addition to

going to school, Damián was obliged to start working. When he was 16, he joined the resistance

against the dictatorship, which he had to leave when he was 18 years old, because he went to live

in the south with his mother and some of his brothers. While worked in the fields, he trained as

an electrician, in which he later went on to specialize. Returned to La Victoria six years later,

where he wanted to live and participate actively against the dictatorship. Shortly after his arrival

he met his partner, married and had two children. Besides participating socially and working as

electrician, Damián has enjoyed doing folk art since he was young. He started to earn money

from his art when he was 35 years old, organizing the Folk Artists Association, in which he is

still involved.

40

Esteban is 43 years old and arrived in La Victoria with his five brothers, when he was six

years old, ten years after the appropriation of land. His adolescence was characterized by his love

for sports, study and work. He had serious conflicts with his father because these activities kept

him away from home. When he was 18 years old, his parents separated and he distanced himself

from his father. At age 21, he married, assuming responsibility as husband and father of two

children. When he was 38 years old, his mother (with whom he was very close) died. His social

participation was mainly in sports. At the age of 30, he organized a Football School for the

settlement’s young men. Last year, he joined the Folk Artists Association of La Victoria, in order

to learn a craft with which he could earn money when faced with temporary unemployment.

Furthermore, as a teacher of martial arts, his love for sports continues.

Felisa, 52 years old, arrived in La Victoria at the age of five, when her father, a political

leader, decided to participate in the appropriation of land. She has nine brothers and bitter

memories of her childhood because her father was absent and her mother treated her harshly.

Since she was eight years old, she has participated in different organizations in La Victoria, such

as the Christian Community and the Settlers Command. She worked first in a factory and later in

her brother’s butcher’s shop. Felisa married at age 21 and had her first and only child at 24. At

age 30, she took on leadership roles in the two aforementioned organizations. When she was 35,

her husband left home and Felisa spent three years looking for him, until she gave him up as

having disappeared. Since then she has had no other partner. When Felisa was 40 years old, her

father died. Recent years have been hard because of her son’s drug addiction and because she has

been diagnosed with cancer. Her faith in God, her continuous social participation and her son are

the pillars of her strength.

Gema is 45 years old and was born in La Victoria. Her childhood was hard because she

faced prolonged physical and psychological abuse by her mother and older brothers. The physical

41

abuse started when Gema was five years old, after the death of her father, with whom she had a

very close relationship. During her youth, she worked in various factories and, intermittently, she

took in sewing. She earned most of the family’s income and was responsible for all the domestic

chores. When she was 25 years old, she married and had two daughters. Some time later, she

assumed the role of block representative, while also participating in the Christian Community.

After 11 years of marriage, she realized that her partner only wanted her around to care for him

during his illness and so she decided to separate. At age 38 she found a new partner, with whom

she had another son. Gema separated again after five years. During this period, she was

diagnosed with two cancerous cerebral tumors; even after surgery, her prognosis is not good. At

44 years of age, Gema is coping with her illness by dedicating herself to her family, her sewing

work, and the community.

42

Table 1. Characteristics of the Participants

CASE PSEUDONYM SEX AGE FAMILY STRUCTURE TYPE OF SOCIAL

PARTICIPATION

A Armando M 78 Widower, currently with a

partner, no children Community leadership

B Bernarda F 70 Widow, currently without a

partner, six children Community leadership

C Carmen F 46 Single, no children. Lives with

two brothers and three nephews Community leadership

D Damián M 41 Married, two children Community participation

E Esteban M 43 Married, two children Community participation

F Felisa F 52 Married to husband who left

home, one child Community leadership

G Gema F 45 Separated twice, three children Community participation

43

Table 2. Main Characteristics and Influencing Elements of Individual Empowerment

Main characteristics

of individual

empowerment

Associated feelings,

attitudes and

behavior

Influencing

elements from

family context

Influencing

elements from

community

context

Influencing

economical, social,

historical elements

An identification with

struggle

Coping with poverty

Learning to learn:

knowledge is power

Meaning in life

The search for

intimacy

The desire to help

others

Starting work early

in life

Attitude of

responsibility and

effort towards work

Proactive attitude

in facing and

overcoming

poverty

The will to have

dominion in some

field

Participation in

community

organizations

Feeling part of the

community

Having a purpose

in life

Searching for

emotional

closeness

The early loss of

family members

(generally a

parent)

Value of work

and social

commitment

Role models for

social

commitment and

participation

A settlement being

developed by the

neighbors

A place with sense

of community

A highly

organized

neighborhood

with many

possibilities for

participation

Existence of a

“safe space”

Economic difficulties

Support form

national and

international

organizations

Support from

Allende’s

government

La Victoria as an

national and

international

“example” for

effective political

activism

Political persecution

by Pinochet’s

dictatorship

Normalization (La

Victoria settlement

shares the same

problems of other

poor neighborhoods)