Beati primi, Blessed are the First:

Spanish Colonialism of Pueblo Lands

Roland Montgomery

History 3130-003: Historical Research

November 14, 2013

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Spanish colonialism in the American Southwest, although largely unreferenced in

American history, left a lasting impact upon the Pueblo nation living among the mesas and

deserts of New Mexico. These Pueblo people, after centuries of peaceful cohabitation, were

forced into Spanish dominion by missionaries and governors, religion and politics.

Economic changes, conversion to Catholicism, and Spanish governmental policies were

imposed upon the Pueblo nations. Years of segregation, harsh punishments, marred the

Spanish settlement of New Mexico and the native populations within. Pueblo Indians, tired

of their cultural suppression, rose up against the Spaniards. This revolt, the only successful

native rebellion, held the Spaniards away for approximately twelve years. Those elements

that stirred the Pueblos to revolt however were the same that reintroduced Spanish

influence back into the Pueblos after 1692.

By approaching Spanish colonialism historically and chronologically, the factors

mentioned above can be clearly discussed in their own rights. Each carried a specific

weight in the cause of Spanish colonialism and Indian rebellion, requiring unique

description. By studying the specific aspects that drove colonialism in the American

Southwest, as well as the history of that colonialism, a more specific image of the complex

Spanish-Pueblo relationship can be drawn.

Initial exploration into the Pueblo area began after the failed expeditions of Pamfilo

de Narvaez into Florida territory in 1526. De Narvaez and his crew were shipwrecked near

the modern area of Galveston, Texas. Although De Narvaez died due to the wreckage, four

of his crew members survived. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Andres Dorantes de Carronca,

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de Carronca’s Moorish slave Esteban, and Alonzo de Castillo y Maldonado were the four

survivors who went on to travel southwest America and eventually into Pueblo territory.

For eight years these Spaniards traveled between the Indian villages, captured by

some and subsequently escaped from others, pretending to be medicine men to do so.1 De

Vaca, de Corranca, Esteban, and de Castillo managed to find their way to San Miquel de

Culiacan, Mexico on April 1, 1536. As many had done before, de Vaca and the four men had

exaggerated their stories of wandering. “They descrIbid large settlements of natives who

possessed great quantities of precious metals. To the gold-hungry Spaniards, they created a

mirage of the mysterious Seven Cities of Cibola.”2

El Dorado and other cities of gold enticed Spanish expeditions and adventures into

the land. Although there were many failed expeditions into the land, there were just

enough successful ones that Spanish government commissioned and funded their own

excursion into Pueblo country.

The viceroy of New Spain, Don Antonio de Mendoza, intrigued by the inflated

stories, ordered his own mission up the Rio del Norte (Rio Grande). De Mendoza appointed

a Franciscan friar, Marcos de Niza, as the leader of the expedition. De Niza purchased

Esteban, the Moorish slave of de Carronca, to accompany him on the trip. “For the service of

our Lord, and the good of the people,” was de Niza’s reasoning behind the purchase.3 In this

aspect, religion and economy were the motivations behind exploration into Pueblo

territory. De Mendoza’s express purpose in the Pueblos was gold and precious metals. On

the other hand, de Niza, a Franciscan, pledged to go forth and bring the Lord into this land -

a religious undertone, native missionization, for the acquirement of precious metals.

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Leaving Culiacan in March 1539, Friar de Niza used Esteban as a scout for the

Spanish party. Esteban, a nuisance to de Niza was sent forward with messages to the native

peoples he met. Esteban sent back crosses of various sizes back to the initial party to

signify what was found. A cross the size of a hand meant nothing of interest was found.

Crosses that doubled a hand portrayed a great discovery and large crosses were evident of

something extraordinary. Esteban received gifs of stones and women from the native

groups, which inflated Esteban’s ego and infuriated Friar Marcos.

During one Esteban survey, he offended the Zuni Pueblos with his decorated rattle

and demanded presents and women (as he had prior in the expedition). The Zunis killed

Esteban before he could relegate the location of the village back to Friar Marcos. The Zuni

people today remember this as an anecdote: “The first white man our people saw was a

black man.”4 Father Marcos continued the expedition and eventually discovered one of the

Seven Cities, Hawikuh. Sitting atop a mound of stone, Marcos claimed the city as “The

Kingdom of Saint Francis” under the Spanish kingdom. 5 Marcos then journeyed back to

New Spain and delivered his report to the viceroy.

Although Father Marcos found no gold, the precious turquoise gems and such given

to Esteban generated interest in the land north of New Spain. One motivated Spaniard,

Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, was designated by the viceroy to captain another visit into

Pueblo country. De Coronado was the governor of Neuva Galicia, a personal friend of de

Mendoza, and a capable leader for the expedition. Coronado and his band of adventurers

left Compostella early on July 17, 1540. Travelling the same route as de Niza, were more

careful in their explorations, avoiding conflicts and disturbing the natural settlements.

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Upon arriving in Zuni country, Coronado sent his men in a number of different directions to

record what they found. These auxiliary forces visited nearly every Rio Grande Pueblo

while also going as far east as present day Lyons, Kansas. Coronado rode back to New Spain

after failing to find gold or the fabled city Quivira. As gold was the primary objective of the

mission, historian Joe Sando notes that Coronado and the viceroy considered the excursion

“a failure.”6 The lack of gold and danger of the expeditions discouraged any further, crown-

sanctioned explorations into the land for another forty years.

Although no new expeditions were endorsed by the viceroy or Spanish crown

during this forty year period, it did not stop privately funded, individual explorations. None

proved successful. Three Franciscans – Friar Augustine Rodrigues, Friar Juan de Santa

Maria, and Friar Francisco Lopez .The missionaries’ purposes were not economically

motivated, but entirely motivated by religion and the conversion of the native population

to Catholicism.

They employed nine soldiers to accompany them northward in 1581.7 After

struggling to find Pueblo peoples, and running low on provisions, the corps was able to

reach the San Felipe Pueblo. Upon arrival, a soldier reported, “We entered this pueblo all

together, well equipped and arrayed for war … although we had no warlike intentions but

on the contrary meant to attract the people to the fold of our holy Catholic faith with peace

and affection.”8 After having discovered and reported on Pueblo lands, the missionaries

chose to stay and continue their mission while the soldiers returned to New Spain. Soon

after, the Pueblo warriors killed each missionary.9

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Antonio de Espejo, a runaway fugitive from Mexico City, joined the nine soldiers in

an attempt to recover the missionaries. Espejo petitioned the viceroy for this rescue

mission while he also called for the colonization of Pueblo lands. Without the viceroy’s

approval, Espejo traveled northward. Travelling throughout New Mexico, Espejo

encountered and documented various Pueblo peoples and their ways in a detailed report10.

Leaving on November 10, 1582, Espejo and his crew traveled up the Rio del Norte in search

of the missionaries. With only a few hostilities on their travels, Espejo had conversed and

met with the local Pueblo villages, while also receiving gifts and provisions. Many of the

native Pueblos that Espejo detailed were “Mexican” in their agriculture and growing

methods, while being sufficiently better than Mexicans at other productions.11 Well

organized, Espejo believed that Pueblo Indians would “learn quickly any matter dealing

with good government” as they were “intelligent and orderly people.”12 Most pueblos had

also already had contact with the Catholic faith .13 Espejo returned after traveling the

Pueblo country, using the Pecos River as a guide back. On his return to New Spain, Espejo

would continue to fight for the colonization of Pueblo lands.14

After hearing of Espejo’s journey, lieutenant governor Gaspar Costaño de Sosa

gathered a force to follow suit. As lieutenant general of Nuevo Leon, de Sosa had to have

royal authority to colonize Pueblo lands, but was unable to get permission.15 Before the

crown could act, de Sosa led his crew north on July 27, 1590.16 Accompanying de Sosa, were

an additional one hundred and seventy men, women, and children ready to settle the lands.

In reaction, the viceroy sent a military force to apprehend de Sosa and bring him

back to New Spain. In 1591, the captain of this royal force, Juan Morlete, captured de Sosa

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and returned him to New Spain. Before his apprehension, de Sosa and his group visited

each Pueblo nation and installed various Spanish symbols into the culture. Some are still

prevalent today: such has the alguacil, a police constable force as well as Catholic crosses

erected in each city. 17

De Sosa, upon his capture by Morlete, was humbled and submissive. DescrIbid for

his excessive meekness, de Sosa was brought back to New Spain for punishment. Morlete,

upon his return to New Spain, had descrIbid the lands de Sosa visited as “very peaceful and

happy, except for several deserted Pueblos.”18 De Sosa was accused of conducting slave

raids upon eastern Indian lands during his expedition, however, and was later found guilty

for these crimes by the King and Council of Indies. De Sosa was to spend six years in exile in

the Philippines.19

Interestingly enough, King Phillip, in a letter to the Audiencia of New Spain,

proclaimed, “You shall neither encourage nor permit the enslavement of any Indians

whatsoever.” 20 This showed a sense of righteous intent on government’s part. Colonial

efforts in New Mexico would not be hampered by slavery, but would be wholly dependent

on the economic and religious gains the country offered. King Phillip urged his colonists to

work the land themselves. Phillip hoped that ores found in New Mexico would fund other

Spanish projects. The dissolution of decree happened slowly over time. Later on, Indians

would be submitted into the encomienda system by Spanish colonials, in a form of pseudo-

slavery.

Two years later, a group led by Leyva de Bonilla and Antonio Butierrez de Humaña

attempted to establish a colony in San Ildefonso. Jusepe, an Indian boy that travelled with

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Humana and de Bonilla, wrote a report detailing the journey. This report was given to Don

Juan de Oñate. Oñate was attracted by the cibola accounts given by both Jusepe and Vicente

de Zalvidar, another Spaniard.21 Humana killed de Bonilla and was later executed himself as

he led an exploratory force into Llano Estacado.22

Even though none of these expeditions were truly successful, they restored interest

in Pueblo exploration. With increased motivation, the Spanish crown selected the wealthy

miner, Juan de Oñate, the same who had heard the stories of Jesupe, to lead another

colonial force up the Rio Grande del Norte in 1595.23 It took another three years before

Oñate and his group would leave New Spain.

Oñate, selected as the head of this colonial force, was privileged to a multitude of

provisions in his quest. Oñate’s expedition was highly funded. With thousands of livestock,

medicines, seeds, and everything needed to colonize, the estimated total of Oñate’s

expedition was 20,000 pesos, as he had inquired the Council of Indies for. 24 Oñate also

expected an annual salary of 8,000 ducats as captain general and governor of any colonized

lands. Furthermore, Oñate exercised the power of criminal and civil courts within any

settled lands. The forethought and economic reliance of this mission proved that Spanish

officials had taken Pueblo colonialism seriously.

Not to dismiss the religious factor of Oñate’s expedition, he did contract for five

missionaries and a lay brother. The contract also called for every holy item the

missionaries and brother necessary to adequately convert native spiritualists.25

Leaving Chihuahua on January 15, 1598, Oñate led his colonizers up the Rio Grande

del Norte to settle within Pueblo land. Oñate reached his destination later that year after a

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disastrous flight. Named the “Jornado Del Muerto,” (“Journey of Death”) Oñate and his crew

lost a large number of supplies on the journey northward. Food and water ran short, while

several thousand head of stock died due to dehydration. Finally reaching civilization, the

Pueblo showed Oñate sympathy. The native Piro Pueblos fed Oñate and replenished their

water supplies as best as they could.26

When Oñate discovered a Pueblo village, he put the leaders and asked for

permission of Spanish settlement. These pueblos included Santa Domingo, Juan Bautista,

Acolocu, Cueloze, Acoma, Zuñi, and the Mohoqui.27 These pueblos swore their obedience

and vassalage to the Spanish crown. Believed to be amid the Keres people, Oñate had

actually settled his people within Tewa country. In all, Oñate’s force documented over fifty

villages.28 On April 30, 1598, Oñate officially took possession and named the land New

Mexico.29 Oñate formed the capital, just north of Santa Fe, and named it San Gabriel. San

Gabriel remained the capital until it moved to Santa Fe in 1610.

One of the first economic ventures in the America Southwest was the Spanish

exploration of mine and ore systems, not surprising because, the fabled Cities of Gold had

first brought Spanish interest into the New World. Oñate, who had been a miner before a

pacifier, ordered his troops to survey various mining operations. They reported mines very

similar to the rich formation in San Andrés.30 These mines proved extremely profitable for

Spain and encouraged immigration into New Mexico.

The Spaniards introduced produce and livestock that grew well in New Spain.

Wheat, grapes, fruit, chiles, horses, mules, donkeys, goats, sheep, and chicken were all

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established in Pueblo country. Wheat, chile, horses, and donkeys became staples in Pueblo

culture. These non-native products led to widespread changes in Pueblo lands.

Apart from economic gains, and arguably more importantly, religion was directly

exported to the Pueblo people. Early in Spanish colonialism, Pueblo people had little

inquisitiveness for the Franciscan religion. Pueblo apathy towards Spanish Catholicism

changed quickly as they realized missionaries began pushing their religion upon the native

spiritualists.

Although the Pueblo Revolt had been driven by various injustices, the earliest

known examples imposed by the Spaniards were the encomienda and repartmiento.

Encomienda was similar to English serfdom, in which the encomendero (the settler) was

given a land grant. Oñate and his council had the authority to grant these lands to any

reputable Spaniard, usually to original colonists and soldiers. There exempted lands,

though, which included chief pueblos and seaports, that had been reserved for the royal

crown.31 These grants of land were also parceled with a right to employ Indian labor – a

policy known as repartmiento. Oftentimes, lands that were granted to an encomendero

were believed to be ill used by the adjacent Indian population. That is, the land was not

being in Spanish manner. Native farmers were not raising crop or livestock surpluses to

sell nor were they growing cash crops. Instead, Pueblos grew crops that were immediately

used by the community.

Prior to Spanish infusion, Pueblo Indianshad used the land to help the native

community. Pueblo families raised crops and gave a portion of it to the village leaders. In

return, these leaders governed and protected the area. If a Pueblo family was unable to

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grow enough produce for themselves then an extended family member provided for them

until the family was able to farm again. Labor was often loaned in the same manner. It was

a system of mutual beneficiaries that pervaded Pueblo economical and agricultural

systems. The Spanish encomienda system had taken some factors of native economical

systems and used it, with its own devices, to create financial opportunities for the Spanish.

During encomienda, Spaniards required that Pueblo workers pay Oñate portions of

their labor.32 Spanish leaders enacted the system of donations as a tithe – an actual taxation

of Pueblo labor. These tithes were taxed out of Pueblo crops, sent to church officials, and

stored in church granaries for Spanish use. Along with tithing, civil officials would tax for

civic purposes as well. These civil taxes were imposed by the government, collected by

alcades(mayors) and fiscales(financial officers,) and sent back to the capital of Santa Fe.

Encomiendo and repartimiento had adverse effects on the Pueblo people and their

lands. Pueblo lands were not prepared for intensity of both Spanish agricultural methods

and ranching. Overgrazing created by Spanish cattle eroded the soil and made farming that

much harder in the water-scarce land.

Along with soil erosion, encomiendo created an internal rift between Spaniards.

Encomenderos were lawfully obligated to live separate from their encomienda. The

encomenderos refusal to follow this law angered incoming colonists and missionaries.

Missionaries believed that encomenderos had harassed the native population and abused

their labors. Encomenderos reciprocated the thought. This split between Spanish groups

intensifyed over the years, most importantly between the Spanish government and the

Franciscan churches. The Pueblos took advantage of this rift during their rebellion.

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Spanish exploitation began economically, but suppressions against Indians

transformed into hierarchical and religious injustices. Spanish church authorities accused

civil authorities of exploiting the native population into paying taxes and forcing labor. Civil

establishments refuted this claim and instead blamed the church. In reality, both parties

had been responsible for exploiting Pueblos. Continuing a trend of Spanish cultural

imposition, the governmental and religious bodies began diminishing every cultural aspect

of Pueblo life. This lasted for eighty-two years before the Pueblos revolted.

During this eighty-two year span of Spanish colonialism, there were a number of

corrupt governors in Santa Fe and church missionaries. Religious suppression inflated

during these years when such governors as Luis de Rosas (1637-1638?) and Juan Francisco

de Trevino (1675-1677) ruled and priests as Father Alsonso de Posada controlled the

church.33

Pueblo spiritualism was centered on pagan virtues and idolatry in the eyes of the

Franciscan order. One witness to the ceremonies of Pueblo medicine men retold, “who talk

to the devil … They have no churches, except … estufas as residences and living quarters for

the medicine men.”34And although these spiritualists continued to practice their native

religion, Spanish colonists had found that Pueblo people were also worshipping the

Catholic crosses which de Sosa and previous explorers had erected.35 Regardless of the

apparent Catholicism in Pueblo life, a heavy conversion movement spread throughout the

Franciscan order. Father Alonso de Benavides reported that the Indians were eager to

convert, propelling the movement forward.36 Religious suppression and conversion had

proposed to be one of the largest factors in Pueblo revolt.

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Father de Posada was a terrifying presence amongst the Pueblo Indians. De Posada

greatly expanded the suppression of Indian religion by to a greater extent. He ordered his

brothers and missionaries to prohibit spiritual practices such as the Kachina Dance, as well

as taking spiritual objects away from the Pueblos. Masks, effigies, prayer sticks were

replaced with crosses, Jesus, and saints. Indian unwillingness was met with harsh,

sometimes physical punishments by the missionaries.

Governor de Rosas was, as Sando quotes southwestern historian John Kessell,

“tough, two-fisted, damn-the-hindmost officer who would knock down the man, colonist or

missionary who got in his way.”37 This vindictive, hardheadedness is what drove most of de

Rosas’s policies. Violating laws and policies were not tolerated and the punishments were

swift and forceful. Furthermore, de Rosas attempted to enslave the northern Apache

Indians. After failing to do so, de Rosas went on to exterminate any Apaches that he could

find. Instead of Apache alliances forming with the Pueblo Indians, the apaches chose to

resent the southwestern native groups, because of their supposed alliance with the

Spanish. This resentment would later contribute to the reassertion of Spaniards after the

Pueblo Revolt, as northern Pueblos asked for Spanish aid during Apache raids.

Other governors and law officials exhibited similar Spanish brutality. Early in

colonization, women were raped and entire villages were plundered. Vicente de Zalvidar, in

1589, murdered nearly an entire pueblo to avenge the death of his brother. Governor

Hernando de Ugarte (1649-1653) slaughtered Pueblo leaders in the Alameda, Jemez, and

Sandia pueblos.

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Many more of these brutalities went on without being reported or known by the

general Spanish public. It was felt though, by the Indians who were at the hand of Spanish

control. All of these factors of Spanish colonialism – encomienda, religious intolerance, and

hierarchical corruptness – fueled an Indian rage. Sando describes this system of Spanish

rule and religious suppression:

Thus did the Spaniards enslave and dominate the Pueblo people and enforce a feudal economic system and religious intolerance, fortified by a system of punishment for transgression. In matter regarding their religion, the Pueblos of the seventeenth century were not much different from those of today. To give up their religion would have been like giving up life itself.38

Later on, in 1676, Governor de Trevino committed the act most closely associated

with the Pueblo Revolt. During his first year as governor, de Trevino accused forty-seven

Pueblo men for acts of sorcery against Spanish officials. These officials had grown sick or

weary and had accused the Pueblo men of poisoning them with their spiritual methods. Not

only were the Pueblo men held responsible for the weaknesses of these officials, but also

guilty for the death of missionaries and Spaniards outside of the group. Four Pueblo men

were condemned to death while the forty-three others were to be publically punished. Of

these forty-three men, one was the San Juan Pueblo spiritual leader, Popé, who never forgot

the issue, went on lead the revolt against the Spaniards.

A medicine man, Popé shared a prophecy with the Pueblo people. While in an

estufa, Popé envisioned three Pueblo gods, enshrined in flames, and requiring his

obedience. Caudi, Tilini, and Tlueme each told Popé of maguey rope and knots and to

recruit other pueblos in the assault. Popé was a messenger of the three, whose collective

spirit was named El Caydi.39

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The Spanish heard murmurs of Indian dissent. Whispers of anti-Spanish sentiment

reached Governor Antonio Otermin in the capital. To ease Spanish and even avert any such

crises, Otermin sent Francisco Xavier, his personal secretary, Diego Lopez Sombrano, and

Luis de Quintana to question the pueblos. Instead, these three men abused their power,

interrogated, and harassed the native population. This created even more tension.

During the summer of 1680, two young Tesuque Pueblo men, Nicholas Catua and

Pedro Omtua, were captured by Maestro de Campo, Francisco Gomez Robledo.40 Catua and

Omtua were recruited by Popé and the Society of Opi as runners for the resistance. The

runners went to each pueblo and informed them of day of revolt. For each day that passed,

a knot was to be untied from the rope which they carried. The pueblo runners were

arrested with two knots left in the maguey rope, which signified two days until the Pueblos

were to revolt. The Spaniards interrogated the Pueblos, learned of the rebellion and began

preparing for the inevitable. On August 10, 1680, the Pueblo Revolt began.

Not surprisingly, Spanish religious authorities and establishments to be the first

targeted in this Pueblo campaign. Father Juan Baptiste Pio, who formerly practiced in the

Tesuque region, returned to the pueblo after seeking shelter in Santa Fe. On August 10th,

Father Pio met with pueblo leaders in Tesque to address his converts about the

implications of revolt. The men that had accompanied Padre Pio never saw him after; Padre

Pio was the first casualty of the revolt.41 In all, thirty-two religious men were asked to leave

villages before any serious action occurred. Of these thirty-two, only eleven fled. Those that

had stayed were killed by the native militants. The rest fled New Mexico, seeking asylum

south the Rio del Norte, in established Spanish-Mexican cities.

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Native warriors from Los Pecos, San Cristóbal, San Lázaro, San Marcos, Galisteo, and

La Ciénega poised to attack and armed with both native and European weaponry,

specifically pursued Catholic items. The Spanish capital of Santa Fe was the last to be

besieged. Popé and the Society of Opi attacked the capital relentlessly. The Pueblos

restricted the water supply and burned buildings. Citizens and livestock alike were forced

indoors, while outside livestock either were either taken by the Pueblos or slaughtered.42

Indian attacks became even more relentless when they found and took Spanish firearms.

Otermin ordered his troops into the villa to fight a defensive war. His resistance was short-

lived.

After nine days of constant Indian harassment, Otermin and his captain-general

gave up the city. The Pueblo militants sacked the rest of the capital and specifically targeted

Catholic symbols: churches, crosses, bells, etc. This was an extension of the rage felt by

Popé and his followers. Spanish casualties in Santa Fe were minimal and over the course of

the entire rebellion, over four-hundred Spanish colonists and twenty-one Franciscan

missionaries were killed.43 The Pueblos suffered more than three-hundred fatalities. 44

Otermin and his troops retreated southward towards El Paso. Popé announced the

rebellion a success, having ousted the Spaniards, and attempted to recreate a Pueblo

kingdom in its place.

Popé did not design the entire rebellion on his own though. The Society of Opi, a

collection of war-chiefs and pueblo village leaders, had worked alongside Popé during the

planning period.45 Popé gave a religious face to the revolution and a name to be associated

with the revolt. After the revolt, Popé established himself as the Pueblo king.

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Spanish officials began looking for reasons behind the Pueblos’ reason to rebel.

Indians captured in the assault gave their testimony to the Spanish government.

Don Pedro Nanboa, a Pueblo from Alameda, said simply, “The Indians do not want

religious or Spaniards … The resentment which all the Indians have in their hearts has been

so strong, from the time this kingdom was discovered, because the religious and the

Spaniards took away their idols and forbade their sorceries and idolatries.”46 Nanboa’s

words were echoed by Pedro Garcia, another Pueblo that had given a statement to the

Spaniards and Pedro Naranjo, the man that described Popé’s vision. 47 Interestingly

enough, the Spaniards and Franciscans continued to call the Pueblo people “Christian

Indians” who had only betrayed the religion.

During this time of Pueblo control, the population began practicing their native

cultures. The Pueblo people began openly worshiping their religions again, while also

destroying and allowing the Spanish churches to wane.48 Popé was observed as a harsh

ruler, who, in protecting the Pueblo culture, was strong-willed against change within the

kingdom. Popé followed a nativist ideology during his rule. Popé wished to keep the Pueblo

lands as they were before the entrance of Spaniards. The use of Spanish tools, methods, and

cultural signifiers such as surnames, were banned within the Pueblos. He employed the

same authoritarian leadership that New Mexican governors had used only years prior. This

heavy-handed governing disaffected some and encouraged Spanish reassertion among

some Pueblos. 49

Otermin and various governors attempted at reconquest of New Mexico. In 1681,

Otermin made a trip throughout New Mexico to convince Spanish officials to recover their

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lands. Although largely unsuccessful, Otermin was able to relate one “success”: the burning

of Sandia Pueblo.50 These Sandia Pueblo people were forced northward into Hopi country

and did not return for another sixty years. Otermin went on to lose is governorship of New

Mexico.

Otermin’s successors continued his tradition. Governor in absentia Reneros de

Posada in 1688 made another expedition into Pueblo country to find the leader of the

revolt. Although unsuccessful, the Spaniards continued burning and pillaging Pueblo

villages. In 1689, Governor Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate managed to destroy other

Pueblo villages and forced the Zia people to flee to Jemez Pueblos. Cruzate managed to

capture a Zia man, Bartolome de Ojeda, who later became an informant to the Spaniards.

Ojeda petitioned the Spanish crown for continued Pueblo loyalty. Because of this, Cruzate

obtained royal authority to hand out land grants to Pueblo people. The Spanish

government was still interested in colonizing the Pueblo people. 51

Near the end of Popé’s reign, in 1691 or 1692, a group of Pueblo men from Jemez,

Zia, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Pecos, and some from Tanos, went to Guadalupe Del Paso and

asked for conference with the Spaniards. Pueblo history states that these men, influenced

by Pueblo-Spanish sympathizers, invited the Spaniards back into the Pueblos.52 Fran Juan

de Escalona, a missionary not far from this conference, stood in prayer, and revealed

tearfully:

Yesterday afternoon, when we were praying the Ave Maria, God our Lord revealed to me all the riches and worldly possessions that he is keeping in the interior land of New Mexico to the north. It was also revealed to me that some religious of my father, Saint Francis, are to explore it. And as the first ones who will enter there, me and I saw them being martyred in spirit, and

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because I was joyful to see them suffer martyrdom with so much spirit and courage, I said, ‘Beati primi, Beati primi (blessed are the first).’ It was also revealed to me that when this happens and after that land is sprinkled with the blood of these martyrs, the Spaniards will go in there to enjoy the many riches that are there.53

Popé died later in 1692. This marked the end of autonomous Pueblo dominion in New

Mexico.

Father Escalona was one of the first to reintroduce Spanish influence in New

Mexico. Escalona made a second expedition up the Rio del Norte, beginning in 1692.

Escalona acquired the help of General Diego de Vargas and one hundred native allies of

Piros of Socorro, Senecu, and Isletas for his expedition .These Pueblo Indians left with the

Spanish during the initial revolt and proved loyal. With information that various Pueblo

groups wished for Spanish reemergence, Escalona and Vargas traveled northward with the

backing of the crown. 54

During their campaign, Escalona and Vargas baptized thousands of Pueblos, while

also restoring Spanish rule to dozens of villages. The majority of converts Escalona

baptized were either children, or one coerced to by Vargas and his troops. Vargas was

vague in his conferences with Pueblo leaders, announcing that the Pueblos were to

surrender themselves to the Spanish crown. In doing so, they were to renounce their

spiritualism and become Christian. Vargas assured Spanish peacefulness by claiming that

the oppressive Spaniards that had colonized earlier were not with him.55 Vargas returned

to Guadalupe Del Paso later that year.

Vargas continued a second wave of Spanish imperialism in 1693. With the aid of

Ojeda, Vargas returned successfully seventy Spanish families to New Mexico. Twenty-seven

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of those families were black. With Vargas’s efforts, Spanish re-colonization of New Mexico

had begun. Pueblo unity was in shambles, as some native villagers resisted Spanish

reemergence, while others cooperated.56 The process of re-colonization completed itself as

more families and adventurers moved back into once held Spanish cities. Although the

development would be complicated by smaller Jemez rebellions, reconquest of New Mexico

was never jeopardized. The Spaniards had reacquired New Mexico.

After the Spanish settled back into New Mexico, the Pueblos began their transition

into Spanish residency. The Pueblos survived this way put under American dominion. And

although they would never fully reclaim their native lands, the Pueblo heritage carried on.

The latest US Census estimated around 54,000 Mexican-American Indians living in Pueblo

lands and across the United States.57

Throughout this age of Spanish colonialism, a heavy trend of complicated Spanish-

Pueblo relationships formed. The native populations had largely welcomed the aliens with

provisions and gifts, while the Spanish looked to acquire any fame or wealth within the

deserts. Spanish rulers brought a distinctly European culture into a native land and

expected the Pueblos to accept Spanish ways. Pueblo leaders cited religious suppression as

their primary complaint, but, as shown, there were also large economic and politically

hierarchical powers at play. And although historians have seen this trend elsewhere in the

Americas, there is uniqueness in the Pueblo story: the mesa Indians were the only group to

successfully rebel and hold lands autonomously after colonization. However short-lived

their rebellion was, the Pueblos were able to do something extraordinary. The Pueblos

21

fought bravely to keep to keep their native culture, to assert themselves in the face of

imperialism. They battled for their identity and won. For that, they should be remembered.

22

Notes

1. “Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca Acts as a Curer and Shaman Across the American Southwest, 1527-1536,” in Major Problems on American Colonial History, 3rd ed., ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Boston, MA: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2013), 30. 2. Joe S. Sando, Pueblo Nations: eight centuries of Pueblo History (Santa Fe: Clear Light Publishers: 1992) Cibola translates to buffalo. Much like the Plains Indians, Pueblo Indians relied on the buffalo for various products and foodstuffs used in everyday life.

3, Ibid., 48

4. Ibid., 50

5. Ibid., 52 6. Ibid., 53 7. “Hernán Gallegos reports departure of Fray Juan de Santa Maria, September 10, 1581,” in The Rediscovery of New Mexico 1580-1594, ed. George Hammond, vol. 3 (Albuquerque, NM: The University of New Mexico Press, 1966), 121-22.

8. “Juan de Aranda’s copied report on the brief and true account of the discovery of New Mexico by nine men who set out from Santa Bárbara in the company of three Franciscan missionaries, October 26, 1583,” in The Rediscovery of New Mexico 1580-1594, 141-44

9. “Antonio de Espejo reports to the King of Spain his expeditions in Pueblo country, October, 1583,” in The Rediscovery of New Mexico 1580-1594,221. Father Lopez, Father Rodriguez, and others were killed in the Tiguas Pueblo. Father de Santa Maria was killed by the Maguas Indians of eastern Tiguas. 10. Espejo’s report, 213-31. As well Espejo’s own report, a member of his crew, Luxán, provided an even more detailed account of the adventure. Both men’s stories correlate, but are divided on semantics and names of Pueblo people.

11. Espejo is referencing the native Mesoamerican population within Mexico who the Spaniards conquered decades prior. 12. Ibid., 230

13. Although Espejo reported that the Pueblo Indians had come in contact with catholic religion and were familiar with some of the doctrines and symbols, he had not believed that they were fully converted and were still “barbarous” in their religious knowledge.

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14. Espejo’s report, Ibid., 233-34. Although Espejo had provided a detailed report

and explained his zeal to colonize the land, there is much to believe that Espejo had been attempting to escape a prison sentence in Mexico City. Recommendations and pardons for Espejo were written and endorsed by both the Council of Indies and Juan de Aldaz. 15. In de Sosa’s “Memoria,” it claimed that de Sosa was petitioned by the governor of the province, in the name of King Phillip, to go into Pueblo lands. King Phillip never gave royal decree however.

16. “Castaño de Sosa’s ‘Memoria,’ November 10, 1592,” in The Rediscovery of New Mexico 1580-1594, ed. George Hammond, vol. 3 (Albuquerque, NM: The University of New Mexico Press, 1966), 245.

17. Ibid., 286. De Sosa did this in Pueblo villages that had consented to rule under the Spanish crown. 18. “Juan Morlete to Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, July 25, 1591,” letter fragment, Ibid., 303.

19. “Nicolás Escoto delivers the sentence imposed on Castaño de Sosa, March 5, 1593,” Ibid,, 317. 20. Bonilla had threatened to beat Humaña with a stick.

21. “The King to the Audiencia of New Spain, January 17, 1593,” letter, Ibid., 317.

22. “Jusepe’s account of Leyva and Humaña given to Oñate,” official testimony published by Juan Verlade, secretary, Ibid., 323. 23. “Contract of Don Juan de Oñate for the Discovery and Conquest of New Mexico,” official document, Ibid., 42

24. Ibid., 44-5, 49-51. These religious leaders were still under the command of Oñate and were expected to not hinder any colonial efforts in the land.

25. Ibid., 46.

26. “Record of the marches by the army, New Spain to New Mexico, 1596-98,” itinerary, in Don Juan de Oñate,),318. The Piros Pueblo that they had reached was christened Neuva Sevilla (New Seville) due to its similarities to the Spanish city.

27. “Act of Obedience and Vassalage of the Indians,” Ibid., 337-62. Between these pages are the docuements containing each individual Act of Obedience for each Indian group.

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28. F.W. Hodge, “Pueblo Names in the Oñate Documents,” Ibid., 363-74.

29. “Act of Taking Possesion of New Mexico, April 30, 1598,” Ibid., 329-36

30. “Farafan’s Expedition to the Mines,” 1598, Ibid., 414. San Andrés was a gold mine in Spanish Honduras. The Spaniards built their entire sixteenth and seventeenth century fortunes on mines such as San Andrés, Potosi, and Zacatecas. This is why the search for gold, silver, and other metals were so prevalent in New Mexico.

31. “The Council to the King, November 24, 1601,” Ibid., 745. King Phillip required that Oñate send confirmation of these encomienda grants to the King every six years.

32. “Memorial of Don Alsonso de Oñate, Ordinance 145,” Ibid., 593.

33. Sando and most historians are hesitant to say when Rosas’s governorship ended

34. “Investigation made by Don Francisco de Valverde by order of the Viceroy, Count of Monterrey, regarding conditions in the provinces of New Mexico, July, 1601,” Ibid., 628.

35. “Don Juan de Oñate’s expedition to the South Sea and the Salines, 1598,” Ibid., 395.

36. “Fray Alonso de Benavides Reports New Mexico Indians Eager for Conversion, 1634,” in Major Problem in American Colonial History, 67-70.

37. Sando, 61.

38. Sando, 62.

39. “Statement of Pedro Naranjo,” in Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermin’s Attempted Reconquest, 1680-1682, ed. Charles Wilson Hackett, vol. 9 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), 246.

40. “Autos Drawn up as a Result of the Rebellion of the Christian Indians [Santa Fe, August 9, 1680],” in Revolt of the Pueblo, 3.

41. “Auto of Antonio de Otermin [Santa Fe, August 10, 1680],” Ibid., 5.

42. Some of these livestock, such as horses, were integrated and traded by Pueblo cultures later on.

43. The West Film Project, “Popé,” PBS, 2001, accessed November 11, 2013, http://www.pbs.org/weta/thewest/people/i_r/Popé.htm.Auto [Santa Fe, August 21, 1680], in Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Otermin’s Attempted Reconquest, 1680-1682, ed. Charles Wilson Hackett, vol. 8 (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), 17.

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44. “Auto [Santa Fe, August 21, 1680],” in Revolt of the Pueblo Indian,, 17. 45. Elise Clews Parsons, Pueblo Indian Religion, Volume 1 (Lincoln: University of

Nebraska Press, 1996), 168. Opi, or ompi, was the equivalent of a war chief in Pueblo society, at one point had also been translated as scalp-takers.

46. Statement of one of the rebellious Christian Indians, in Major Problem in American Colonial History, 133.

47. Ibid., 134-135.

48. Sando, 68.

49. The West Film Project, “Popé.”

50. “[Declaration] of Diego López [Sambrano. Hacienda of Luis de Carbajal, December, 22, 1681],” in Revolt of the Pueblo Indians, 298.

51. Sando, 67

52. Ibid., 69.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., 70.

55. John Upton Terrel, Pueblos, Gods and Spaniards (New York, NY: The Dial Press, 1973), 321.

56. Sando, 71-72.

57. 2010 American Indians and Alaska Natives in the United States, United States

Census Bureau, April 18, 2013, accessed November 14, 2013, http://www.census.gov/geo/maps-data/maps/aian_wall_maps.html.

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