MUSLIM SAINTS AND MAUSOLEUMS

IN CENTRAL ASIA AND XINJIANG

Edited by

SHINMEN Yasushi, Professor, Faculty of Letters, Chuo University, Japan.

SAWADA Minoru, Professor, Faculty of Humanities, the University of

Toyama, Japan.

Edmund WAITE, Researcher, Institute of Education, London University, UK.

MONDE CAUCASIEN ET TATAR - ASIE CENTRALE ET HAUTE ASIE

Dirigé par Th. Zarcone

___________________________ III ________________________

MUSLIM SAINTS AND MAUSOLEUMS

IN CENTRAL ASIA AND XINJIANG

EDITED BY

SHINMEN YASUSHI, SAWADA MINORU

and EDMUND WAITE

LIBRAIRIE D AM RIQUE ET D ORIENT

JEAN MAISONNEUVE SUCCESSEUR 3 Bis, PLACE DE LA SORBONNE, PARIS (5e)

___

2013

Monde Caucasien et Tatar Asie Centrale et Haute Asie

Dirigé par Thierry Zarcone

Already available in the series – disponibles dans la collection

Chamanisme et Islam en Asie centrale. La Baksylyk hier et aujourd’hui

Patrick Garrone

ISBN 2-7200-1130-4

Soufisme et Politique entre Chine, Tibet et Turkestan. Etude sur les Khwajas Naqshbandis

du Turkestan oriental

Alexandre Papas

ISBN 2-7200-1150-9

Muslim Saints and Mausoleums in Central Asia and Xinjiang

Edited by Shinmen Yasushi, Sawada Minoru and Edmund Waite

ISBN 978-2-7200-1187-0

Cover image: Story tellers in a mazar in Khotan (photographed by R. Dawut, May 2009)

Librairie d‟Amérique et d‟Orient, Paris, 2013

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Thierry ZARCONE

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM:

THE CASE OF THE SALOMON THRONE

(KYRGYZSTAN),

QADAM-JĀY, JINNS-CULT AND ITINERARY-PILGRIMAGE

There are several places in the Muslim world, from Algeria and as far as

Turkestan which are dedicated to the cult of the king Solomon. In Asia, these

places which are usually exceptional mountains, peaks or hills, bear in most of the

cases the name of “Throne of Solomon,” for at least two reasons. First, these places

are so wonderful that, according to the legends, only King Solomon, with his

creative powers and with the help of his jinns, could have created such sites.

Second, mountains and high hills and every elevated place are considered as an

intermediary space, situated between earth and heavens, between the world of the

living and that of the spirits. According to the Muslim tradition this intermediary

world corresponds precisely to the kingdom ruled by Solomon and where his

“throne” was established. The “Throne,” as a symbol of both absolute spiritual and

temporal power is already mentioned in the Quran (13:2): “God is He who raised

up the heavens without pillars you can see, then He sat Himself upon the Throne.

He subjected the sun and the moon, each one running to a term stated. He directs

the affair”.1

Some of these Solomonian mountains are situated in Azarbaijan, in the Elburz

(Iranian Mazanderan), in Afghanistan, in Badakhshan, in Baltistan and in

Kashmir.2 But the most famous, because of its importance as a holy Muslim place

1 Translation by A.J. Arberry. The “Throne” is famous in the Turkish literature: for exemple, in Yunus

Emre‟s poetry (thirteenth century); “Knows that you sit happy on the throne of Solomon / Notice that you clearly order the demons” (Süleyman’ın tahtına şād olup oturdun bil / Dive perīye düpdüz

hükümleri etdün tut), quoted in Gölpınarlı, Abdülbaki 1965. Yunus Emre. Risālat al-Nushiyya ve Divān,

Istanbul: Sulhi Garan Matbaası, p. 43. See also Akkaya, Hüseyin 1997. The Prophet Solomon in Ottoman Turkish Literature and the Süleymāniye of Şemseddin Sivāsi, Harvard: Harvard University

Press, vol. 1, pp. 74–76. 2 About a Takht-i Sulaymān which is located near Tabriz see Masuya, Tomoko 1997. “The Ilkhanid

Phase of Takht-i Sulaimān,” PhD, New York University, 2 vols.

Thierry ZARCONE 74

which draws every year thousand of pilgrims and visitors, although it is not the

oldest, is situated in Central Asia, in the city of Osh (Eastern part of the Ferghana

Valley), in the former USSR and present-day Republic of Kyrgyzstan. Osh was a

strategic city on the old caravan‟s route to Kashgar and India.3 The “Solomon

Throne” named Takht-i Sulaymān in Oriental Turkish, is a bare high ridge of

rugged stone, with few plants and trees, standing on the edge of the town. One of

its summits (160 meters) has a shrine dedicated to the celebrated king.

In this article, I‟ll focus on three characteristics of the Throne of Solomon that I

consider significant and worth questioning: 1. the Throne as a qadam-gāh or

qadam-jāy (place of arrival, station, privy) and not as a mausoleum (mazar); 2. the

ambiguous situation of the Throne as the place for the veneration of Solomon and

of his jinns; 3. the pilgrimage at the Throne as an “itinerary-pilgrimage”, i.e. a

planned itinerary. These three characteristics make this holy place quite atypical

among the other saint cults of Central Asia.

THE THRONE OF SOLOMON: A BRIEF HISTORY

From the chronicles of the Emperor Babur, we learn that the hill wasn‟t

associated with the name of Solomon in the sixteenth century. However from the

thirteenth century onwards, it became the site of a mazar (mausoleum) dedicated to

Asaf b. Barakhyā, the fictive vizir of King Solomon.4 There are also ancient

inscriptions and graves stones dated from the thirteenth century written in Arabic

in the cemetery situated at the bottom of the hill.5 Babur writes that the place was

A nice mountain called Bara Kūh” with two pavilions and a mosque

at its feet: “On the south eastern side of the fortress is located a well-

proportioned mountain called Bara Koh. On the summit of this

mountain Sultan-Mahmud Khan built a pavilion. Farther down from

that pavilion, on a spur of this same mountain, it had a porticoed

pavilion built in the year 902 [A.D. 1496]. Although the former

pavilion is higher up, the latter is situated much better because it

overlooks the whole town and outskirts below. (…) On the slower

slopes of Bara Koh, between the town and the mountain, is a mosque

called the Gemini Mosque…6

3 See Zarcone, Thierry 1996. “Une route de sainteté islamique entre l‟Asie centrale et l‟Inde : la voie

Ush-Kashghar-Srinagar,” in Zarcone, Th., (ed.) Inde-Asie centrale. Routes du commerce et des idées,

Cahiers d’Asie Centrale, Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 1-2, pp. 227–254. 4 According to Jamāl al-Dīn Karshī (thirteenth c.), quoted by Ogudin, V.L. 2003. “Tron Solomona.

Istoriya formirovaniya kul‟ta,” in Podvizhniki Islama. Kul’t svyatykh i sufizm v Srednej Azii i na

Kavkaze, Moscow: Izdatel‟skaya Firma “Vostochnaya Literatura” RAN, p. 71. 5 Cumagulov, Çetin 2001. Oş Şehrinin Epigrafik Anırları, Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı

Y, pp. 10–19 (Turkish translation of Zhumagulov, Ch 1982. Kirgizstandin epigrafik estetikleri, Frunze). 6 Zahiruddin Muhammad Mirza Babur 1993. Baburnama, transl. W.M. Thackston, Oxford: Oxford

University Press, pp. 4–5; see also Barthold, W. [1928]. Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion, rééd.

Taipei: Southern Material Center, n.d., p. 157; and Petrash, Jurij Grigor‟evich 1961. Svyatye mesta obmana, Frunze: Kirgizskoe Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel‟stvo, pp. 5–22.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

75

Later, the Russian traveller Efremov who visited Osh in 1786 noticed the

presence of a wide cemetery on the hill but didn‟t find any trace of a “Solomon

Throne”.7 Actually, it seems, from documentary evidence, that the cult dedicated to

Solomon started in the nineteenth century, although pilgrimage to Asaf b.

Barakhyā‟s mausoleum was celebrated earlier8. Then the place began to be named

after Solomon.9 Although the “Throne” wasn‟t an ancient shrine, it has quickly

became a reputed pilgrimage destination and one of the prominent places for saint

cult in Central Asia.10

At the end of the nineteenth century, several oral traditions

dealing with Solomon were collected and edited in 1885, then translated into

Russian in 1913.11

The information provided by this book is complementary to the

researches undertaken by Russian and Soviet ethnologists on the mazar and to my

own fieldwork carried on at Osh in 1995-1996. In addition to Solomon some other

biblical prophets influenced the history of Osh: Yūnus (Joseph), „Īsà (Jesus) and

366 other prophets, were all supposed to have visited the city12

. Also, according to

the legends, Solomon ordered the building of a mosque (masjid) at the top of the

hill; this mosque became the centre of a major pilgrimage which attracted non

Arab believers (‘ajam). Pilgrims used to perform a two raka‘a prayer at the time of

the festival of ‘ayd qurbān. Visiting the Solomon shrine was considered a “great”

pilgrimage (hajj), equated with the pilgrimage to Mecca. In this way, the

pilgrimage to the “Makka-i „Ajam” has replaced the pilgrimage to the “Makka-i

„Arab”.13

Finally the Solomon shrine became the Mecca for the Persians (i.e. the

Central Asians), then a Second Mecca. In the middle of the twentieth century, a

curator of the shrine affirmed that there were two Mecca; “one in Arabia and the

other in Osh”.14

According to another legend, Solomon reached the Ferghana Valley followed

by his army and carriages pulled by cows. In order to stop the carriage at the very

place where Osh was due to be built, he cried „Ho-Osh‟, like the Farghanian

peasants to theirs cows. Thus the cry became later the name of the city. From this,

7 Quoted in Petrash 1961. 15.

8 Mīr „Izzatullāh 1845. “Travels Beyond the Himalaya,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 7:14, p.

324. 9 For more details on the history of the Throne, see Ogudin 2003. “Tron Solomona. Istoriya

formirovaniya kul‟ta,” pp. 69–102. 10

On the popular traditions regarding Solomon in Central Asia, see Zhoraev, Mamatqul, ed. 1993. Ipak

Yoli afsonalari. Joy nomlari bilan boghliq afsonalari, Tashkent: Uzbekiston Respublikasi, pp. 27–31, 69–70. 11

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla,” published by Ostroymov‟, N. 1885. In Musulmanskoe skazanie o

gorode Osh - Ūsh Shahrī Risālasī, Tashkent: Tipo-Litografiya S. I. Lakhtina; Russian translation by Zimin, L. 1913. In “Musulmanskoe skazanie o gorode Osh - Ūsh Shahrī Risālasī,” Protokol Zasedanij i

soobshcheni chlenov turkestanskogo kruzhka lyubitelej arkheologii, Tashkent, pp. 3-16. A very similar

text (nineteenth century) exists in the Jarring Collection (Prov. 407, University of Lund, Sweden). 12

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 5. 13

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 8. 14

Petrash 1961. p. 16. Like in several Solomonian shrine, there was a labyrinth at the “Throne”, but

there is no trace of it nowadays; see Zhusupakmatov, L. Tajny labirinta na tahti-i-Sulejman goroda Osh, Osh: n.d., pp. 3–95.

Thierry ZARCONE 76

we can deduce that Solomon should not only be considered as the builder of the

Throne but also as the patron saint and founder of the city of Osh.15

In the Soviet era, the Throne was described as one of the more popular and

“dangerous” saint cults, in the eyes of the Communists, equivalent to those of

Bahā‟ al-Dīn Naqshband, at Bukhara, and of Shāh-i Mardān, in Ferghana, and it

was quickly desecrated and closed16

. Nowadays, after the disintegration of the

USSR (1991), the pilgrimage has been reactivated and is again considered as a

“Second Mecca”. It draws hundred of pilgrims particularly during the Muslim

festivals.17

Mention should be made that in contrast to a great number of saint

shrines, the Solomon Throne is not linked to the Sufi tradition, although some of

the curators were depicted as “shaykhs”18

and a Sufi lodge was installed in its

proximity.19

THE QUESTION OF THE QADAM-JĀY

The “Throne of Solomon”, although it shares a great number of practices and

devotions with the saint cult in general, appears as an atypical saint place. From

several sources, both written and oral, we learn that the Throne is not presented as

the place for a tomb or a mausoleum (mazar, ziyārat) – which is the key element in

saint cult – but as a “station”, a “place of arrival” (qadam-jāy – qadam-gāh) –

mesto sleda in Russian – where the king Solomon was supposed to have walked

and also where he stayed for a while. One of the first scientific studies of the

Throne, made by the French Scientific Expedition in Russia, Siberia and

Turkestan, in 1878, mention that the little shrine at the summit of the mountain is

called “khodjamné-Djaï” (qadam-jāy).20

This distinctive feature of the Solomon

Throne and of the qadam-jāy in general led me to rethink the classification of saint

cults adopted by the great majority of researchers. Classifications are usually based

on the identity of the deceased buried in these places: i.e. Prophets or Imams,

kings, Muslim warriors and martyrs, Sufis, etc.21

Although these classifications are

15

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 4; Castagné, Joseph 1951. “Le Culte des lieux saints de

l‟Islam au Turkestan,” L'Ethnographie, Paris, 46, pp. 81-82. This tradition is mentioned also by Petrash

1961. p. 6. 16

See Bennigsen, Alexandre 1986. Le Soufi et le Commissaire, Paris: Seuil, pp. 205–206; and “Islamic

Revival and the Anti-Islamic Campaign in the USSR” 1987. The Central Asian Newsletter, Oxford, 6:5,

pp. 5–6. 17

Personal observations during ‘Ayd al-Kabīr festival in 1995. 18

In 1915, the famous Uzbek writer Chūlpān wrote that the mountain (tāv) bore the name of « Hazrat

Sulaymān » (the Venerable Solomon) and that the tomb (mazar) situated on the top was occupied by

shaykhs and Quran readers (qārī); Chūlpān 1915. “Ūsh,” Shūrā, Orenbourg, 9, pp. 287–288. 19

According to Schuyler, Eugene 1876. Turkistan. Notes of a Journey in Russian Turkistan, Khokand,

Bukhara, and Kuldja, London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, vol. I, p. 45. 20

de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd, Ch. E. 1878. Le Kohistan, le Ferghana et Kouldja, Paris: Ernest

Leroux, p. 97. 21

I have followed myself such a classification in my articles: Zarcone 1995. “Le Culte des saints [en

Turquie et en Asie centrale],” in Chambert-Loir, Henri and Guillot, Claude (eds.), Le Culte des saints

dans le monde musulman, Paris: Ecole Française d‟Extrême-Orient, pp. 267–307; and Zarcone 2002.

“Le Culte des saints au Xinjiang (de 1949 à nos jours),” Journal of the History of Sufism, Paris, 3, pp. 133–172. See for ex. the classification for mazars in Turkey by Ocak, Ahmed Yaşar 1984. Türk Halk

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

77

acceptable, I should like to affirm that an upper classification, wider in scope,

would come before and might integrate the classifications indicated above,

considering as a first criteria the pristine character of the mazar, i.e. if it is or is not

the place for commemoration of a deceased person.

There is very little evidence at our disposal regarding the case of the qadam-jāy

and only a few researchers working on the mazars have referred to this

phenomenon;22

There is an absence of detailed analysis of this phenomenon. I am

convinced however that this term needs definitively to be questioned. The word

qadam-jāy or qadam-gāh is usually used in Persian to designate a resting place for

pilgrims such as the “Qadam-gāh Caravansaray” on the Mashad road in Iran, and

also for some places visited by the Shi‟i Imams. Mention should be made here of a

famous garden near Nishapur named qadam-gāh because it possesses a piece of

black stone on which, according to the locals, two footprints of Imam Riza have

been carved.23

The term qadam-jāy is very popular in Central Asia24

(but very rare

in the rest of Turkic world, for example in Turkey). For instance, qadam-jāy are

mentioned several times in the famous epic of Alpomish when the bard (bakhshi)

invoked the spirits, the saints, and also their mazars and their qadam-jāy; and there

is an unidentified qadam-jāy at Shahr-i Sabz.25

Another, in Tashkent (Shash), is

dedicated to the great saint Ahmad Yasawī.26

Actually the most interesting remarks on the qadam-jāy phenomenon comes

from the French archaeologist Joseph Castagné who briefly questions the term in

his classical article on the saint cult in Turkistan (1915).27

Castagné writes that the

qadam-jāy are empty tombs which must be considered as “commemorative

monuments” only, since they were built in memory of the arrival of some famous

persons to the place; it is literally the places which have received their feet (qadam

= foot; -gāh / -jāy = place). Castagné gives an example of a mazar in Bukhara

dedicated to a certain “Babaï-Paradous”, patron of the guild of the shoemakers. He

İnançlarında ve Edebiyatında Evliya Menkabeleri, Ankara: Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı, pp. 9–19; for

Western Central Asia see Snezarev, G.P. 2003. Remnants of Pre-Islamic Beliefs and Rituals among the Khorezm Uzbeks, Berlin: Reinhold Schletzer, p. 213; for Xinjiang see Dawut, Rahilä 2001. Uyghur

Mazarliri, Ürümchi: Shinjang Khälq Näshriyati, pp. 5–10. 22

See for ex. Snezarev 2003. p. 209, and Abashin, S.N. 2003. “Sem‟ svjatykh brat‟ev,” in Podvizhniki

Islama. Kul’t svjatykh I sufizm v Srednej Azii i na Kavkaze, Moscow: Izdatel‟skaja Firma “Vostochnaja

Literatura” RAN, p. 23. 23

Daneshdoust 1993. “Islamic Gardens in Iran,” in Historic Gardens and Sites, Colombo: UNESCO-

ICOMOS, p. 49. 24

Sayrāmī writes for ex., in nineteenth century, that Eastern Turkestan got many mazars, qadam-jā and

ziyārat-gāh (wa bu Yatti Shahirlar zaminlarida mashā’ikh-i karam ‘ali maqam wa mazar ziyarat-gāh

‘ali qadam-jālar tuladurlar): Mullā Mūsā Sayrāmī 1740. “Tārīkh-i Amniyya,” manuscript Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Collection P. Pelliot, B 1740, 196 r. 25

Alpomish 1993. Reedition of the version written by the bakhshi Fādil Yuldāh Ughlī (1873-1953),

edited by Hamīd „Alīmjān, Tashkent: Uzbekiston, pp. 103–105. 26

Yasawī‟s followers set up a dervish lodge (langar) at the place where the saint stopped, and then

called it a qadam-gāh; see Ahrār 2002. Maqāmāt-i Khwāja Ahrār - Memoirs Concerning Khwāja Ahrār

(1404-1490), edited by Kawamoto Masamoto, Tokyo: Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of

Asia and Africa, Persian text, p. 128. 27

“Modestes sanctuaires, humbles oratoires votifs, simples enclos...” Castagné 1951. pp. 46–48.

Thierry ZARCONE 78

thought that this tomb may be depicted as a qadam-jāy, commemorating the

coming of the saint to Bukhara, since the real mazar of this saint was located in the

surrounding of Chust (Ferghana Valley).28

Then Castagné concludes that these

qadam-jāy are simple shrines, small chapels/oratories.29

This is certainly the case

for the large majority of the qadam-jāy of Central Asia, but not for the Throne of

Solomon which is far from being a “modeste sanctuaire” or a “simple enclos.”

However, it is astonishing that Castagné devoted a few lines only to the Solomon

Throne and doesn‟t mention that it was considered as a qadam-jāy30

.

Most of the qadam-jāy of Turkestan are linked to biblical or Quranic

personalities supposed to have entered Central Asia but who didn‟t die there (it is

also the case of the Throne). Among them, the Shi‟i imams are particularly

renowned in Central Asia where several mausoleums bear their names; most of

them are qadam-jāy of Imam „Alī31

. One of these, called “Kalla-Mazar” in Western

Turkestan, near Chirabad, is believed to be imprinted with the hoof of „Ali‟s

horse.32

There is another qadam-jāy of „Alī in the Pamir area which was described

by the second Danish Expedition in 1898-99. O. Olufsen who edited the travelogue

of the expedition published a drawing of the interior of this small mud-built house.

Instead of a tomb there was a cubical clay “altar” upon which was two large

rounded black stones, cow horns, lamps, candlesticks and a yak-ox hail.33

Another

qadam-jāy of „Alī is situated in Ush-Turfan (Xinjiang) and commemorates a

miracle accomplished by Imam „Alī.34

A third one, close to Maralbashi (Xinjiang),

is described by Forsyth: “nine miles to the north-est of Maralbashi is a huge black

rock apparently basaltic, with a treble peak, rising to a height of some 2,500 feet

above the plain. It is very rugged and quite inaccessible and forms a conspicuous

landmark. It is called „Pir Shereh Kuddum Moortaza Ali Tagh‟, „the Prophet Ali‟s

footstep‟. At its foot on the north side is a mazar of great sanctity.”35

Furthermore,

many other qadam-jāy of „Ali are located in the valley of Ferghana.36

Historical personalities also have their qadam-jāy; the best exemple being the

Naqshbandī King Āfāq Khwāja Hidāyatullāh (prominent Sufi and leader of the

Khwāja dynasty who ruled over Kashgharia in seventeenth-eighteenth century) to

whom several qadam-jāy are dedicated in Eastern Turkestan. From a nineteenth

century Chagatay source, we learn that one of these qadam-jāy is located at

approximatively 15 metres from the mazar of Ashāb al-Kahf/Tuyuq Khwāja, the

28

Castagné 1951. pp. 75–77. 29

Castagné 1951. p. 47. 30

Castagné 1951. pp. 81–82. 31

„Ali and the other Shi‟ī imams are praised in Xinjiang popular literature; see Karl Reich 2003. “Hero

and Saint: Islamic Elements in Uighur Oral Epics,” Journal of the History of Sufism 3: pp. 7–24. 32

Castagné 1951. p. 117. 33

Olufsen 1904. pp. 157–164. 34

Mullā Mūsā Sayrāmī, 1905. Tārīkh-i Aminiyya, Kazan: Madrasa-i „Ulūm, pp. 316–317. 35

Forsyrh, T.D. 1875. Report of a Mission to Yarkund, Calcutta: The Government Press, pp. 227. I

would like to thanks Hamada Masami (Kyoto University) who draw my attention to several sources

quoted in this paragraph. 36

Abashin 2003. p. 23.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

79

most venerated mausoleum of Eastern Turkestan. This qadam-jāy commemorates

the coming to Ashāb al-Kahf of Āfāq Khwāja Hidāyatullāh.37

We learn that Āfāq

Khwāja performed a forty-day retreat there, close to the place where he established

his tent; the place is also called chilla-khāna (house for retreat).

According to the source mentioned above, there is another qadam-jāy of Āfāq

Khwāja in the same oasis of Turfan (at the village of Sayyid Khān) about which

notable explanations are given regarding its transformation into a tomb. Āfāq

Khwāja stayed a few days at the mazar of Sayyid Dehqān, the patron of the guild

of the peasants.38

A monument was then built at the place where Āfāq Khwāja had

erected his tent. The monument was provided with a cupola (kunbaz) and the locals

made inside a dome / bump (qubba) which resembles a tomb (maqbara).39

Then

the following inscription was written on the arch (tāq) of the building: “Qadam-

jāyi Hidāyatullāh”.40

We can see here clearly how the place has became a fictive

mausoleum which then authorizes the emergence of saint devotion and rituals. We

can infer from the history of this qadam-jāy that a similar process would have

happened at the Solomon Throne, although Solomon had never been to Osh. There

is a confirmation of my analysis in the travelogue of the British traveler Schuyler,

at the end of the nineteenth century, since Schuyler was told by the locals that

Solomon died at Osh and that his mazar (he doesn‟t use the term qadam-jāy)

which surmounted the hill, was covering his body.41

Thus, the process of

identifying the qadam-jāy with a mazar was in progress.42

The Solomon Throne is without doubt what the contemporary French

historiography calls a “lieu de mémoire” (realm of memory),43

i.e. a place for the

cultivation of the remembering of any people or event. Here, it is Solomon‟s life

and actions which are remembered. Whereas there is no tomb in the funerary room

of the qadam-jāy, all the rituals of saint devotion are performed, including the

ritual of intercession which is usually addressed to a death. Nowadays these

37

Qurbān „Alī Vālid-i Khālid Hājjī Ayaghūzī 1889. Tārīkh-i jarīda-yi jadīda, Kazan: Qazān

Univīrstītī), pp. 22–23; id., “Tārīkh-i jarīda-yi jadīda,” Ms Turki 2, India Office Library, London, f. 23).

About the coming of Āfāq Khwāja Hidāyatullāh to this place, see also Shinmen, Yasushi 2003. “The

History of the Mausoleum of the Ashāb al-Kahf in Turfan,” The Memoirs of the Toyo Bunko 61, pp. 86–

87, 92. There is another qadam-jā of Āfāq Khwāja in Eastern Turkistan, at Fayz Ābād, near Kashgar; see Papas, Alexandre 2005. Soufisme et Politique entre Chine, Tibet et Turkestan. Etudes sur les

khwajas naqshbandis du Turkestan oriental, Paris: Jean Maisonneuve, pp. 123, 137. Let mention also a qadam-jā (previously a mosque) of the leader of the Ishaqiyya sufi branch; see Kerimi, Niyaz 2000.

Shinjangning Qädimki Karvan Yolliri, Ürümchi: Shinjang Khälq Näshriyati, p. 137. 38

On the present situation of this qadam-jā, see Dawut 2001. pp. 213–214. 39

Kunbaz binā qīlib ichīda maqbara shabīh qubba qīlmīshlar; Qurbān „Alī Vālid-i Khālid Hājjī

Ayaghūzī 1889. p. 10; id. Ms Turki 2, India Office Library, London, f. 9 r. v. 40

Id. 41

Schuyler 1876. I, p. 43. 42

Snezarev make an interesting remark, indicating that in Khorezm the “qadam-jā has also the form of

a mausoleum (sagona),” Snezarev 2003. p. 210. 43

See Nora, Pierre (ed.) 1984-1992. Les Lieux de mémoire, 7 vols., Paris: Gallimard.

Thierry ZARCONE 80

devotions are still visible both at the Solomon Throne and at the “Qadamjā-yi

Hidāyatullāh” in the Turfan oasis.44

As a conclusion to this section, we must keep in mind that the qadam-jāy

should have been sacred places apart from the mausoleum, situated somewhere

between the mosque and the mazar. Nevertheless, since such a place of devotion

doesn‟t exist, the qadam-jāy have adopted the shape of the mausoleum and then it

has captured the whole of the practices and devotions of saint cult. Actually there

was no other way in Islam for the sanctification of a place or building. Then, the

upper classification, I propose above, would consider: 1. the mazars with the grave

of a real or a fictive saint; 2. the mazars which wasn‟t originally a place for the

burying of a saint, i.e. qadam-jāy or chilla-khana (a retreat place where the saint

lived for a while as a recluse): these qadam-jāy are of two kinds: 2-1: qadam-jāy

without a grave (for ex. the Solomon Throne), and 2-2: qadam-jāy with a fictitious

grave (for ex. the Qadamjāyi Hidāyatullāh).

FROM SAINT CULT TO JINNS CULT

Muslim tradition emphasizes an association between Solomon and water, a

question which is prominent at Osh. At the Throne, Solomon is supposed to have

made the springs flow from the hill, thanks to his jinns.45

According to another oral

tradition collected in 1878, Solomon opened the mountain range in the vicinity of

Osh and made a way for the river Ak-Boura to water the city46

. Here we have an

explanation of the reason for which Solomon is associated with the city since he

exercised a power over the springs and over the jinns associated with water. This is

perhaps one of the origins of the Throne. Nowadays, among the Kazakhs, Solomon

is seen as the master of the jinns of the water, a resource of vital importance in the

steppe area.47

And, in Khorezm, the jinns include a special sub-class, the water-

pari (supari, suw-pari).48

Moreover, the relation of Solomon with water and

sources is emphasized at some other Salomon shrines in the Muslim world,

particularly in Algeria where there is a holy bath (the Solomon Bath / Hammam

Sidī Slīman) supposed to have been carved in the mountain by the jinns upon the

order of Solomon.49

Mention must be made here that the jinns can be in turn good

or bad, depending on the circumstances; bad jinns were usually the pre-Islamic

jinns who never converted to Islam and the good ones were those who have

adopted the religion of the Prophet, heretic jinns (al-jinn al-muslimūn) versus

44

Personal observations at Solomon Throne in 1995 and 1996, and at the Qadamjā-yi Hidāyatullāh

(Ashāb al-Kahf) in 2004. 45

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. pp. 10–15. 46

de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd 1878. p. 98.

47 See Privatsky, Bruce 2001. Muslim Turkistan. Kazak Religion and Collective Memory, Richmond -

Surrey: Curzon, 2001, p. 223.

48 Snezarev 2003. pp. 25, 49.

49 There is a chapter about the Solomon Bath in the book of Khenchelaoui, Zaim 2001. Le Roi

Salomon. Mythographie d’un prophète paradigmatique, Toulouse: Centre d‟Etudes du Monde Arabe et

de l‟Asie - Université de Toulouse le Mirail, pp. 167–208. On the Solomon legend, see also Akkaya 1997. vol. 1.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

81

muslim jinns (al-jinn al-mushrikūn).50

However the shaytān (Satan), a class of

muslim jinns among many others, are usually considered bad creatures.51

Some of the jinns present at the Throne bore a Zoroastrian name, ahramānd,

from Ahriman52

, the incarnation of the evil principle. The use of ahramānd to

qualify jinns is not very common in Central Asian Islam, although there are other

Zoroastrian words for the jinns: i.e. div and pari, and also Arabic words, jinn,

shaytān, arwāh.53

According to Muslim traditions, Solomon was associated with

the jinns because he needed their help for the building of gigantic edifices54

. Then

the jinns have become more and more influential in the life of the King and they

have constituted a prominent element of his myth. At the Takht-i Sulayman, the

jinns were also helpful to Solomon in searching for springs. From this, we must

admit that the Throne is a place for the encounter between men and jinns. As the

Algerian anthropologist Zaïm Khenchelaoui points out, “the demons are frightened

of Solomon”55

: here is one part of the key to understanding the devotion to this

prophet. Salomon forces the jinns to be obedient to the humans and to help

pilgrims whenever they came to the hill to pray to him, and indirectly his jinns.

From a local tradition collected in 1885, Solomon died at Osh and his corpse was

brought to his native country (in the Middle East) on the back of a white camel.

Then all his jinns have gone away with the exception of some of them staying on

the hill to protect the treasures of their deceased master. Let me quote the

following proverb in use among the Uzbeks and Tajiks of the Zarafshan district

(Samarqand): “after Solomon died, the jinns became free” (Sulaymān oldi divlar

qūtūldi).56

Thus the jinns who didn‟t go away are now the residents of the

Throne.57

Consequently, the place became their home and all cults performed there

have been implicitly a cult of the jinns.

There is an interesting case of jinn devotion in a little village of the Bukhara

district. The village is called Jinn Kishlaq (village of the jinns) from the name of

the spirit of a bad man buried in the vicinity. According to legendary accounts, the

ghost of this man was responsible for the mysterious death of a great number of

50

El-Zein, Amira 1996. “The Evolution of the Concept of the Jinn from pre-Islam to Islam,” PhD,

Georgetown University, vol. 2, 194. 51

Masson, Denise 1976. Monothéisme coranique et monothéisme biblique, Paris: Desclée de Brower,

p. 188 52

There are other ways to write this word in Persian: ahrāman, āhrāman, āhraman, āhrīman. 53

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. pp. 13–14; “Hazrat Sulaymān alya’l-salām diyūrlārnī va

ahrimandlārnī būyūrdīlār shūl tāghnī kasīb sū utkūzūnnglār dīb diyūlār va ahrimandlār ūl tāghgha

bārīb īshlārdīlār”. It is to be regretted, however, that Ahrimānd is translated by divy i demon in the Russian translation of this text by Zimin; Protokol Zasedanij i soobshcheni chlenov turkestanskogo

kruzhka ljubitelej arkheologii, p. 8. Let mention however that ehrimen (ahramānd) is employed in some

Ottoman literary sources on Solomon; Akkaya 1997. vol. 1, 37, pp. 86–88. 54

Solomon is attributed also the building of the city of Khazarap in Khorezm; Snezarev 2003. p. 26. 55

Khenchelaoui 2001. pp. 143–165. 56

Murodov, O. 1979. Drevnie obrazy mifologii u tadjikov doliny Zeravchana, Dushanba: n.p., p. 25.

Nevertheless, according to local oral sources collected by Schuyler in 19th century, Solomon, or

another local saint or hero “confounded with the Jewish king”, died at Osh (Schuyler 1876. I, p. 43). 57

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 18.

Thierry ZARCONE 82

villagers. Therefore the cult of this jinn started when the locals decided to made

prayers at his tomb in order to attenuate his anger and to perform pilgrimage

actions like lighting candles, bringing banners, ram horns (ovis polis), pieces of

cloth, and making animals sacrifices. Moreover, Castagné observes a quite

surprising phenomenon at this shrine: there were two banners lying on the soil in

the shape of a cross, instead of standing up as is usual at the site of saint cults.

Castagné suggests that it is a symbol for a place devoted to the worship of a bad

jinn58

I have never heard about any other holy place in Central Asia with such a

symbol. Without doubt, this question needs further investigation.

Finally, it is striking that Solomon was not the most venerated patron of the

islamized shamans of Central Asia, i.e. the bakhshis, who are professional dealers

with the bad jinns and who know how to use them for healing. However, Solomon

is invoked by the shamans under his proper name or under the name of the

“Throne”.59

At the end of the nineteenth century, during a shamanic ceremony, the

name of the “Throne of Solomon” appeared in the ritual with the names of some

other saints and jinns: “O, Throne of Solomon, please, help me!”60

In another

shamanic ritual, Salomon is invoked as “the breath of Solomon sitting on his

Throne”.61

Furthermore, some jinns/spirits invoked by the shamans bore the name

of their master: “Sulaymān”.62

“ITINERARY-PILGRIMAGE” CULT

The Solomon Throne belongs in my opinion to a category of saint cult with a

rich and complex ritual of devotion. First, there are several places of devotion

located in the site, all disseminated on the hill; second, the pilgrimage is a planned

route, beginning and finishing at very precise places. The itinerary followed by the

pilgrims is divided into several stations with shrines, graves and sacred natural

elements, springs, caves, rocks, trees, all being places for devotions (Figure 5.1).

Furthermore, the ritual of circumambulation (tavaf) which is pivotal in saint cult is

replaced here by the itinerary. I propose to call this category of saint cult

“itinerary-pilgrimage cult,” contrary to the great majority of the other saint cults

which focus usually on a lone devotion, and sometimes on more devotions but

without order or planned itinerary. To the category of “itinerary-pilgrimage cult”

58

“Deux perches auxquelles sont fixés des chiffons en guise d‟ex-votos, sont posées à même le sol,

formant une croix. Ce fait mérite d‟être souligné, car les perches sont toujours debout sur les tombeaux

des saints musulmans et jamais en croix” ; Castagné 1951. pp. 108–110. 59

Garrone, Patrick 2000. Chamanisme et Islam en Asie centrale. La Baksylyk hier et aujourd’hui,

Paris: Librairie d‟Amérique et d‟Orient Jean Maisonneuve, pp. 153, 173. 60

Divaev‟, A.A. 1899. Iz Oblasti Kirgizskikh’ Verovanij. Baksy, Kak’ Lekar’ i Koldun’, Kazan:

Tipografiya Imperatorskago Universiteta, quoted by Garrone 2000. p. 67. 61

Garrone 2000. p. 152. 62

Murodov 1975. “Shamanskij obryadovyj folklor y Tadzhikob srednej chasti doliny Zerashana,” in

Domusulmanskie verovaniya i obryady ve Srednej Azii, Moskva: Akademiya Nauk SSSR, p. 100.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

83

belong some saint cults in the Muslim world among which the most remarkable is

the Haji Bektash complex in Central Anatolia.63

The focus of the pilgrimage in the Osh complex is a little shrine at the top of

the hill, inside of which, according to traditional accounts, is the throne of King

Salomon; i.e. the throne where he was supposed to order the jinns and rule the

entire world. Regarding the practices which are performed at the Throne, most are

similar to the devotions at the saint shrines: prayers for intercession conducted by

the curator of the shrine, offering, animal sacrifices, and pieces of cloth attached to

the trees: healing of the sterility of women and of other diseases. The

circumambulation (tavaf) is generally replaced by the itinerary but some pilgrims

are still performing it around the shrine. Today, the place is especially visited by

women, as is the case with other saint cults. Some of them come from other cities

of the Ferghana valley and also from remote cities of Central Asia. They are

usually guided by experts (otin) who knows the devotions to be performed at any

places on the itinerary and the repertoire of prayers and invocations. In May 1995,

during the festival of the ‘ayd kabīr, when a crowd of pilgrims visited the Throne, I

was in the company of a group of women from the city of Andijan, walking the

itinerary with them and observing the ritual they worked at every station. I have

also profited from the explanations given by the otin of the group.

The pilgrimage started at the foot of the hill, went up to the qadam-ja, and then

went back, on the other side of the mountain, through a wide cemetery (Figures

5.3, 5.4).64

Several places of devotion situated on the itinerary commemorate the

coming of Solomon: prints of his knees, of his hands, of his feet; spring water

compared to his tears. We meet also two springs Solomon discovered with the help

of the jinns. Finally, the last station of the itinerary, at the foot of the other side of

the hill, is the mausoleum of his imaginary vizir Asaf b. Barakhyā. Everywhere on

the road, trees are covered with pieces of cloth; they symbolize the vows made by

the pilgrims (niyat aghachlari / vows trees). There are seven major stations which

constitute the itinerary: the visiting of the throne of the King (i.e. the qadam-jāy) at

the top of the hill; the “slipping on the rock”; the “passing of the Sirāt bridge”; the

“water drops cave”; the “Solomon stone”; the mausoleum of Asaf b. Barakhyā; and

the “spring of Paradise.”65

All these stations are places for devotions: some refers

to Solomon‟s mythic biography; others to the Quran (imitations of the pilgrimage

at Mecca); and other to Solomon‟s magical powers.

1. The qadamjāy is a quite simple and new building, in contrast to the majestic

mausoleum of Ahmad Yasawi at Turkistan, or of Afaq Khwaja at Kashgar. It is a

63

See Zarcone 1995. “Le Mausolée de Hācı Bektāş Velī en Anatolie centrale (Turquie),” in H.

Chambert-Loir and C. Guillot, eds., Le Culte des saints dans le monde musulman, Paris: Ecole

Française d‟Extrême-Orient, pp. 309–319. 64

About this cemetery and some of the graves which are ancient, see Cumagulov, Çetin 2001. Oş

Şehrinin Epigrafik Anırları, Ankara: Atatürk Kültür Merkezi Başkanlığı Y. 65

Ogudin 2003. pp. 83–87, 91–92. In 1878, only three of these stations were visited and considered

sacred: the “slipping on the rock”, the “water drops cave”; and the “Solomon stone”; see de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd 1878. p. 98.

Thierry ZARCONE 84

little cupola-topped structure with a façade66

. From a drawing by M. Müller, in

1878, we can see that its present architecture is similar to the old one67

(Figures

5.2, 5.9). Upon the entrance gate, there is a geometrical representation of the

Solomon seal (muhr-i Sulaymān), the six-branch star. Inside the structure there is

neither tomb no sarcophagus, contrary to the other mausoleums, since only the

throne of the King is supposed to be there. According to the written tradition, a

prayer with two prostrations (raka‘at) performed at the qadam-jāy is equated with

a prayer with 200 prostrations elsewhere68

. So the Throne is atypical among the

qadam-jāy since it was never completed with a tomb (maqbar) (Figures 5.5, 5.6,

5.7, 5.8).

2. The second station in the itinerary is the “slipping on a rock” (sirg’an

chek)69

. Pilgrims use to slip over a long and flat stone in order to prevent or heal

their back diseases. The rock alludes to the therapeutic power of Solomon. The

slipping on the rock is also believed to alleviate women‟s sterility (Figure 5.10).

3. The third station is the passing of the Sirāt bridge which is mentioned in the

Muslim tradition. This bridge allows travellers to cross over hell and can be passed

by good Muslims only. It is a dangerous section of the itinerary which frightens the

pilgrims (Figure 5.11).

4. The fourth station is the “water drops cave” (zakka tomor gori). It is a cave

with a spring identified with the Zamzam spring of Mecca; but only a few drops

emerge there. These drops are supposed to be the tears of Solomon and heal the

eyes diseases. The pilgrims bring the drops to their eyes. According the oral

tradition, the Solomon tears transmit also the King‟s clairvoyance to the pilgrims.

5. The fifth station is the “stone of the cradle” (beshik tāsh) or “Solomon stone”

(Sulaymān tāsh). It is a hole in a section of a wide rock in front of which the

pilgrims kneel down and into which they put their head three times. This action has

two consequences: first, as a “cradle stone”, it has the power to cure women‟s

sterility and bring them a child;70

second, it transmits to the pilgrim Solomon‟s

wisdom which actually consists of magical powers (Figures 5.12, 5.13).

Khenchelaoui considers the Solomon stone to be an imitation of the place at the

Ka‟ba where the black stone is situated.71

6. The pilgrimage goes back on the slope of the mountain through a wide

cemetery up to the sixth station, the mazar of Asaf b. Barakhyā (seventeenth

century), which is situated at the foot of the mountain (Figure 5.14). According to

66

A map of the shrine was published in Bernishtam, A.N. 1950, Arkhitekturnye pamjatniki kirgizii,

Moscow: AN SSSR, p. 119. See also the very detailed description of the shrine in 1878, in de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd 1878. p. 97. 67

In de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd 1878. p. 99. 68

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 5. 69

“Sigalchik tash”, according to Ogudin 2003. p. 83. 70

Petrash 1961. p. 20, emphasizes this aspect. 71

Khenchelaoui 2001. p. 158.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

85

the sources, this mazar is depicted as a ziyārat-gāh (and not a qadam-jāy).72

It is

actually the only grave venerated during the pilgrimage, although a fictive one

since Asaf b. Barakhyā was the imaginary vizir of the King. But it is the most

ancient section of the itinerary. According to the chronicles of Jamal al-Din Karshi

(thirteenth century), the mazar of Asaf b. Barakhyā was present on the mountain,

centuries before the place was known as the Solomon Throne73

. Asaf b. Barakhyā,

a closer assistant of the King, was reputed to know several of the secrets of his

master.74

Usual saint devotions are performed on this place, like the lighting of

candles and the saying of vows (niyāz). The building was wider until the end of the

nineteenth century, with a lot of secondary structures (Figure 5.18).75

Most of them

were destroyed by the Russian military during the Basmachi uprising since the

insurgents made the Throne one of their fortresses. The mausoleum was restored in

the 1990s.

7. The pilgrimage ends with the passing over a little stream (perhaps the

irrigation canal mentioned in Babur chronicles). Oral tradition views this stream as

the “Paradise spring” (Jannat suyi); its water is considered sacred and miraculous

by the pilgrims who fill up their bottles with it.

From written sources, we learn that several conditions must be followed by the

pilgrims. The pilgrimage have to be performed at the time of the ‘ayd qurbān (it is

nowadays respected). The pilgrims must drink the waters from the Zamzam (or

Kawthar) spring and also from the “Paradise spring”. This water could be used also

for the ablutions (ghusl tahārat) before to perform the prayers at the Asaf b.

Barakhyā‟s tomb. Also the circumambulations (hājj tavāf) are recommended, and

the pilgrim must stay three or forty days on the mountain. All these actions will

“free the believers from the fire of hell” (ātash dūzakh)76

.

CONCLUSION

As has been demonstrated above, the Solomon Throne is clearly an atypical

saint cult: first, it belongs to the quite ambiguous class of the qadam-jāy and

should constitute, in my opinion, a chief model for this category. The qadam-jāy

never constituted an autonomous place of devotion, because, for centuries, the

mazars have monopolized Muslim devotions and were actually the sole focus for

it. There wasn‟t any chance for the qadam-jāy to challenge the mazar.

Consequently, the former was integrated into the category of saint cult and was

given, in some cases, a fictive grave to fit with this category. Second, the Throne of

Solomon is implicitly a place for jinns cult and for getting magical powers.

Actually, the pilgrims can capture some of the magical powers of the King, his

72

“Asafnī shūl jāyda dafn qīlsūn Ajam khalqīgha ziyāratgāh būlsūn dīb fī’l-hāl Hazrat Asaf b.

Barakhyānī tāghnī tūbīda āftāb yūlī tarafīda dafn qīldīlār”; “Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. p. 3. 73

See Ogudin 2003. p. 71. 74

On him, see Akkaya 1997. vol. 1, pp. 55–56, and Khenchelaoui 2000. pp. 91–94. 75

Mīr „Izzatullāh 1845. p. 324. See the description and the photographs published by Zimin 1913. p.14.

About the history and architecture of the monument, see Dujsheev, B. 1986, Pamjaty Tjan-Shanja,

Frunze: Mektep, p. 76. 76

“Ūsh shahrī khusūsīdaghī risāla” 1885. pp. 5, 6–7, 15.

Thierry ZARCONE 86

clairvoyance and his wisdom, and especially the command to the jinns. The jinns

cult needs to be questioned and calls for further investigations. In this connection,

it will be of interest for example to analyze the mazars frequented by the shamans

who are researching the help of the spirit; for the shamans the mazar is clearly a

place to invocate both saints and bad or good jinns. Third, the Throne is what I

would venture to call an “itinerary pilgrimage”. Few saint places display such a

planned journey, divided in stations visited one after the other, and integrating

other mazar (mausoleum of Asaf b. Barakhyā). Of course, the reason for this at the

Throne is geographical, because the pilgrimage consists primarily in the ascension

of the hill; however the veneration here regards the mountain as a whole and not

the qadam-jāy or Asaf b. Barakhyā‟s tomb only. Finally, the Throne might be

equated with some other saint places, even if the devotions are accomplished there

without any order, like the mazar of Ordam Padishah (Kashgar, Xinjiang), where

we can find numerous stations and mausoleums disseminated in a wide sandy area

in the Taklamakan desert.77

Both belong to a wider category of pluri-devotion

mazars.

Thierry ZARCONE

Postscript:

There are two manuscripts concerning the Solomon Throne in the Biruni library in

Tashkent I haven‟t seen: 1. “Fadīlat-nāma-yi Ush wa qarārgāh Sulaymān (Ush

shahrīning risālasī),” n° 509 (end of 19th century); 2. “Wā‟qa-yi ziyārat dar takht-i

Sulaymān dar zamīn-i Ush,” n.d., n° 569 (cf. Babadjanov, Bakhtiyor; Krämer,

Annett; Paul Jürgen (eds.) 2000. Handlist of Sufi Manuscripts (18th-20th

Centuries) in the Holding of the Oriental Institute, Academy of Sciences, Republic

of Uzbekistan, Biruni, Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 175, p. 190.)

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Abbas, Ablät 1993. “Ordam tarikhidin omumi bayan,” Yengishähär Tarikhi Materyalliri,

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On this mazar, see Abbas, Ablät 1993. “Ordam tarikhidin omumi bayan,” Yengishähär Tarikhi

Materyalliri, Kashgar, 1, pp. 123-175; Sawada, Minoru 2003. “The System of Ordam-Padishāh (The Oasis of Yangi Hisar),” Journal of the History of Sufism 3, pp. 89–112.

ATYPICAL MAUSOLEUM : THE SOLOMON THRONE

87

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FIGURES

203

5.1: Drawing of the whole of the Throne of Solomon, Kyrgyzstan, 1995

1. Entrance of the Throne of Solomon 2. Qadam-jāy of Solomon

3. The “slipping on a rock” (sirg’an chek)

or the “stone for slipping” (sigalchik tash)

4. The Sirat Bridge

5. The “water drops cave” (zakka tomor

gori)

6. The “stone of the cradle” (beshik tāsh) or

the “Solomon stone” (Sulaymān tāsh)

7. The cemetery 8. The mazar of Asaf b. Barakhyā

9. Bridge on the river of the Paradise

FIGURES 204

5.2: The qadam-jāy of Solomon, end of nineteenth century, lithography by B. Schmidt from

a drawing by M. Müller (in Ch. E. de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd, Le Kohistan, le Ferghana et

Kouldja. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1878.)

5.3: The entrance of the sanctuary, 1995 (Photographed by Th. Zarcone)

FIGURES

205

5.4: Climbing the hill, 1995 (Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.5: The qadam-jāy of Solomon and the city of Osh in the back, 1995 (Photographed by Th.

Z.)

FIGURES 206

5.6: Uzbek female pilgrims visiting the qadam- jāy, 1995 (Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.7: A lecturer of prayers at the entrance of the qadam- jāy, 1995 (Photographed by Th. Z.)

FIGURES

207

5.8: The qadam-jāy of Solomon, the back section and the cupola (Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.9: Drawing and plan of the qadam-jāy (in A.N. Bernishtam, Arkhitekturnye pamjatniki

kirgizii, Moscou: p. 119)

FIGURES 208

5.10: The “slipping on a rock” (sirg’an chek) or the “stone for slipping” (sigalchik tash)

(Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.11: The Sirat Bridge (Photographed by Th.Z.)

FIGURES

209

5.12: the “stone of the cradle” (beshik tāsh) or the “Solomon stone” (Sulaymān tāsh)

(Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.13: A Pilgrim resting his head on the “Solomon stone” (Photographed by Th.Z.)

FIGURES 210

5.14: The mazar of Asaf b. Barakhyā with the Throne of Solomon in the back

(Photographed by Th. Z.)

5.15: Drawing by Taylor of the ancient mosque, now destroyed, which was close to the

mazar of Asaf b. Barakhyā (in Ch. E. de Ujfalvy de Mezö-Kovesd, Le Kohistan, le

Ferghana et Kouldja. Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1878.)