Art, Patronage and Resistence - Three altarpaintings and the aftermath of the 1614 Ottoman attack

THE TURKISH RAID OF 161430

INTRODUCTION

In 1614 the then small rural community of Zejtun suffered an incursion which was nonetheless successfully repelled thanks to military intervention by the Order of St John. Measures of redress included works of art commissioned or presented by key personalities who experienced or were directly involved in repelling the incursion.

These paintings have been studied individually on the strength of their artistic merits but never as a group commissioned by powerful patrons in response to a historic event. This paper seeks to review the significance of this group of altar paintings and rethink their purpose, interpret details and propose new readings.

THE 1614 RAZZIA: MINDSETS AND RESPONSE

Zejtun certainly did not come out unscathed from what historians rightly

Sandro DebonoSenior Curator of Fine Arts, Heritage Malta, [email protected]

recognize as the last incursion on the islands. A by and large agricultural community must have suffered the consequences of heavy pillaging and destruction and various documents and sources attest to this1. The extent of damage certainly hindered its proper function to such an extent as to induce the inhabitants to make use of the church of St Mary Assumption, now dedicated to the Transfiguration of the Lord2. The Old Parish Church of St Catherine, which had been renovated and enlarged a decade before, must have been the target of heavy pillaging as it would have been rightly perceived to be a catholic shrine and, in the circumstance, the main community building. Such a heavy-handed attack happening close to fifty years after the Great Siege of 1565 must have had a psychological effect on the inhabitants of the south east of the island. Indeed, it must have also been perceived, at least initially, to be the potential final Ottoman onslaught intent on succeeding where the Great Siege of 1565 had failed. The Ottomans had then

ABSTRACTThis paper seeks to discuss the significance of a select group of altar paintings as commissions in response to the 1614 razzia. It seeks to read the history of the razzia and its aftermath through the evidence which the paintings provide, in visual and document form, define the profiles of some of the patrons behind particular altar paintings and how their views and direct experience of the 1614 razzia relate to their painting.

ART, PATRONAGE AND RESISTANCE: THREE ALTAR PAINTINGS AND THE AFTERMATH OF THE 1614 OTTOMAN ATTACK

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31THE TURKISH RAID OF 1614

landed in Marsaxlokk Bay too and Zejtun and its environs had been subject to heavy pillaging. Chroniclers of the Great Siege of 1565 mention this extensively and the painter Matteo Perez d’Aleccio (1547-1616) dedicates a panel from his Great Siege Frescoes (The Palace, Valletta) to this episode (Fig. 1).

The razzia would have had a deep impact on Maltese early seventeenth-century society. The Old Parish Church of St Catherine was then the focal point of the hugely popular feast of St Gregory, which also featured within the community’s acknowledged rights of passage. The Order of St John had to instil a sense of security, reinstate the functions of the Old Parish Church of St Catherine and,

by consequence, the feast of St Gregory. Ironically, the pilgrimage was recognised as a vow for the safe deliverance of the population from an attack by 18,000 corsairs (which Abela describes as Moors) in 14293. Imagery concerning the focus of a pilgrimage commemorating the safe deliverance from an attack similar to what had just happened may have been high on the agenda.

THE MARTYRDOM OF ST CATHERINE OF ALEXANDRIA: A PERSONALISED ALTARPIECE

The painting with a direct connection to the 1614 razzia is the Martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria painted around

Figure 1: The landing of the Turkish Army at Marsaxlokk Bay on the 20th May 1565. Engraver: Antonio Francesco Luccini. Foglio VI, at the National Museum of Fine Arts, Valletta. Reproduced with the courtesy of Heritage Malta.

Art, Patronage and Resistance


Figure 2: The Martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria at the Parish Museum, Zejtun. Photograph: Joseph Borg, 2009.



1614 and known to have once hung as titular painting at the Old Parish Church of St Catherine (Fig. 2). Its authorship remains elusive although the connection with Caravaggio’s Maltese and Sicilian works is clearly beyond discussion4. The varying quality of the painting probably refers to more than one artist working in an as yet unknown sequence or collaboration and which may have also included a possible Caravaggio intervention at concept stage5. A previous attribution to the painter Giovanni Giulio Cassarino (1588-1637) is still debated although an intervention at some stage cannot be entirely excluded6. The subject of the painting too has been recently put under discussion and the possibility of a swapped iconography suggested7.

The subject treatment of the painting suggests layered meanings interconnecting the 1614 razzia and the martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria. These have been hinted at but as yet not fully explored8. The painting describes a martyrdom scene, happening in the forefront, with the martyred body of the saint dressed in white, and identified as St Catherine, lying along the width of the canvas. An executioner draws his sword back into the scabbard as a crowd of onlookers emerges from behind a column resting on a high pedestal to witness the atrocity. The dominant figure of the group is a young gentleman, sporting a feathered cap and wearing a green mantle, which strikes a tone of colour to an otherwise monochromatic setting and composition. To the left, next to the column, stands a knight in full suit-of-armour and carrying a spherical shield, seemingly points to the centre of the composition where the young man with feathered hat stands prominently. Column and plinth also serve the purpose of a demarcation line between the mourners, led by the young nobleman in the centre, and the martyrdom scene happening in the foreground. The weapons resting against the wall in the background, and a military banner standing next to these which the


latest restoration project has revealed, are also an additional military reference. Recent scholarship refers to the possible loss of detail, possibly an escutcheon, once featured on this banner9.

In spite of his prominent centrality in the composition, the identity of this young nobleman remains unknown; that of the knight pointing at him to the left too. The painting nonetheless includes references to two knights; one of whom is clearly identified as the Prefect of the Grandmaster’s Cavalry and Provencal knight Filippe de Castellit to which the inscription on the column shaft refers. The other knight, whose coat-of-arms is included at the lower left of the painting, remains as yet unknown albeit tentatively identified as a member of the Le Moine de la Corbe family from Brettagne (France). The winged skull topping his crest suggests that he was one of those knights who fell during the skirmish although the relation between the two knights featured in this painting remains as yet to be deciphered10. The dedication inscribed on the column shaft suggests that Castellit was the patron behind this altarpiece. Castellit may have thus dedicated the painting to the fallen knight who, much like the patron saint of the town, had suffered martyrdom at the hands of the infidel.

The dedicatory inscription to Castellit, the coat of arms of the as yet elusive knight and the map included on the plinth are known to have been painted after the painting was completed and some of the details lying underneath have come to show through over time11. These sustain the narrative of the 1614 razzia and, indeed, are the three elements which clearly link the painting to the event. Such details may have been required in order to make the painting’s connected narrative more clear and provide the community with clear references between the martyrdom of St Catherine and the 1614 razzia. The details refer to the contemporary context


of the painting and the map in particular, which has escaped scholarly attention, is a graphic rendition of the razzia inspired by the Perez d’Aleccio Map of Malta (1582), in turn inspired by an earlier 1551 map by the French engraver Antonio Lafreri12. This is probably a painted version of the map produced by Aloisio Gili, the Maltese silversmith who engraved the map describing the 1614 razzia (Figs. 3a, b) dedicated to Duke Julius Frederick of Württemberg-Weiltingen (1588-1635), (Fig. 4). The reference to this particular prince remains elusive but the dedication suggests that Julius Frederick may have been in Malta during the 1614 razzia given that he had taken part in military operations by the Order of St John a few months earlier in 161313. There he might also have known some of the knights who were later to be actively involved in the 1614 encounter, including de Castellit14.


Figure 3a: Detail of Map from The Martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria at the Parish Museum, Ÿejtun.

Figure 3b: Detail from Aloisio Gili’s Map from the Albert Ganado Map Collection, National Museum of Fine Arts, being reproduced by courtesy of Heritage Malta.

Figure 4: Portrait of Duke Julius Frederick of Württemberg-Weiltingen, detail from a family portrait of Duke Frederick I of Württemberg and Sibylla of Anhalt, Duke Julius’ parents. (Source: Wikipedia Commons)



Figure 5: Pope St Gregory the Great altar painting at St Catherine’s Old Parish Church, Ÿejtun. Photograph: Ruben Abela, 2014.

MEASURES OF REDRESS AT THE OLD PARISH CHURCH OF ST CATHERINE

De Castellit’s painting may have been one of the first measures of redress amid efforts to get the Old Parish Church of St Catherine functional in the shortest time possible. This was not the only painting commissioned as a measure of redress.

The painting of Pope St Gregory the Great dateable to circa 1615 is known to have been presented as a gift by the Knight of Malta Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza (1555-1620) whose coat-of-arms is prominently displayed at the lower end of the painting (Fig. 5)15. The painting is, unfortunately, in a poor state of preservation but may be the work of a Sicilian provincial painter. This was perhaps the more important



procession at times when divine intercession was recognised as a welcome necessity.

Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza was the son of the Marquiz of Mondejar Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador to the court of Pope Pius V (1560-1562), Spanish Viceroy to the Kingdom of Valencia (1572-1575) and later in Naples (1575-1579). In 1615, Mendoza held the post of Grand Chancellor of the Order and his portrait (Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid, Spain), painted four years later in 1619 by the Spanish painter Rodrigo de Villandrando (1588-1623), portrays a proud military man also known to have actively participated in numerous military operations (Fig. 6)16. Mendoza’s patronage concerns other projects. In 1613, he built the church of St James the Less in Valletta and commissioned the Florentine painter Filippo Paladini (1544-1614) to paint the titular painting17.

Mendoza goes beyond in his gift to the Old Parish Church of St Catherine, as described by the Maltese historiographer Gian Francesco Abela18. The coat-of-arms of the Mdina Universita, the municipal authorities of the islands based in Mdina, can be seen painted next to the Mendoza family coat-of-arms in a gesture which would have been instantly recognised as an honourable recognition of status. The reasons behind this political gesture are as yet elusive but, given the circumstances, it can be interpreted as a measure of redress beyond the installation of altar painting. What Mendoza seeks to achieve is decidedly political and has more to do with appeasing the Maltese municipal authorities by acknowledging one of their public manifestations. His painting seeks to reinstate a focal point which the 1614 razzia made necessary although his active participation in the military events remains elusive. Mendoza would have been a 59 year old in 1614 and certainly at an advanced age to participate in active military activity.

Figure 6: Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza portrait at the Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid, Spain.

painting of the two given its relevance to the pilgrimage and feast of St Gregory and the link between the painting and votive procession may have also dictated the composition. St Gregory is depicted enthroned and blessing as two putti draw a curtain to reveal his presence. The painting describes a visionary image which ties in with the function and purpose of the



THE MALTESE HERO AND HIS PAINTING IN THE CHAPEL OF ST CLEMENT What has been, until now, recognised as the second and only other painting directly related to the 1614 razzia was commissioned by Clemente Tabone in 1662, close to fifty years after the 1614 razzia, for the family chapel dedicated to his patron saint. The biographical details of Tabone are published elsewhere in this publication and his portrait featured in the lower left hand corner of this painting depicts a wealthy senior of stature which tallies with his known biography19 (Fig. 7).

The painting depicts a vision of the Virgin and Christ child happening over an altar complete with red antependium. St Clement, wearing a red cape and held by two angels, offers incense from the foot of the altar. Clemente Tabone stands in prayer to the side, showing bust-length and standing at the foot of the altar where the divine ritual is happening. The patron saint thus acts on behalf of his namesake to invoke protection from the Virgin and Christ Child here depicted as a visionary presence. Tabone’s objective, as spelt out in the painting, seemingly concerns post-humous salvation as his patron saint intercedes on his behalf.

The painting bears no reference to the 1614 razzia and coincides with Clemente Tabone’s last will dated August 1661, which would be close to fifty years after the 1614 razzia. The association between painting and historic event is indeed tenuous, given the information in hand. Seventeenth-century pastoral visitation reports also ignore the connection between the 1614 razzia and the church itself and only refer to the chapel as built on the lands of the late Clemente Tabone20. The earliest references to the link between this church and the 1614 razzia, including Tabone’s attempts at building this church, are noted much later by Bishop Alpheran de Bussan

in his 1747 Pastoral Visitation Report21.

The painting is stylistically attributable to the Maltese artist Stefano Erardi (1630-1716) and coincides with major artistic developments in Malta. Mattia Preti had just begun painting the main vault of St John’s co-cathedral and his earlier works in Malta, including his Martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria (Church of St Catherine of Italy, 1658) and his St George on Horseback (Chapel of Aragon, St John’s co-Cathedral, 1659) stood for the style to emulate. The St Clement titular painting is one of Erardi’s earliest known paintings along with The Martyrs of Nagasaki (Jesuit Church, 1657) and the Apotheosis of Pope St Sylvester (Church of St Sylvester, Mosta, 1661)22. The latter is evidently inspired by Mattia Preti’s St Firminus (Chapel of Aragon, St John’s Co-Cathedral, 1658) albeit Erardi is known to steered clear from following Preti’s manner. The St Clement altar painting is a case in point; it is clearly not inspired from Mattia Preti’s style. He probably made use of prints, as he is known to have done for other projects, given that the painting does not refer specifically to St Clement. Pope Clement was the first Apostolic father of the Church who was banished from Rome by the Emperor Trajan and martyred by being thrown in the sea tied to an anchor. Erardi’s Pope Saint Clement lacks an anchor as his attribute and the only references to a martyred saint concern the red chasuble and antependium. The composition may have been inspired by an as yet unidentified Vision of St Bernard of which prints may have been in circulation (Fig. 8).

CONCLUSIONS

The 1614 razzia created the mindset, context and need for measures of redress of which the Martyrdom of St Catherine of Alexandria is perhaps the most evident testimonial. It is the only painting which includes clear references to the razzia


Figure 7: Altar painting of St Clement at St Clement’s Chapel, Ÿejtun. Photograph: Saviour Delia, 2014.


Figure 8: Vision of St Bernard, print by Claude Mellan (1598-1688), 1640-50, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.



and purposely connected. Rather than Stefano Erardi’s Pope St Clement offering incense to the Virgin Mary and Christ Child on behalf of Clemente Tabone, it is the painting of Pope St Gregory, attributed to an unknown early-seventeenth century Sicilian painter, which is the second painting directly related to the 1614 razzia. This is a more subtle attempt at appeasement and political recognition which requires further studies, hindered in part by its poor state of preservation. Given the immediacy with which these were commissioned, also partly as measures of redress, the political connotations and their relevance to

the 1614 razzia are much more clearly perceived.

The two paintings also stand as testimonials for a group of personalities connected in varied ways to a military plight. They are present in their paintings through inscriptions, coat-of-arms and portraiture in an unequivocal manner for their peers to recognise. Indeed, the paintings are but an excuse to celebrate status and patronage. The historic evidence of the 1614 razzia is therefore key to reading these works and should more primary evidence of the razzia emerge, the context and significance of the two might be clarified further.


Endnotes

1 Refer to Chapter 1 by Giulia Privitelli in this publication 2 Debono S. (2008), Il-Viçi Parroçça ta’ Santa Marija u l-Knisja tas-Salvatur in Ghaqda Muzikali Beland,

Malta.3 Abela G.F. (1647), Della Descritione di Malta, Malta: Midseabooks (1983, reprint), pp. 65, 366. 4 Buhagiar M. (2007), ‘The Beheading of St Catherine at Zejtun Malta, A Maltese-Sicilian Caravaggist painting

worthy of attention’ in Cynthia de Giorgio (2007, Ed.), Caravaggio and Paintings of Realism, Malta, pp. 143-144. See also Hutter N. T. (2008), ‘Identity and Origin’ in Lapucci R. (Ed., 2008), The Zejtun Painting – Shades of Caravaggio, Edifir . Edizioni Firenze, pp. 14-15. Minniti’s authorship is proposed alongside Caravaggio’s. Sciberras K (2009), Baroque Painting in Malta, Midsea Books, pp. 65-68.

5 Lapucci (2008). 6 Fiaccola G. (2014), ‘La Storia dei Due Cassarino in Sicilia’ in The Sunday Times of Malta, Sunday, June 8. ;

Mercieca S. (2007), ‘Giulio Cassarino (1588-1637) - A biographical outline’ in Cynthia de Giorgio (2007, Ed.), Caravaggio and Paintings of Realism, Malta. Cassarino’s presence in Malta is securely documented between 1614 and 1616.

7 Hutter N. T. (2008), ‘Identity and Origin’ in Lapucci R. (Ed., 2008), The Zejtun Painting – Shades of Caravaggio, Edifir . Edizioni Firenze, pp. 14-15.

8 Buhagiar M. (2007), 141. Buhagiar identifies the presence of a ‘knight in white armour’ as a possible portrait of De Castellit but stops short of connecting the two narratives.

9 Derse Emily B. (2008), Reading of the Documentary Elements in Lapucci R. (Ed., 2008), The Zejtun Painting – Shades of Caravaggio, Edifir . Edizioni Firenze, p. 17.

10 Ganado A. (2005), The Early Maltese Cartographers: Cassar, Saliba, Miriti, Gili, Malta Map Society, p. 31. Ganado cites Bosio who refers to casualties including the Knight of Malta Andrea Marconval who died of his wounds two days later.

11 Derse Emily B. (2008), p. 18. 12 Ganado A. (2005), p. 33.13 Ibid., 34.14 Scicluna H. (1925), Il Gran Maestro Aloifio de Wignacourt attraverso un manuscritto, Archivium Melitense,

p. 25. Records dated 8 April 1613 mention Fra Claudia de Castellano Castellet with the rank of ‘sergente maggiore’ chosen for the attack on ‘Foggia ossia Foca’, a coastal town close to the ancient city of Ephesus.

15 Debono S. (2002), ‘Kwadru u Grajja - Kwadru u Ærajja: il-Kwadru ta’ San Girgor fil-knisja Parrokkjali l-Antika ta’ Santa Katarina in Ghaqda Muzikali Beland, Malta. Abela mentions that the painting dates to 1615. Abela G.F. (1647), p. 367.

16 Urrea Fernández, J; Marcos Villán, M. A.; Retrato del General Don Pedro González de Mendoza, caballero de la Orden de Malta, Ficha de Catalogacion CE 2826, Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid; Ceres – Colecciones en red, (Accessed 29.04.2014).

17 Debono S. (2002). 18 Abela G.F. (1647), p. 366.19 Refer to Chapter 4 by Dr Anton Bugeja in this publication re biography of Clemente Tabone.20 P(astoral) V(isitation) R(eport), Cocco Palmieri, 1699, Fol. 159. ‘Visitavit Ecclesiam sub titulo Sancti Clementis

Papa, et Martyris positam in contrata Pascalin in terris qdam Clementis Tabone eius fundatoris. ...’21 P.V.R., Alpheran de Bussan,1747, ‘Ecclesia Sti Clementis Papa et Martyris erecta ab anno 1658 a dno qndam

Clemente Tabone et confinibus Casalis Paschalino in incursione 40 trireronium secuta de anno 1614, ex voto quo se obstrinxit jam jam occidendus a turchis, aedificandi Sncti ecclesiam palmorum 40 longitudinis, et 20 latitudinis ... independentum constituit a Pro Parocho huius Casalis vigore Bullarum Apostolicum expedit Roma apud S Maria Maiorem anno 1622 ... executorem demandatarum a Dno Don Philippo Borg Vicario Generali et Vicario Apostolico sub die VII Aprilis 1623’

22 Sciberras, K (2009), pp. 207-230.


Art, Patronage and Resistence - Three altarpaintings and the aftermath of the 1614 Ottoman attack

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