An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation and Wine Making in Northern...

OLIVE OIL AND WINE PRODUCTION IN EASTERN

MEDITERRANEAN DURING ANTIQUITY

ANTİKÇAĞ’DA DOĞU AKDENİZ’DE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİMİ

Ege Üniversitesi YayınlarıEdebiyat Fakültesi Yayın No: 189

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM PROCEEDINGS 17-19 NOVEMBER 2011 URLA - TURKEY

ULUSLARARASI SEMPOZYUM BİLDİRİLERİ 17-19 KASIM 2011 URLA - İZMİR

EDITED BY / EDİTÖRLERAdnan DİLER – Kaan ŞENOL – Ümit AYDINOĞLU

iZMİR - 2015

ANTİK ÇAĞDA DOĞU AKDENİZ’DE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİMİ

Ege Üniversitesi Arkeoloji Bölümü tarafından organize edilen “Antik Çağda Doğu Akdeniz’de Zeytinyağı ve Şarap Üretimi” başlıklı Uluslararası Sempozyum 17-19 Kasım 2011 tarihleri arasında Urla/İzmir’de gerçekleştirilmiştir.

12 ülkeden toplam 25 bildirinin sunulduğu iki günlük sempozyumun sonunda Akdeniz tarımı ve ekonomisinin en önemli unsurlarından ikisini oluşturan zeytinyağı ve şarap üretiminin arkeolojik kanıtları tartışılmıştır. Her iki ürünün de Akdeniz kültürleri üzerindeki sosyo-ekonomik rolü bildirilerin ana temasını oluşturmuştur. Prehistorik Çağlardan başlayan şarap üretimine ait arkeobotanik çalışmaların da sunulduğu sempozyumda Anadolu kıyılarından İspanya’ya kadar olan kıyı şeridinde ele geçen konuyla ilgili bulguların yanı sıra Fas’tan Mısır’a ve İsrail kıyılarından Suriye’ye kadar olan bölgede yeni tespit edilen arkeolojik veriler tartışılmıştır. Üretim aşamaların-da bölgesel farklılıklar ve benzerliklerin belirlenmesi sağlanırken yapılan araştırmalar arasında bölgelerin Antik Çağdaki üretim kapasiteleri de arkeolojik veriler gözönüne alınarak incelenmiş ve ekonomik boyutların belirlenmesine yönelik olarak yıllık rekolte tahminleri de istatistiklere yansıtılmıştır. Deneysel arkeolojinin örneklerinin de sunulduğu sempozyumda Antik Çağ atölyelerinde maksimum verimin sağlanmasına yönelik uygulamalar da tartışılmış ve hipotetik canlandırmalar-la öneriler sunulmuştur. Zeytinyağı ve şarabın yanında Akdeniz ticaretinin vazgeçilmez tarımsal ürünleri arasında bulunan hububat üretimi konusunda da incelemelerin sunulduğu sempozyum-da ilk kez sözü edilen menengiç yağının üretildiği tesisler üzerinde gerçekleştirilen çalışmanın da bildiriler arasında yer alması, dönemin ticari ürünlerinin çeşitliliği konusunda biliminsanlarının daha geniş değerlendirme yapması gerektiğini ortaya koymuştur. Zeytinyağı ve şarap ticaretinin bölge ekonomileri üzerindeki rolü, bu ürünlerin taşındığı amphoraların sağladığı kanıtlar yardımıyla da bilim dünyasına sunulmuştur. Özellikle, amphoralar üzerinde bulunan mühürler konusunda yapılan çalışmalar, bu ürünlerin tarihlendirilmelerini ve üreticilerinin belirlenmesini sağlarken, ekonomi tarihi açısından da önemli istatistiki veri sunmaktadır.

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM

OLIVE OIL AND WINE PRODUCTION IN EASTERN M

EDITERRANEAN DURING ANTIQUITYULUSLARARASI SEM

POZYUM ANTİKÇAĞ’DA DOĞU AKDENİZ’DE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİM

İ

Ege Ünv.9 786053 381204

ISBN: 978-605-338-120-4

Ege Üniversitesi Yayınları Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayın No: 189

EDITED BY / EDİTÖRLER

Adnan DİLER – Kaan ŞENOL – Ümit AYDINOĞLU

İzmir, 2015

OLIVE OIL AND WINE PRODUCTION IN EASTERN

MEDITERRANEAN DURING ANTIQUITY

ANTİKÇAĞ’DA DOĞU AKDENİZ'DE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİMİ

INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM PROCEEDINGS 17-19 NOVEMBER 2011 URLA - TURKEY

ULUSLARARASI SEMPOZYUM BİLDİRİLERİ 17-19 KASIM 2011 URLA - İZMİR

OLIVE OIL AND WINE PRODUCTION IN EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN DURING ANTIQUITY ANTİKÇAĞ’DA DOĞU AKDENİZDE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİMİ

Adnan DİLER – Kaan ŞENOL – Ümit AYDINOĞLU

ISBN: 978-605-338-120-4

Ege Üniversitesi Yönetim Kurulu’nun 23.12.2014 tarih ve 34/13 sayılı kararı ile basılmıştır.

© Bu kitabın tüm yayın hakları Ege Üniversitesi’ne aittir. Kitabın tamamı ya da hiçbir bölümü yazarının önceden yazılı izni olmadan elektronik, optik, mekanik ya da diğer yollarla kaydedilemez, basılamaz, çoğaltılamaz. Ancak kaynak olarak gösterilebilir.

T.C. Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Sertifika No: 18679

Basım Yeri Ege Üniversitesi Basımevi

Bornova, İzmir Tel: 0232 388 10 22 / 20 66

e-mail: [email protected]

Kitap Talep Adresi Ege Üniversitesi

Kütüphane ve Dokümantasyon Daire Başkanlığı Kitap Satış Birimi Bornova – İZMİR

Telefon: 0232 388 46 42 / 127 Faks: 0232 388 11 00

E-posta: [email protected] http://kutuphane.ege.edu.tr/Satis/

Baskı: Mart 2015

ANTİK ÇAĞDA DOĞU AKDENİZ’DE ZEYTİNYAĞI VE ŞARAP ÜRETİMİ

Ege Üniversitesi Arkeoloji Bölümü tarafından organize edilen “Antik Çağda Doğu Akdeniz’de Zeytinyağı ve Şarap Üretimi” başlıklı Uluslararası Sempozyum 17-19 Kasım 2011 tarihleri arasında Urla/İzmir’de gerçekleştirilmiştir. 12 ülkeden toplam 25 bildirinin sunulduğu iki günlük sempozyumun sonunda Urla civarında gerçekleştirilen gezide katılımcıların Antik Çağ zeytinyağı üretim teknolojilerini Klazomenai antik kentinde oluşturulan atölyede deneysel olarak izlemeleri sağlanmıştır. Antik Çağda şarap ve zeytinyağı üretimi konusunda yaptıkları çalışmalarla tanınan dünyanın önde gelen uzmanları tarafından organize edilen sempozyumda Akdeniz tarımı ve ekonomisinin en önemli unsurlarından ikisini oluşturan zeytinyağı ve şarap üretiminin arkeolojik kanıtları tartışılmıştır. Her iki ürünün de Akdeniz kültürleri üzerindeki sosyo-ekonomik rolü bildirilerin ana temasını oluşturmuştur. Prehistorik Çağlardan başlayan şarap üretimine ait arkeobotanik çalışmaların da sunulduğu sempozyumda Anadolu kıyılarından İspanya’ya kadar olan kıyı şeridinde ele geçen konuyla ilgili bulguların yanı sıra Fas’tan Mısır’a ve İsrail kıyılarından Suriye’ye kadar olan bölgede yeni tespit edilen arkeolojik veriler tartışılmıştır. Üretim aşamalarında bölgesel farklılıklar ve benzerliklerin belirlenmesi sağlanırken yapılan araştırmalar arasında bölgelerin Antik Çağdaki üretim kapasiteleri de arkeolojik veriler gözönüne alınarak incelenmiş ve ekonomik boyutların belirlenmesine yönelik olarak yıllık rekolte tahminleri de istatistiklere yansıtılmıştır. Deneysel arkeolojinin örneklerinin de sunulduğu sempozyumda Antik Çağ atölyelerinde maksimum verimin sağlanmasına yönelik uygulamalar da tartışılmış ve hipotetik canlandırmalarla öneriler sunulmuştur. Zeytinyağı ve şarabın yanında Akdeniz ticaretinin vazgeçilmez tarımsal ürünleri arasında bulunan hububat üretimi konusunda da incelemelerin sunulduğu sempozyumda ilk kez sözü edilen menengiç yağının üretildiği tesisler üzerinde gerçekleştirilen çalışmanın da bildiriler arasında yer alması, dönemin ticari ürünlerinin çeşitliliği konusunda biliminsanlarının daha geniş değerlendirme yapması gerektiğini ortaya koymuştur. Zeytinyağı ve şarap ticaretinin bölge ekonomileri üzerindeki rolü, bu ürünlerin taşındığı amphoraların sağladığı kanıtlar yardımıyla da bilim dünyasına sunulmuştur. Özellikle, amphoralar üzerinde bulunan mühürler konusunda yapılan çalışmalar, bu ürünlerin tarihlendirilmelerini ve üreticilerinin belirlenmesini sağlarken, ekonomi tarihi açısından da önemli istatistiki veri sunmaktadır.

Zeytinyağı ve şarap üretimi konusunda Antik Çağa ait dikkat çekici veriler sunan ve yakın döneme kadar önemli bir ihraç limanı olarak bilinen Urla’nın sempozyuma ev sahipliği yapması, akademik çevrelerle üreticilerin ilişkiye geçmesi ve Antik Çağ tecrübelerinin paylaşılması açısından önemsenmesi gereken bir buluşmayı sağlamıştır. Sempozyumun düzenlenmesinde yerel yönetimlerin ve bölgesel üreticilerin üniversiteyle işbirliğine giderek özveriyle çalışması, sempozyumun başarısını olumlu yönde etkilemiştir. Bu kapsamda sempozyumun başarısı için çalışan Urla Kaymakamlığı, Urla Belediyesi, zeytinyağı kültürünün tanıtılmasında insanüstü çabalar sarf eden Zeytinyağı Müzesi’nin kurucusu Levent Köstem, aynı yönde bu ürünün kalitesinin korunmasına yönelik çalışmalarıyla öne çıkan Öner Ilgaz, bölgenin ürünlerinin Antik Dönem’de olduğu gibi bir dünya markası olması için çalışmalarını sürdüren Can Ortabaş ve butik üretimiyle bu markalaşma sürecinde etkin rolü olan Bilge ve Reha Eruslu’nun yanı sıra bölge dışında olmasına rağmen katkılarını esirgemeyen Verde’ye, ayrıca barınma konusundaki destekleri nedeniyle merhum Kemal Suman’ın şahsında Pera Hotel çalışanları bu organizasyonun eksiksiz sürdürülmesini sağlamıştır. Zeytinyağı ve şarabın tarihinin Urla’da tekrar yazılmasında yaptıkları katkılar ve tarihlerine sahip çıkmalarından dolayı Urlalıların bu çabalarının diğer ilçelere de örnek olması dileğiyle.

A. Kaan ŞENOL

Sempozyum Düzenleme

Kurulu Başkanı

Contents/İçindekiler

Foreword/Giriş ŞENOL A. Kaan …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…I Agricultural Land Use in Lelegian Termera: Change in Settlement Model in Agricultural Landscape DİLER Adnan…………………………………………………………………………………………………..…………1 Vine cultivation areas on the Carian Chersonesos in Antiquity Estimating the Wine Production Potential of Bybassos and its Territory ŞENOL Kaan, WALZ Sophia …………………………………………………………………………………………..31 Olive Oil and Wine Production in Isauria: Results from the Göksu Archaeological Project in Turkey ELTON Hugh ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…41 Olive oil production in Kanytellis, Rough Cilicia, in the light of new excavations AYDINOĞLU Ümit, MÖRELAhmet, KEREM Filiz ……………………………………………………………..51 A Farmhouse with Evidence for Olive Oil Production in the Chora of Cyme KORKMAZ Erdal, GÜRMAN Beyhan …………………………………………………………………………..65 Nif (Olympos) Dağı İşlik Araştırmaları BEKTAŞ Göknur ……………………………………………………………………………………………….71 Terebinth and Terebinth Oil Production in the Ancient Period DOĞER Ersin, SEZGİN Yusuf ………………………………………………………………………………….81 Oléiculture dans la péninsule ibérique: implantation et production à l’époque ibérique BONORA ANDUJAR Isabel…………………………………………………………………………………….89 A Classical/Hellenistic Oil Pressing Installation in Foti-Vroskopos, Keos KARNAVA Artemis, KOLIA Erofili, MARGARITIS Evi ……………………………………………………….107 An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation and Wine Making in Northern Greece: Recent Finds from Dikili Tash VALAMOTI Soultana Maria, DARCQUE Pascal, CHRYSANTHAKI Chaido Koukouli, MALAMIDOU Dimitria, TSIRTSONI Zoi……………………………………………………………………125

Grinding, Crushing, Worshipping. A case study of Olynthus mills in Late Iron Age Thrace IVANOVA Nataliya ………………………..…………………………………………………………………141 Les huileries de Sala (Maroc) HANSALI Meriem, AMMAR Hakim …………………………………………………………………………..155 Figüring Out the Balance Between Intra-Regional Consumption and Extra-Regional Export of Wine and Olive Oil in Late Antique Northern Syria Van LIMBERGEN Dimitri……………………………………………………………………………………..169 The Wine Making Process in the Improved Byzantine Wine Press DRAY Yehoshua ……………………………………………………………………………………………….191 Import of Wine to Egypt in the Graeco-Roman Period DZIERZBICKA Dorota ………………………………………………………………………………………..201 Some oils in Ancient Egypt: debate between moringa, olive and sesame oils GOMEZ Jose Alba …………………………………………………………………………………………….209 From the Nile to the Mediterranean: The Trade in Egyptian Wine During Late Antiquity and the Beginning of the Arab Period DIXNEUF Delphine ………………………………………………………………………………………..…221 ASTOS: A Wine Amphora Producer in the Rhodian Peraea CANKARDEŞ ŞENOL Gonca ………………………………………………………………………………………...233 Yenikapı Limanı’nda Ele Geçen Damgalı Amphoralar KARA Ülkü ……………………………………………………………………………………………………243 XIX. Yüzyılda Edremit’ten Zeytinyağı Ticareti ORTAÇ Hilal ………………………………………………………………………………………………….251 Wine Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Empire PULLUKÇUOĞLU YAPUCU Olcay……………………………………………………………………………257

Olive Oil and Wine Production in Eastern Mediterranean during Antiquity International Symposium Urla-İzmir-Turkey, 17-19 November 201

An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation and Wine Making in Northern

Greece: Recent Finds from Dikili Tash

Soultana Maria Valamoti,

Pascal Darcque,

Chaido Koukouli Chrysanthaki,

Dimitria Malamidou,

Zoi Tsirtsoni

Abstract Northern Greece, one of the birthplaces of Dionysus in much later Greek mythology, provides evidence for the exploitation of the grape vine from the Neolithic through to the Bronze and Iron Age. The presentation discusses the archaeobotanical remains of Vitis vinifera in northern Greece and Dikili Tash in particular, exploring the potential uses of this plant, especially wine making. Archaeobotanical research at Dikili Tash, a multiperiod site in northern Greece, near the ancient city of Philippoi has yielded some unique so far remains of pressed grapes that were caught up in the flames of a fire that destroyed several Late Neolithic houses by the end of the 5th millennium BC. The archaeobotanical finds consist of numerous grape pips and grape pips surrounded by skins, found mainly in one of the houses, House 1. Excavation of this house in 2010 indicated that probably two such concentrations were present in the house, most likely in association with large, coarse-ware pots. It is possible that the pressings were placed in the pots together with grape juice for fermentation to take place, when fire broke out at the settlement destroying the house with its crops and ‘new’ wine. As grape pressings remain in grape juice for a limited number of days, it is possible that the fire episode took place in the autumn, a possibility corroborated by a house full of the summer (wheat, pulses) and autumn harvest (grapes, acorns). Yet, alternative possibilities, such as the storage of grape pressings for other uses need to be considered. The grape juice extracted at Dikili Tash could have been consumed as such or for the preparation of different sweets, or used for wine making or for the preparation of a syrup (e.g. petimezi/pekmez). The grape pips that have been associated with the grape-pressings from Dikili Tash have been attributed to morphologically wild grapes. Although wine can be made from the juice of wild grapes, it is also possible that the large quantities found at Dikili Tash belonged to plants in an incipient form of tending or cultivation that had not yet resulted in the morphological change of the grape-pips. Drinking cups, present at the site from the beginning of the Late Neolithic, might have contained some liquid with intoxicating effects. The finds from Dikili Tash are discussed within the context of prehistoric grape vine exploitation in northern Greece as evidenced from archaeobotanical remains from various sites. The possibility of a ‘tradition’ of grape juice extraction in the area is considered in light of other remains of grape pressings unearthed at sites dated to the Late Bronze and Iron Age. If wine was indeed produced at Dikili Tash, as the archaeobotanical and pottery evidence suggests, its qualities and etiquette of consumption may have evolved over time.

Key Words: Neolithic Greece, grape-pressings, wine, viticulture

Introduction The grapevine and its products have been closely associated with civilisations that emerged in the

Mediterranean basin since prehistoric times. Within the context of the Aegean Bronze Age, the cultivation of the plant and the production of wine have been closely linked to stratified societies. The cultivation of the grapevine has been considered indeed as a means of rendering human communities vulnerable to elite control by being labour intensive and requiring a considerable investment of time. As the plants take some years to yield fruit for the first time, people are tied to their land and therefore less willing to leave their community in cases of conflict and power struggles 1 . C. Renfrew

2 attributed a central position to viticulture and wine making in relation to social stratification and the emergence of Bronze Age elites in the Aegean. He suggested that viticulture would have

1 Gilman 1981. 2 Renfrew 1972.

126 Soultana Maria VALAMOTI,-Pascal DARCQUE, -Chaido Koukouli CHRYSANTHAKI, - Dimitria MALAMIDOU, -Zoi TSIRTSONI

been geographically confined to specific areas with relatively poor soils, less suitable for cereal and pulse cultivation, thus generating the need for a redistributive centre responsible for gathering agricultural produce from its territory, such as cereals, wine and olive oil. This in turn led to the establishment of elites that would centrally control production and redistribution of agricultural produce, including wine. The significance of wine for Bronze Age communities of the Aegean has been frequently emphasized in the literature. Wine may have represented a special ‘food substance’, a ‘diet enhancer’, perhaps used in special social contexts of consumption, in particular feasting, involved in the negotiation of power and maintenance of social cohesion in the Aegean3.

The archaeological identification of wine production and the cultivation of the grape vine constitutes therefore an essential element in this discourse. Wine can be detected as tartaric acid4, while more recently the detection of anthocyanin malvidin in pottery has been tentatively associated with grapes or wine (at Areni-1 cave complex in southeastern Armenia5). Both, however, can be found in other fruits besides grapes. Moreover, even when derived from grapes, tartaric acid does not equal wine as it is present also in grapes, must, raisins and vinegar6. Further contextual evidence should ideally be used in conjunction with residue analysis in order to detect wine rather than the alternative products resulting from grapes or grape juice.

The introduction of grape vine cultivation to the prehistoric Aegean from the East is a common place in the relevant literature7. This is based on suggestions that the region where the grape vine was domesticated was the area between the Black Sea and Iran8. Nevertheless, the distribution of wild grape vines expands to a large area, from western Europe to the transcaucasian zone and around the Mediterranean basin9, while the presence of the plant in the north of Greece, presumably in its wild form, has been attested by Vitis vinifera pollen in Pleistocene and Early Holocene deposits. The pollen profile from Tenaghi Philippon, in the vicinity of the prehistoric tell of Dikili Tash, suggests that Vitis was present in refugia during the Pleistocene glacial periods10. Since the beginning of the Holocene, other pollen diagrams from the north of Greece show its presence in various locations with an increasing, but spatially and temporally discontinuous presence and a significant rise from 3500 B.P. onwards, the increase being related to human activity and the cultivation of the grape vine11. Thus even before its cultivation, we can envisage the existence of vegetation patches where wild grapes would have flourished, such as on river banks and in alluvial and colluvial deciduous or semi-deciduous forests12. According to Logothetis who studied modern populations of the wild grape vine in the north of Greece

13 such plants were encountered in several locations in northern Greece in the 20th century. Moving from the natural vegetation of Neolithic and Bronze Age landscapes of northern Greece, as evidenced through pollen diagrams, to the prehistoric settlements themselves, this paper provides an overview of the charred macro-remains of Vitis vinifera in the region and within this general context discusses in detail recent finds of the plant at the Neolithic settlement of Dikili Tash.

Finds of Vitis vinifera in northern Greece: the archaeobotanical evidence Macrobotanical finds of Vitis vinifera consist of charred remains primarily of grape pips, occasionally of stalks

and grape skins. In some cases mineralized grape pips are also present. Vitis vinifera charcoal is reported from Late Neolithic Makri 14 . The occurrence of Vitis macro-remains begins from the Early Neolithic (end of 7th millennium B.C.-5800 B.C.) at the site of Giannitsa B

15 and Mavropigi16 in the north, while it is also present at sites in

Thessaly and in Crete17. A few pips have been retrieved from phases of the Middle Neolithic (5800-5500 B.C.)

3 for example Sherratt 1987, Hamilakis 1996, Andreou 2003, Wright 2004. 4 such as the finds from Hadji Firuz tepe and the Godin Tepe in Iran: Mc Govern-Mitchel 1995, McGovern et al. 1996, McGovern 2003. 5 Barnard et al. 2011. 6 e.g. Silva-Ribeiro 2002, Valamoti et al. 2007, Miller 2008. 7 e.g. Terral et al. 2010, Zohary et al. 2012. 8 Olmo 1995. 9 Arnold et al. 1998. 10 Wijmstra 1969, van der Viel-Wijmstra 1987, Mommersteeg et al. 1995. 11 Bottema-Woldring 1990. 12 Levadoux 1956, Arnold et al. 1998, Terrall et al. 2010. 13 Logothetis 1974, 14 Ntinou-Badal 2000, M. Ntinou, pers. comm. 15 Valamoti 1995. 16 Valamoti 2011. 17 e.g. Achilleion: Renfrew 1989, Knossos: Evans 1964, Evans 1968.

An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation 127 and Wine Making in Northern Greece: Recent Finds from Dikili Tash

at Apsalos and Servia18. Remains from the Late and Final Neolithic phases (approximately 5500-4000 B.C.) are much more abundant, partly at least as a result of a more systematic recovery rate for archaeobotanical evidence for this period19. They have been found at, Kremasti 20, Thermi B21, Makriyalos

22 and Dimitra23. In few cases only, at Kleitos

24 and Arkadikos25, grape pips do not occur among the Neolithic archaeobotanical assemblages. In both cases the sites occupy a very large area, therefore the absence of the grape vine may reflect the limited area researched (Arkadikos) or the early stages of the archaeobotanical investigation (Kleitos). In the 5th millennium B.C. the grape finds become more common, occurring at a larger number of sites, and more numerous, often encountered in rich concentrations as is implied by the finds from Late Neolithic Dimitra

26 and Dikili Tash27. Finds of the grape vine during the Bronze Age are also numerous and common, encountered at nearly all sites investigated archaeobotanically, including Servia28 , Mandalo

29, Archondiko 30 , Angelochori 31 , Kastanas 32 , Assiros 33 , Toumba Thessalonikis 34 ,

Mesimeriani Toumba35, Agios Mamas36, Dimitra37, Sitagroi38, Dikili Tash39 and Skala Sotiros40. At Kastanas, Toumba

Thessalonikis and Assiros large numbers of charred grape pips have been unearthed. The remains of Vitis vinifera are also common during the Iron Age and Archaic periods in northern Greece, as is indicated by the archaeobotanical assemblages from Karabournaki

41 and Polichni in Thessaloniki (Gatzogia in preparation). Table 1 summarises all archaeobotanical macro-remains of Vitis vinifera in northern Greece during the Neolithic and the Bronze Age (published and unpublished evidence).

Thus nearly all prehistoric sites investigated archaeobotanically in northern Greece have yielded remains of the grape vine. The grape vine also occurs at nearly all sites investigated in the south, though the north demonstrates a much more prolific presence of Vitis vinifera macro-remains found in pure, rich concentrations42. This most likely reflects a differential rate of archaeobotanical recovery in the different parts of Greece43, rather than a differential intensity of exploitation of the plant. In any case, reliable comparisons between different regions of Greece would require data of comparable quality.

18 Valamoti 2006, Hubbard-Housley 2000. 19 Valamoti 2009, 196, 208. 20 Karathanou-Valamoti 2012. 21 Valamoti 1992. 22 Valamoti 2004. 23 Renfrew 1997. 24 Stylianakou-Valamoti in press 25 Valamoti 2004. 26 Renfrew 1997. 27Valamoti 2004. 28 Hubbard-Housley 2000. 29 Valamoti- Jones 2003. 30 Valamoti et al. 2008. 31 Valamoti 2010. 32 Kroll 1983. 33 Jones et al. 1986. 34 Andreou-Kotsakis 1997, Mangafa et al. 1998, Mangafa-Kotsakis 1996. 35 Valamoti 2002. 36 Becker-Kroll 2008. 37 Renfrew 1997. 38 Renfrew 2003a. 39 Renfrew 2003b. 40 Valamoti in preparation 41 Valamoti 2005. 42 Valamoti 2009, 196-197, 208. 43 cf. Valamoti 2009.


Site Neolithic Bronze Age Iron Age

Agios Mamas x

Angelochoi x

Archondiko x

Apsalos x

Dikili Tash x x

Dimitra x x

Giannitsa B x

Karabournaki x

Kastanas x

Kleitos x

Kremasti x

Limenaria x

Makri x

Makriyalos x

Mandalo x x

Mavropigi x

Mesimeriani Toumba x

Servia x x

Sitagroi x x

Skala Sotiros x

Stavroupoli x

Thermi B x

Toumba Thessalonikis x

Polichni x

Table 1. Macrobotanical remains of Vitis (other than charcoal) from Neolithic and Bronze Age sites in northern Greece


Wild or domesticated grape vines in prehistoric northern Greece? Vitis vinifera in its wild form corresponds to the subspecies Vitis vinifera sylvestris, while in its cultivated

form to the subspecies Vitis vinifera vinifera according to recent plant taxonomy. The question of whether grape pips are wild or domesticated is of crucial importance for the recognition of domestication in the archaeological record, which in turn would provide a safe criterion for the recognition of an intensive relationship between people and the plant, that of systematic cultivation. Furthermore, the identification of grape vine cultivation in the archaeobotanical record would imply a scale of exploitation and investment of labour and time much greater than that involved in the exploitation of wild plants. The distinction of wild grape pips from cultivated ones, however, is not a straightforward one and largely remains an unresolved issue. Indeed, the archaeobotanical distinction of the two sub-species has been frequently carried out using Stummer’s indices based on the breadth/length ratio of the grape pip44. But the large overlap zone between wild and domesticated pips when using this ratio renders the distinction of wild and domesticated grape pips problematic in the archaeobotanical record. Moreover, the effect of charring on archaeological pips, with a tendency to increase breadth in the pips, distorts the picture obtained, making the archaeological pips look more ‘wild’ than they actually were originally. This has been clearly demonstrated by two independently carried out experiments by Logothetis

45 and Smith and Jones46. In order to resolve this problem Mangafa and Kotsakis devised a formula based on a series of measurements on modern domesticated and wild grape pips, charred and uncharred, which enabled a better distinction of the two subspecies 47 . The application of this formula on archaeological material from Petra in Jordan, however, showed that during the 1st centuries BC and AD, a period during which the grape vine was cultivated, grapes identified as wild by the formula, were being used48. Either wild grapes were harvested at such a late period, perhaps due to a prohibition of grape vine cultivation, or the formula by Mangafa and Kotsakis is of limited applicability and does not allow for a possible large variability in grape pip dimensions among different cultivars and different regions in prehistoric and later periods. It is possible that some cultivated grape vines possessed pips with dimensions like those of wild grapes, as is indicated by the Pinot Noir grapes, cultivated for wine-making in France and elsewhere, the pips of which fall within the wild grape range according to Stummer’s indices49. Morphometrics is a new means of approaching the issue of distinguishing wild from cultivated grape vines in prehistoric times and the method is being developed and applied by archaeobotanists and plant scientists50. A recent project on archaeological grape pips from Greece is currently underway, applying morphometrics to a large assemblage of grape pips from many prehistoric and early historic sites from Greece, in an attempt to approach domestication of the grape vine in the archaeobotanical record

51 . The problems of distinguishing wild from domesticated grape pips in the archaeobotanical record are

exacerbated by the fact that we do not know the time-scale involved in the morphological changes of the pip occurring under cultivation. As the Pinot Noir case mentioned above shows, despite millennia of cultivation, some cultivated grape vines may have continued to yield grapes with morphologically wild-looking pips. Thus, for an unknown duration of time, the grape vine may have been cultivated without the morphological characteristics of the pips being altered52. As a result, archaeological inquiries on the origins of grape cultivation remain largely at the level of speculation. Recently Miller

53 has convincingly argued that the presence of Vitis vinifera wood could be a reliable indication of cultivation: Vitis plants yielding sweet grapes would have probably been propagated through grafting and tended through regular pruning, the remains of which, if used as fuel, would result in Vitis charcoal in the archaeological deposits. If Miller is right in suggesting that grape vine pruning, represented by Vitis charcoal at archaeological sites, is a strong indication for the cultivation of domesticated Vitis plants, then middle 6th millennium B.C. Makri (supra) would be a possible location where early Vitis cultivation of domesticated plants was under way.

44 Stummer 1911. 45 Logothetis 1970. 46 Smith-Jones 1991. 47 Mangafa-Kotsakis 1996. 48 Jacquat-Martinolli 1999. 49 Rivera Nunez-Walker 1989. 50 Terral et al. 2010. 51 This investigation is currently carried out by PhD student Ms Clemence Pagnoux at Paris I University in France. 52 Valamoti 1998, Terral et al. 2009. 53 Miller 2008.


The exploitation of Vitis vinifera at Dikili Tash The site Dikili Tash is a tell-site, one of the largest in the Balkans. It is situated in the southeast part of the plain

of Drama in eastern Macedonia, northern Greece (fig. 1), near the ancient city of Philippi. The site was inhabited during the Neolithic and the Bronze Age, then re-occupied in Classical/Hellenistic and Roman times, whereas during the Byzantine period a tower stood at the top of the tell54. Previous investigations at the site in the 60’s, 70’s, 80’s and 90’s have provided ample evidence about the settlement’s evolution and spatial organisation, especially during the 6th

and 5th millennia B.C., without reaching however the natural soil. Houses made from timber and clay, occasionally comprising several compartments, were fully equipped with cooking and storage facilities as well as various tools and vessels for storage and food consumption. The latest group of houses were destroyed by fire during the second half of the 5th millennium B.C., in the period called locally Late Neolithic II (or Chalcolithic).

Fig. 1 Map of northern Greece showing Dikili Tash and other prehistoric sites with finds of Vitis vinifera pips.

Archaeological excavations at the site resumed in 2008, after 12 years of interruption. Researches are currently carried out by a Greek-French scientific team under the auspices of the Archaeological Society of Athens and the French School at Athens. The new fieldwork and study

55 have provided information on the southern limits of the settlement during the Late Neolithic II (end of the 5th millennium B.C.). A substantial stone rubble was unearthed in this area, corresponding to the remains of a collapsed Neolithic wall or system of walls. Excavation in sector 7 provided information about the thickness of the Late Bronze Age layers and brought into light the first artefacts indicating contacts with the Mycenean world of southern Greece.

Parallel to regular excavations, the researchers have used the method of core-drillings in order to investigate the lowest parts of the tell and clarify the relationship of the succeeding settlements with their environment. The first series of drillings, performed in 1993, provided evidence about the nature of the substratum and the site’s relation with the surrounding marsh and stream course56 . A second series, conducted in 2010, allowed to establish a complete stratigraphical sequence down to the natural soil. The results (nature of sediments, finds, C14 dates) are radically changing our knowledge on Neolithic habitation in the region of eastern Macedonia in northern Greece: Dikili Tash emerges as the first site that has yielded evidence for Early Neolithic habitation, in a region previously lacking information about the character of human occupation during this period57.

The Vitis vinifera finds discussed in this paper belong to the second half of the 5th millennium B.C., i.e. the Late Neolithic II period58. This period is considered as a time of great dynamism not only for Dikili Tash, but for most of the settlements in Greece and the Balkans, as it witnesses the consolidation of several technical, economical and social achievements that were already engaged during the previous Late Neolithic I period (5400-4800 BC), as well as the emergence of new and more complex ones. The intensification of exchange networks over

54 Treuil 1992, Koukouli et al. 1996, Koukouli-Treuil 2008, Darcque-Tsirtsoni 2010. 55 Darcque et al. 2009, Darcque et al. forthcoming 56 Lespez et al. 2000. 57 Lespez et al. 2013. 58 Darcque et al. 2011.


long distances, the true start of metallurgy, the reinforcement of the social role of the elites, the clustering or territorial expansion of the settlements, are features most frequently evoked. Within this general framework, the investigation of grape vine exploitation and early wine making at the site constitutes one of the main research axes.

Vitis vinifera finds from Dikili Tash The Vitis vinifera remains discussed in this paper originate from House 1 in sector 6, a house that was

burnt down by a conflagration episode dated to the years around 4350-4250 B.C. (fig. 2-3)59. This house is the westernmost of four Neolithic houses that have been partly excavated in the years 1989-1996

60 and contained a long inventory of stored crops and harvests from the wild, in an excellent state of preservation due to the destruction by fire. The archaeobotanical assemblage from the houses consists of cereal grain, pulse seed, fruits and nuts, including the following species: einkorn wheat, barley, lentils, grass pea, figs, wild pear, and acorns61. House 1 contains rich concentrations of plant remains preserved by charring, some of which had already been partly unearthed in 1989 when excavation only ‘scratched’ patches of the top destruction layer of the house62. House 1 has also yielded some unique for the period archaeobotanical finds: the remains of a large quantity of pressed grapes, grape pips and grape skins. Approximately 2460 grape pips and a large number (more than 300) of empty, pressed grape skins, occasionally attached to grape pips, were retrieved from the south-western area of House 1 (fig. 4)63. Experimental charring of fresh grapes, raisins and waste products of wine production, i.e. ‘wine-pressings’ (tsipoura in Greek), carried out by Mangafa et al.64, indicated that the archaeological remains of Vitis from Dikili Tash represent the by-products of extracting juice from grapes65. A few similar remains were also identified in a sample from the area of House 3, but these could belong to the later Early Bronze Age phase66.

Fig. 2 General plan of the houses of sector 6 at Dikili Tash.

59 Darcque et al. 2011, Maniatis et al. forthcoming 60 Koukouli et al. 1996. 61 Valamoti 2004. 62 Mangafa 1990, Valamoti 2004. 63 Mangafa 1990, Valamoti et al. 2007. 64 Mangafa et al. 1998, Mangafa et al. 2001. 65 Mangafa et al. 2001; Valamoti et al. 2007. 66 Valamoti 2004.


Fig. 3 General view of House 1 at Dikili Tash Fig. 4 Grape pressings from House 1 excavated in 1989

Several research questions, however, remained unanswered in relation to the context and particular circumstances of these early indications of grape juice extraction and potential wine making. The archaeological and archaeobotanical research in House 1 from 2008 onwards aimed to identify the limits of House 1, investigate its interior and understand the context of these early remains of pressed grapes. Therefore, special emphasis was placed on the collection and processing of a large number of soil samples. At least 500 samples have been processed by flotation until 2011 (fig. 5) using a variant of the Ankara machine67 and their study is nearing completion.

Fig. 5 Students( from the Dept. of Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki )

Operating the flotation machine at Dikili Tash in July 2010.

The area investigated so far covers at least 42 m2, yet the northern limits of House 1 remain at present obscure. Close to the western wall, the entire floor of an oven has been excavated; on it was standing a complete double-headed animal figurine (fig. 6). A variety of objects, including stone tools (mainly grinding stones and grinders), tableware and storage vessels, were found in situ within the debris of the collapsed clay walls in the excavated area. Several pots and an adjacent concentration of acorns had been covered by a large fragment of clay wall that might correspond to part of a door (fig. 7).

House 1 contained a rich variety of clean crops including bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia), found in association with a grinding stone (fig. 8), einkorn wheat (Triticum monococcum), linseed (Linum usitatissimum), acorns (Quercus sp.), blackberries (Rubus fruticosus agg.), figs (Ficus carica) and probably wild pears (cf. Pyrus amygdaliformis). The quantity and purity of species composition of the charred grains/seeds within House 1 suggest that they had been probably stored inside it. To the southeast of the oven mentioned above, a rich concentration of grape pips (Vitis vinifera) together with a few wine pressings was unearthed. Whole pots, decorated with graphite were found adjacent to the grape pip concentration (fig. 9). Another concentration of grape pips was

67 French 1971.


found during the last days of the 2010 campaign, under the sherds of a coarse vessel (fig. 10-11). These recently identified concentrations of grape pressings at Dikili Tash have not been totally excavated68.

Figure 6 Oven of House 1 at Dikili Tash with zoomorphic Figure 7. House 1, Dikili Tash. Vessels found next to a figurine in situ concentration of acorn

Fig. 8 Concentration of bitter vetch and grindstone next Fig. 9 House 1, Dikili Tash. Graphite-decorated to the oven of House 1, Dikili Tash. vessels found next to one of the grape-pips concentration

Fig. 10 House 1, Dikili Tash Jar fragments underneath Fig. 11 House 1, grape pips and grape pressings from a fallen clay block, next to a concentration of grape-pips the 2010 excavation season

68 Their excavation was completed in 2012; see http://chronique.efa.gr/index.php/fiches/voir/3406/

http://chronique.efa.gr/index.php/fiches/voir/3406/


The variety of plant remains identified in House 1 at Dikili Tash confirm the picture obtained also for the other houses of the site and points towards the existence of more or less self sufficient units, within which stored products represented the accumulation of small scale surplus. On the other hand, the recent pressed grape finds from House 1 confirm that juice extraction took place this particular house. The possible uses of the extracted grape juice as well as the context of its processing and consumption are discussed in the following section.

Neolithic wine and other Vitis products at Dikili Tash. The remains of charred pressed grapes from Dikili Tash are of great significance in the discourse of prehistoric

wine making and viticulture in the Aegean: they provide an undisputable proof for grape juice extraction during the second half of the 5th millennium B.C. at Dikili Tash and suggest wine making, resulting from fermentation of this juice, as a strong possibility. Unlike other prehistoric indications for wine making, such as the presence of tartaric acid or malvidin/anthocyanin in pottery sherds, the Dikili Tash finds are a direct proof of grape juice extraction, for the former could, in theory at least, point equally to grapes, must, raisins and vinegar and therefore not necessarily imply wine (supra). Yet, grape juice could have had other uses, too. It could be used for the preparation of sweets, for the production of a syrup like petimezi or for making vinegar69. The production of wine, however, is a very plausible alternative suggestion on the basis of the Dikili Tash ‘pressed grapes’. The possibility that some of the two-handled cups (fig. 12) and jars found at the Dikili Tash houses contained such a beverage is something that we intend to explore through residue analysis70.

Fig. 12 Two handled cup from Dikili Tash.

Turning to the context of grape juice production, storage, consumption and destruction, recent investigations at Dikili Tash have provided some preliminary insights. It is possible that the pressings were placed in the pots together with grape juice for fermentation to take place, when fire broke out at the settlement destroying the house with its crops and ‘new’ wine. As grape pressings remain in grape juice for a limited number of days, it would mean that the fire episode took place in the autumn, a possibility corroborated by a house full of the summer (wheat, pulses) and autumn harvest (grapes, acorns). Alternative possibilities, such as the storage of grape pressings for other uses need to be considered.

The quantity and distribution of concentrations of grape pressings and their comparison to the archaeobotanical assemblages from the other houses could indicate some kind of differentiation among the latter, in terms of agricultural production, storage, food preparation activities, or even social position. Indeed, despite the self sufficiency in terms of crops detected in the four late Neolithic houses destroyed by fire at Dikili Tash, the large quantities of grape finds could possibly signify a special function or position for House 1. Perhaps the residents of this house had special access to the grape vine and were the only authorized (or knowing how) to extract its juice, especially if this juice was fermented. The completion of the excavation and the study of the finds may well provide further clues about these issues and help to elucidate aspects of the Late Neolithic spatial and social organisation.

The Dikili Tash grape pips have been identified as wild71, therefore the Dikili Tash grape juice or wine was made of grapes that were harvested either from wild plants, or from cultivated plants whose pips had not yet developed the morphological characteristics of domestication. Whichever form of grapevine was used by the Dikili

69 cf. Valamoti et al. 2007, Miller 2008, Sarpaki-Kanta 2011. 70 Analysis conducted in 2012 by Nicolas Garnier (Laboratoire Nicolas Garnier, France) has shown that this was indeed the case of at least one jar from House 1. An article with the full results is currently in preparation. 71 Mangafa-Kotsakis 1996.


Tash inhabitants, it must have produced enough quantity to make the extraction of juice worthwhile. It is also possible that the large quantities found at Dikili Tash belonged to plants in an incipient form of tending or cultivation that had not yet resulted in the morphological change of the grape-pips. This hypothesis could be supported by the recent identification of Vitis charcoal among the archaeobotanical samples from the site72; as already mentionned, the presence of Vitis charcoal has been considered as an indication for cultivation and probably also domestication.

If the Dikili Tash grapes had been used for wine making and correspond to wild grapes, then this would imply that wine production could have started irrespective of domestication and that viticulture is not a prerequisite for wine production73. Moreover, wine production, viticulture and the domestication of the grape vine could have taken place independently in various parts within the broad region of the grape vine’s natural distribution, northern Greece being one of them, rather than in one region such as the Near East Anatolia

74 or the Caspian75, as is suggested by various authorities. By harvesting wild grapes and developing an interest in propagating a plant like Vitis, the fruit of which could be converted to an intoxicating beverage, the first steps towards its cultivation and subsequent domestication would have been taken in all likelihood.

Conclusions The new archaeobotanical evidence from Dikili Tash suggests that wine may have been produced at the

site, served and consumed from the clay cups found there. House 1 may have been destroyed by fire while grape juice was being fermented together with the grape pressings. Continuation of excavation in 2012 will shed light to the scale of grape juice exploitation in House 1, the likelihood of a special position of House 1 in relation to wine making within the settlement, the potential association of pottery with wine juice products and possibly wine making, serving and consumption. Issues related to the social context of wine making and consumption and their contribution towards social cohesion or inequality need to be further investigated through the combined examination of archaeobotanical data and contextual information. The grapevine finds from Dikili Tash provide a rare opportunity to investigate Neolithic grapevine exploitation in a region usually ignored in discussions of early viticulture and domestication. The strong possibility for wine production in the Neolithic from fruit bearing morphologically wild-looking pips suggests that grape vine domestication and wine making need not coincide and raises the possibility for additional areas, besides the Caspian and Iran, where people might have experimented with the grape vine leading to its domestication.

Grape juice seems to have a long tradition in northern Greece as grape skins have also been found at several Late Bronze and Iron Age sites. An intoxicating substance like wine, made of fermented grape juice, could have constituted an important component of feasting occasions and/or rituals as is known from historic periods. O v e r t h e m i l l e n n i a , s p a n n i n g t h e N e o l i t h i c t h r o u g h t o t h e I r o n A g e , t h e c o n t a i n e r s o f t h i s l i q u i d a n d e t i q u e t t e o f c o n s u m p t i o n the clearly changed, as is indicated through studies of Late Bronze Age drinking sets in northern Greece76. Likewise, it is possible that the taste(s) of and for ‘wine’ also changed. Yet, the basic recipe for producing a fermented liquid from crushed grapes is deep rooted in the Neolithic and may have probably continued the same. Perhaps this long tradition of wine making in this part of northern Greece, from the Neolithic through to the Bronze Age and Iron Age, as evidenced by archaeobotanical investigations, led ancient Greek myths to associate the area with one of the birth places of Dionysus, god of wild vegetation, the grapevine and wine.

Dikili Tash provides a unique opportunity to explore the context of wine production and consumption in Neolithic northern Greece. The archaeobotanical remains of grape juice extraction from the site suggest that wine making may have started in the region at least 6000 years ago, and at present correspond to the earliest identified in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean.

Acknowledgements Funding for the recent excavations at Dikili Tash has been provided by the French School at Athens

(Ecole française d’Athènes), the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Institute for Aegean Prehistory (INSTAP), the National Geographic Society, the municipality of Philippoi, and the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. They are all gratefully acknowledged. We would also like to thank Dr. Stéphanie Thiebault and Dr Maria Ntinou for providing unpublished information on Vitis charcoal finds from Dikili Tash and other sites in Greece.

72Unpublished data from sector V, in the southern slope of the Dikili Tash tell, belonging to the Late Neolithic I and II periods, Thiébault, pers. comm. 73 cf Valamoti et al. 2007, Miller 2008. 74 Zohary 1995. 75 Olmo 1995. 76 Andreou 2003.


Bibliography

Andreou 2003 S. Andreou, “Η Μυκηναϊκή κεραµική και οι κοινωνίες της κεντρικής Μακεδονίας κατά την Ύστερη Εποχή του Χαλκού (Mycenean pottery and societies of central Macedonia during the Late Bronze Age)”, in The Periphery of the Mycenean World, N. Kyparissi Apostolika, M. Papakonstantinou (eds.), Proceedings of the 2nd Interdisciplinary Colloquium, Lamia 1999, Athens, (2003).

Andreou-Kotsakis 1997 S. Andreou- K. Kotsakis, “The prehistoric Toumba Thessalonikis: Old and New Questions”, AEMTH 10a (1997), 369-387.

Arnold et al. 1998 C. Arnold- F. Gillet- JM. Gobal, “Situation de la vigne sauvage Vitis vinifera subsp. silvestris en Europe”, Vitis 37 (1998), 159-170.

Barnard et al. 2011 H. Barnard- A.N. Dooley- G. Areshian- B. Gasparya- K.F. Faull, “Chemical evidence for wine production around 4000 BCE in the Late Chalcolithic Near Eastern highlands”, Journal of Archaeological Science 38.5 (2011), 977-984.

Becker-Kroll 2008 C. Becker-H. Kroll, Das Prähistorische Olynth-Ausgrabungen in der Toumba Agios Mamas 1994-1996: Ernährung und Rohstoffnutzung im Wandel. Prähistroische Archäologie in Südosteruropa Band 22. Rahden/Westf, 2008.

Bottema-Woldring 1990 S. Bottema-Η. Woldring, “Anthropogenic indicators in the pollen record of the Eastern Mediterranean” in: Man’s Role in the Shaping of the Eastern Mediterranean Landscape, S. Bottema, G. Entjes Nieborg, W. van Zeist (eds.), Rotterdam, (1990), 231-264.

Darcque et al. 2009 P. Darcque- H. Koukouli Chryssanthaki- D. Malamidou- Z. Tsirtsoni, “Dikili Tash”, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 133 (2009), 529-541.

Darcque-Tsirtsoni 2010 P. Darcque- Z. Tsirtsoni, “Evidence from Dikili Tash (Eastern Macedonia, Greece) and the tell issue”, in: Leben auf dem Tell als soziale Praxis, S. Hansen (ed.), Beiträge des internationalen Symposiums in Berlin vom 26-27. Februar 2007, Kolloquien zur Vor- und Frühgeschichte 14, Bonn, (2010), 55-69.

Darcque et al. 2011 P. Darcque – H. Koukouli-Chryssanthaki – D. Malamidou – R. Treuil – Z. Tsirtsoni, “The Chalcolithic period at Dikili Tash (Eastern Macedonia, Greece)”, in: The Golden fifth millennium. Thrace and its neighbour areas in the Chalcolithic, Y. Boyadzhiev, St. Terzijska-Ignatova (eds.), Proceedings of the International Symposium in Pazardzhik, Yundola, 26-30.10.2009, Sofia, 2011, 191-201.

Darcque et al. forthcoming P. Darcque- H. Koukouli Chryssanthaki- D. Malamidou- Z. Tsirtsoni, “Dikili Tash”, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 135 (2011) forthcoming

Evans 1964 A. Evans, “1900-1901. The Palace at Knossos”, Annual of the British Scholl at Athens 7 (1964), 1-120.

Evans 1968 J. D. Evans, “Knossos Neolithic, part II: summary and conclusions”, Annual of the British Scholl at Athens 63 (1968), 267-76.

French 1971 D.H. French, “An experiment in water-sieving”, AnatSt 21 (1971), 59-64. Gilman 1981 A. Gilman, “The development of social stratification in bronze age Europe”, Current

Anthropology 22 (1981), 1-8. Hamilakis 1996 Y. Hamilakis, “Wine, oil and the dialectics of power in bronze age Crete: a review of the

evidence”, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 15 (1996), 1-32. Hubbard- Housley 2000 R.N.L.B. Hubbard, R.A. Housley, “The Environment and Agriculture”, in: Servia I,

Anglo-Hellenic Rescue Excavations 1971-73, C. Ridley, K.A. Wardle, C.A. Mould (eds.),. The British School at Athens: Supplementary Volume 32. London, 2000, 293-356.

Jacquat-Martinolli 1999 C. Jacquat- D. Martinolli, “Vitis vinifera L.: Wild or cultivated? Study of the grape pips found at Petra, Jordan; 150 B.C. – A.D. 40”, Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 8 (1999), 25-30.

Jones et.al. 1986 G.Jones, P. Halstead, K. Wardle, D. Wardle, “Crop storage at Assiros”, Scientific American 254. 3 (1986), 96-103.

Karathanou-Valamoti 2012 A. Karathanou- S.M. Valamoti, “Archaeobotanical investigations at the Neolithic site of Kremasti Koiladas”, AEMTH 2008 (2012), 57-70.


Koukouli et al. 1996 Ch. Koukouli Chrysanthaki-R. Treuil- D. Malamidou, “Prehistoric settlement Philippoi/ Dikili Tash: ten years of excavation”, AEMTH 10β (1996), 681-704.

Koukouli-Treuil 2008 H. Koukouli Chryssanthaki- R. Treuil (eds.), Dikili Tash, village préhistorique de Macédoine orientale. Recherches franco-helléniques dirigées par la Société Archéologique d’Athènes et l’école française d’Athènes (1986-2001), Bibliothèque de la Société Archéologique d’Athènes n° 254, Athènes, 2008.

Kroll 1983 H. Kroll, Kastanas. Ausgrabungen in einem Siedlungshügel der Bronze- und Eisenzeit Makedoniens, 1975-1979: Die Pflanzenfunde. Prähistorische Archäologie in Südosteuropa 2, Berlin, 1983.

Lespez et al. 2000 L. Lespez- R. Dalongeville- C. l. Noirel Schutz- J.P. Suc- H. Koukouli Chryssanthaki- R. Treuil,, “Les paléoenvironnements du site préhistorique de Dikili Tash (Macédoine orientale, Grèce)”, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 124 (2000), 413-434.

Lespez et al. 2013 L. Lespez- Z. Tsirtsoni- P. Darcque- H. Koukouli Chryssanthaki- D. Malamidou- R. Treuil- R. Davidson- G. Kourtessi Philippakis- C. Oberlin, “The lowest levels at Dikili Tash, Northern Greece: a missing link in the Early Neolithic of Europe” Antiquity 87 (2013), 30-45.

Levadoux 1956 L. Levadoux, “Les populations sauvages et cultivées de Vitis vinifera”, Annales de l’Amélioration des Plantes 6 (1956), 59-117.

Logothetis 1970 V. Logothetis, “The evolution of the grape vine and viticulture in Greece according to the archaeological evidence of the region”, Scientific Annals of the University of Thessaloniki 1 (1970), 1-286.

Logothetis 1974 V. Logothetis, “Contribution of the grape vine and wine in Greek and Eastern Mediterranean civilization”, Scientific Annals of the Agronomy and Forestry School of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 17 (1974), 1-286.

Mangafa 1990 M. Mangafa, The Plant Remains from the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age Site of Dikili Tash, Macedonia, Greece. Sheffield, 1990.

Mangafa-Kotsakis 1996 M. Mangafa- K. Kotsakis, “A new method for the identification of wild and cultivated charred grape seeds”, Journal of Archaeological Science 23 (1996), 409-418.

Mangafa et al. 1998 M. Mangafa- K. Kotsakis- S. Andreou, “Αµπελοκαλλιέργεια στην προϊστορική Μακεδονία (Viticulture in prehistoric Macedonia: evidence from prehistoric Toumba Thessalonikis)”, in: Αµπελοοινική Ιστορία στο Χώρο της Μακεδονίας και της Θράκης (History of Viticulture and Wine in Macedonia and Thrace), Athens, (1998), 158-169.

Mangafa et al. 2001 M. Mangafa- K. Kotsakis_ I. Stratis, “The experimental charring of products of the grape vine and an investigation of its uses in antiquity”, in: Archaeometric Studies for Greek Prehistory and Antiquity, Y. Bassiakos, E. Aloupi, Y. Fakorellis (eds.), Athens, (2001), 495-505.

Maniatis et al. forthcoming Y. Maniatis et al. “New Radiocarbon evidence for the Late Neolithic-Early Bronze Age transition in Southeast Europe”, Open Journal of Archaeometry forthcoming

McGovern 1995 P.E. McGovern,” Introduction”, in: The Origins and Ancient History of Wine, P.E. McGovern., S.J. Fleming, and S.H.Katz (eds.), United States, 1995, ix-xv,

McGovern 2003 P.E. McGovern, Ancient Wine: The Search of the Origins of Viniculture . Princeton, 2003.

McGovern-Mitchel 1995 P.E. McGovern- R.H. Mitchel, “The analytical and archaeological challenge of detecting ancient wine: two case studies from the ancient Near East”, in: The Origins and Ancient History of Wine, P.E. McGovern, S.J. Fleming, S.H. Katz (eds.), United States, (1995), 57-65.

McGovern et al. 1996 P. McGovern- D. L. Glusker- L.J. Exner- M.M. Voight, “Neolithic resinated wine”, Nature 381 (1996), 480-481.

Miller 2008 N.F. Miller, “Sweeter than wine? The use of the grape in early western Asia”, Antiquity 82 (2008), 937-946.

Mommersteeg et al. 1995 H.J.P.M. Mommersteeg et al. “Orbital forced frequencies in the 975000 year pollen record fromTenagi Philippon (Greece)”, Climate Dynamics 11 (1995), 4-24.

Ntinou-Badal 2000 M. Ntinou- E. Badal, Local vegetation and charcoal analysis: an example from two late neolithic sites in northern Greece, in: Landscape and Land Use in Postglacial Greece, P.


Halstead, C. Frederick (eds.), Sheffield, (2000), 38-51. Olmo 1995 H.P. Olmo, “The origin and domestication of the Vinifera grape”, in: The Origins and

Ancient History of Wine, P.E. McGovern, S.J. Fleming, S.H. Katz (eds.) United States, 1995, 31-43.

Renfrew 1972 C. Renfrew, The Emergence of Civilisation: The Cyclades and the Aegean in the Third Millenium BC. London, 1972.

Renfrew 1989 J.M. Renfrew, “Carbonized grains and seeds”, in: Achilleion: A Neolithic Settlement in Thessaly, Greece 6400-5600 B.C., M. Gimbutas, S. Winn, D. Shimabuku (eds.), Los Angeles, 1989, 307-310.

Renfrew 1997 J.M. Renfrew, “Plant Husbandry at Prehistoric Dimitra. Appendix 14”, in: Νεολιθική Μακεδονία, Δ. Γραµµένος (ed.), Δηµοσιεύµατα του Αρχαιολογικού Δελτίου 56. Αθήνα: Υπουργείο Πολιτισµού, (1997), 220-225.

Renfrew 2003a J.M. Renfrew, “Grains, seeds and fruits from prehistoric Sitagroi”, in: Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970, vol.2: The Final Report, E.S. Elster, C. Renfrew (eds.) Los Angeles, (2003), 1-28.

Renfrew 2003b J.M. Renfrew, “Seeds from Dikili Tash, 1967”, in: Prehistoric Sitagroi: Excavations in Northeast Greece, 1968-1970, vol.2: The Final Report: 29, E.S. Elster, C. Renfrew (eds.), Los Angeles, (2003).

Rivera Nunez-Walker 1989 D. Rivera Nunez- M.J. Walker, “A review of palaeobotanical findings of early Vitis in the Mediterranean and of the origins of cultivated grape-vines, with special

reference to new pointers to prehistoric exploitation in the western Mediterranean”, Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology 6 (1989), 205-237.

Sarpaki- Kanta 2011 A. Sarpaki, A. Kanta, “Monastiraki in the Amari region of Crete: Some interim archaeobotanical insights into Middle Bronze Age subsistence”, Proceedings of the 10th International Cretological Conference, Crete (2006), , 247-270.

Sherratt 1987 A. Sherratt, “Cups That Cheered”, in: Bell Beakers of theWestern Mediterranean, W. H. Waldren, R.C.Kennard (eds.), B.A.R. S331(i), Oxford, (1987), 81-114.

Silva-Ribeiro 2002 H. Silva- L. Alvares Ribeiro, “Optimisation of a flow injection analysis system for tartaric acid determination in wines”, Talanta 58 (2002), 1311-1318.

Smith-Jones 1991 H. Smith- G. Jones, “Experiments on the effects of charring on cultivated grape seeds”, Journal of Archaeological Science 17 (1991), 317-327.

Stummer 1911 A. Stummer, “Zur Urgeschichte der Rebe und des Weinbans”, Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien 41 (1911), 283-296.

Stylianakou-Valamoti in preparation Ch. Stylianakou, S.M. Valamoti, “Plant remains from the late Neolithic settlement of Kleitos Kozanis: preliminary observations”, AEMTH 2011 in press

Terral et al. 2010 J.F. Terral et al. “Evolution and history of grapevine (Vitis vinifera) under domestication: new morphometric perspectives to understand seed domestication syndrome and reveal origins of ancient European cultivars” Annals of Botany 105.3 (2010), 443–455.

Treuil 1992 R. Treuil (ed.), Dikili Tash, village préhistorique de Macédoine orientale, I. Fouilles de Jean Deshayes (1961-1975), vol. 1, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique Supplément 24. Athens, 1992.

Valamoti 1992 S.M. Valamoti, “Απανθρακωµένα φυτικά κατάλοιπα από την προϊστορική Θέρµη: Μια προκαταρκτική µελέτη (Charred plant remains from prehistoric Thermi: a preliminary examination)”, Makedonika 27 (1992), 443-455.

Valamoti 1995 S.M. Valamoti, “Γεωργικά προϊόντα από το νεολιθικό οικισµό Γιαννιτσά Β: µία προκαταρκτική προσέγγιση µέσω των αρχαιοβοτανικών δεδοµένων (Agricultural products from the Neolithic settlement of Giannitsa B: a preliminary approach through the archaeobotanical evidence)”, AEMTH 6 (1995), 177-184.

Valamoti 1998 S.M. Valamoti, “Η εκµετάλλευση της αµπέλου στο χώρο της Μακεδονίας και της Θράκης κατά τη Νεολιθική και την Πρώιµη Εποχή του Χαλκού (The exploitation of the vine in Neolithic and early bronze age Macedonia and Thrace)”, Αµπελοοινική Ιστορία στο χώρο της Μακεδονίας και της Θράκης, Athens, (1998), 137-149.

Valamoti 2002 S.M. Valamoti, “Charred plant remains from Messimeriani Toumba: preliminary


observations” in: Excavation at the Prehistoric Settlement of Mesimeriani Toumba Trilofou Thessalonikis, D.B. Grammenos, S. Kotsos (eds.), Thessaloniki, 2002, 315-319.

Valamoti 2004 S.M. Valamoti, Plants and People in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Northern Greece. 2004.

Valamoti 2005 S.M. Valamoti , “ Αρχ αιοβοτανικ ά δεδο µ ένα από το Κα ρ α µ π ο υ ρ ν ά κ ι : µ ια προκαταρκτική έκθεση των ευρη µ άτων ( Archaeobotanica l evidence from

Karabournaki: a preliminary examination of the finds)”, AEMTH 17 (2005), 201-204. Valamoti 2006 S.M. Valamoti, “Η συµβολή των αρχαιοβοτανικών καταλοίπων στη διερεύνηση των

εκτεταµένων οικισµών: τα δεδοµένα από το Νεολιθικό οικισµό Άψαλος-Γραµµή (The contribution of archaeobotanical remains towards the investigation of flat-extended settlements: evidence from the Neolithic settlement Apsalos-Grammi)”, EGNATIA 10 (2006), 9-130.

Valamoti 2009 S.M. Valamoti, Η Αρχαιοβοτανική Έρευνα της Διατροφής στην Προϊστορική Ελλάδα (An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Diet in Greece) , Thessaloniki, (2009 in Greek).

Valamoti 2010 S.M. Valamoti, “Human activity at Angelochori as indicated by plants and their uses: the contribution of archaeobotanical evidence”, in: Angelochori Hemathias: A Late Bronze Age Settlement. Volume 1, Stefani (ed.) Thessaloniki, (2010), 171-197, 269-288, and 327-330.

Valamoti 2011 S.M. Valamoti, “Σπόροι για τους νεκρούς; Αρχαιοβοτανικά δεδοµένα από τη Μαυροπηγή Κοζάνης, θέση Φυλλοτσαΐρι (Seed for the dead? Archaeobotanical remains from Mavropigi-Fyllotsairi in Kozani)”, in: Proceedings of the 1st Archaeological Conference on Archaeological Investigations in Upper Macedonia, 245-256. Kozani, Archaeological Museum of Aiani, (2011).

Valamoti in preparation S.M. Valamoti, Plant remains from Skala Sotiros, Thassos island, northern Greece Valamoti- Jones 2003 S.M. Valamoti- G. Jones, “Plant diversity and storage at Mandalo, Macedonia, Greece:

archaeobotanical" evidence from the Final Neolithic and Early Bronze Age”, Annual of the British School at Athens 98 (2003), 1-35.

Valamoti et al. 2007 S.M. Valamoti- M. Mangafa- Ch. Koukouli chrysanthaki- D. Malamidou, “Grape-pressings from northern Greece: the earliest wine in the Aegean?”, Antiquity 81 (2007),

Valamoti et al. 2008 S.M. Valamoti, A. Papanthimou, A. Pilali, “Cooking ingredients from EBA Archondiko: the archaeobotanical evidence”, in: Proceedings of the 4th Symposium of the Hellenic Society for Archaeometry, Y.Fakorellis, N.Zacharias, K.Polykreti (eds.) National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens 28-31 May 2003. B.A.R. International Series 1746, Oxford, 2008, 187-194.

Wijmstra 1969 T. Wimjstra, “Palynology of the first 30 meters of a 120 meter deep section in northern Greece”, Acta Botanica Neerlandica 18 (1969), 511-528.

Van der Wiel-Wijmstra 1987 A.M.Van der Wiel, T. Wijmstra, “Palynology of the lower part (78–120 M) of the core Tenaghi Philippon II, Middle Pleistocene of Macedonia, Greece”, Review of Palaeobotany and Palynology, 52 (1987), 89-117.

Wright 2004 J.C. Wright, “The Mycenean Feast”, Hesperia 73 (2004), 133-178. Zohary 1995 D. Zohary, “The domestication of the grapevine Vitis vinifera L. in the Near East”, in: The

Origins and Ancient History of Wine, P.E. McGovern, S.J. Fleming, S.H. Katz (eds.), United States, 1995, 23-30.

Zohary et.al.2012 D. Zohary, M. Hopf, E. Weiss, Domestication of Plants in the Old World. The origin and spread of domesticated plants in Southwest Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin, Oxford, 2012.

An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation and Wine Making in Northern...

Documents

Transcript of An Archaeobotanical Investigation of Prehistoric Grape Vine Exploitation and Wine Making in Northern...