Across Land and Waters –Traditional Travel Routes in Prehistoric Central Europe and Recent Neolithic

Societies

Von

Henry DOSEDLA, Heidenreichstein

Abstract

Archaeological evidence regarding geographical mobility of prehistoric societiesis scarce. Although trading activities are better traceable we lack information ontransport management logistics and the use of inland water ways. By comparison withrather recent archaic societies as for instance in the interior of New Guinea – livinguntil recently a Neolithic way of life as the author has witnessed - a reconstruction ofprehistoric conditions might be possible. Regarding the distribution patterns of signi-ficant products between the Alpine and the Trans-Danubian regions of Central Euro-pe, which follow the most suitable geographical lines, we can observe routes used atearly stages of interregional trading activities.

Zusammenfassung

Hinsichtlich der Verbreitungswege bestimmter Güter zwischen dem Alpenraumund den mitteleuropäischen Gebieten nördlich der Donau, die den geeignetsten land-schaftlichen Gegebenheiten folgen, lassen sich manche Hauptrouten des frühestenFernhandels besonders deutlich erkennen. Erkenntnisse zu den entsprechenden logis-tischen Abläufen des prähistorischen Gütertransports auf dem Wasser- wie auf demLandweg können teilweise aus den mittelalterlichen Verkehrsverhältnissen erschlos-sen werden, die großteils den gleichen Routen folgen. Die näheren Umstände des da-maligen Ferntransports können anhand vergleichbarer Feldforschungsdaten des Au-tors von den letzten Stammesgesellschaften im Inneren von Neuguinea veranschau-licht werden, die bis vor kurzem noch auf jungsteinzeitlicher Kulturstufe standen.

1. Introduct ion

There are still debates concerning earliest stages of human land management.While it is generally assumed that Palaeolithic and Mesolithic hunters and gatherersmust have led a nomadic life there is no reason for the assumption of a permanent se-dentism from the Neolithic onwards. On the contrary there is a wide range of possiblepatterns ranging from permanent settlement to pastoral nomadism, semi-nomadism,shifting cultivation or several kinds of seasonal mobility up to tribal migrations. But

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even in the case of permanent settlements there are various degrees of mobility of Neo-lithic societies such as hunting or fishing trips as well as intertribal trade which to so-me extent can be proved by archaeological evidence. Apart from that there is a broadrange of tasks which are carried out far from the settlement areas. This could bestudied just a few decades ago in remote parts of the Melanesian Archipelago.

2 . Prehistor ic trade routes in Central Europe

As a result of improved methods of analysis revealing the geographical origins ofthe material heritage of prehistoric settlements a growing density of correspondingdata show the intricate networks of earliest trading systems. Among these most an-cient trade routes some were linking different regions across the European continentcovering considerable distances of up to several hundred kilometres. While the far big-gest distance is covered by the Amber Road linking the Mediterranean and the BalticSea (WIELOWIEJSKI 1996) the most ancient prehistoric trade route connected the enor-mous flint deposits at the Bavarian Danube with the Basin of Prague in a distance ofabout 700 km known as the Bavarian Flint Trail (BINSTEINER 1997). Another ancienttrade route passing the vast granite plateau of the the Bohemian Massive was used forthe distribution of graphite, which became a most valuable trade good in many partsof Europe in the course of the Iron Age (DOSEDLA – KRAULIZ 2011).

Both routes consisted of sections leading partly across the country and partlyalong waterways as the Danube as well as minor rivers, thus possibly also passing theone or other different tribal, cultural or even language area. Although there is suffi-cient archaeological evidence for a profound reconstruction of the technical details ofthese prehistoric trading systems there is no access to any information regarding que-stions concerning the corresponding social management. This can only be obtained bycomparisons with similar trading systems among recent tribal societies of the last re-mote regions. In the case of New Guinea these could be studied by the author duringfieldwork from 1970 to 1972 (DOSEDLA 1979, 1987). In addition to that mobility pat-terns of local groups apart from trading activities like hunting or fishing parties, war-fare and other intertribal contacts could also be studied. This may be valuable whenregarding corresponding conditions in prehistoric Europe (DOSEDLA - KRAULIZ 2009).

While the course of the flint trail is clearly marked by findings of thousands of fla-kes it is yet unknown what kind of trade goods were taken back in exchange.

In the case of the graphite route there is evidence that graphite goods from the he-adwaters of the Vltava/Moldau in the frontier region between Czech Republik, Austriaand Bavaria were delivered southwards mainly in exchange for salt deriving from thealpine regions south of the Danube (DOSEDLA – KRAULIZ 2011).

2.1 The Bavarian Flint Trail

The deposit of Arnhofen /Abensberg near the banks of the Danube in the KelheimDistrict of Bavaria was far the biggest and also rich in finest quality. For this reason itwas mined there by means of thousands of narrow pits up to a depth of 8 m 7000 yearsago. According to the extreme narrowness of the pits it may be derived that these werecomplied by systematic employment of infant labour (BINSTEINER 1997).

The main part of the flint production was delivered in north eastern direction to-wards the Neolithic settlements of the Basin of Plzen / Pilsen and the Basin of Prague.The first part of the route was carried out by water transport in monoxylics along theDanube and later on along the rivers Regen, Naab and Schwarzach. The Bohemian Fo-rest was crossed via the passage of Furth im Wald and the pass of Waldmünchen. The

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Fig. 1. Map flint route

route passing the settlement cluster of Rakovnik finally reached Prague (BINSTEINER

1997) (Fig. 1).Until recently historians were inclined to doubt if Neolithic men had already de-

veloped a social system with a marked division of labour being the necessary base forthe establishment and continual management of such an intricate trading networkwhile there is now increasing evidence for the opposite. Accordingly there is evidencethat already at the period of Mesolithic hunters and gatherers there existed a greatmobility of various groups not only due to shifting towards new hunting grounds butalso due to raw material procurement thus indicating that prospecting activities start-ed already at this early stage. Regarding the search for mineral pigments used for caveand rock paintings or body ornamentation this may to some degree even apply to Pa-laeolithic periods or at least Mesolithic periods because of graphite findings in burialsof Lepenski Vir apparently deriving from Central Europe (RADOVANOVIC 1996).

Regarding the Bavarian flint trail there are indications that there must have beenalready some distinction between different groups: prospectors and mining labourers,groups responsible for flint knapping and others responsible for the transport. It maybe further supposed that different groups were in charge of different route sections,since there are examples of traditional intertribal trade management among recent so-cieties in New Guinea (DOSEDLA 1997).

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2.2 The Austro-Bohemian Graphite Route

In early centuries graphite was not mined in its solid form like during the indu-strial period but only dug from convenient places scattered throughout the vast Aus-tro-Bohemian granite plateau where it occurred as a distinct kind of blackish clayused for the manufacture of graphite ceramics typical from the Hallstatt and La Tèneperiods onwards. Previous to that the material most rare in other parts of the continentmust have been distributed towards the south as far as Italy and the Balkans even inthe Mesolithic and Neolithic periods when it apparently was used for body ornamenta-tion as could be derived from graphite clumps and granulate found in funerals (RADO-

VANOVIC 1996).

2.2.1 Graphite as raw material and trade good

Regarding the role of graphite ceramics as an important technical item for centu-ries which exclusively originated in such a relatively limited Central European regionit may be evident to which degree this mineral became part of an intricate network ofexchange connected with other trade systems in prehistory. From a technical point ofview there are basicly two types. Graphite ceramics in the true sense of the word con-sist of a mixture of graphite and clay, whereas so called graphitized ceramics onlyshow a surface coated by graphite.

A considerable number of clumps of graphite clay up to several pounds of weightfrom the Austro-Bohemian Massive used as raw material for ceramic manufacture wasfound along distinct trade routes, thus clearly indicating that these were apart fromgraphite pottery also regular trade goods (KAPPEL 1963, WALDHAUSER 1992). The re-gion was the centre of a considerable transcontinental graphite trade not only in theCeltic period but also during later centuries (FELGENHAUER-SCHMIEDT 1998).

First archaeological evidence for the use of graphite for ceramics are Neolithicpotsherds containing graphite of nearby local sources which were discovered in theCzech Republik (REIFMÜLLER 1937), whereas graphite ceramics were already commonduring the early Bronze Age „Straubing Period“ (2300 - 1600 B.C.) in Lower Bavaria(RUCKDESCHEL 1978). While in this period the distribution of graphite probably justdepended on regional availability a long distance trade apparently developed with therise of rich graphite ceramics production during the Hallstatt period. In one of therock shelters along these trade routes several ceramic vessels were excavated, whichhad been deposited there in order to serve as cooking gear for passing trading groups(PENZ 2001). Rather small monoxylics of these periods with a maximum length ofthree meters excavated at some tributary brooks of the Danube are evidence for watertransport along distinct sections of these trade routes (DOSEDLA – KRAULIZ 2009).

According to typological features of graphite ceramics and their particular originswhich in many cases could be identified by individual trademarks as well as by petro-chemical investigations of the mineral materials (MOLAK – ILLAŠOVÁ 1987, ÈI�EK

1994) it was possible to to reconstruct the complete distribution range of graphite pro-ducts basically originating from the Central European frontier region between Aust-ria, Bavaria and the Czech Republik which at its peak covered the total area from theFrench Massif Central (MILLOTTE 1984) to the Carpathians.

2.2.2 Geographical conditions

The southwards distribution of all graphite materials from the Bohemian sourceswent along the so-called Central European Divide as a distinct section of the trans-continental divide. A quite significant number of rivers are emerging from the ratherlimited area of the Central European Divide situated at the borderline between Aust-ria and the Czech Republic. Among them are the Vltava/Moldau as the dominant tri-

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butary of the Labe/Elbe, the Morava/March and the Vistula/Weichsel, having theirsource in the north respectively in the east of the divide, as well as some minor riversoriginating in the south of the divide which are tributaries of the Danube.

As a result of recent investigations hydrological conditions as well as vegetationpatterns which from Palaeolithic times to the beginning of Neolithic were extremelydifferent from contemporary ones had consequences concerning water levels and navi-gability of these river systems which at some periods even allowed the use of monox-ylics. As trade goods mostly figured flint, salt, copper, tin, iron, amber and graphite, la-ter eventually also imported goods of Mediterranean origin. There are no reliable tra-ces concerning the earliest stage of some developing awareness concerning the actualgeographical nature of that divide by any local population, but there is archaeologicalevidence of its continuous passing already by hunting parties in the Palaeolithic,throughout the Mesolithic and also the Neolithic period.

The earliest and most prominent routes crossing the divide are in its western partthe so-called “Golden Trail”from the Bavarian region of Passau towards the sources ofthe Vltava/Moldau in Southern Bohemia, and in its eastern part the “Porta Moravica”which is passed by an important branch of the Amber Trail between the Baltic Sea andthe Mediterranean, which are both also crossing the Danube. In the first case the tran-sition is situated near the mouth of the Inn River originating in the south-western al-pine regions into the Danube, in the latter case the transition is situated at the mouthof the Morava/March River entering the Danube from the northwest near the Slovaki-an capital of Bratislava. While the route across Passau dominated by the salt trade atleast dates back to the Hallstatt period the age of the route along the Morava/MarchRiver is as old as the Amber Trail (WIELOWIEJSKI 1996).

A neighbouring route of the “Golden Trail” (“Zlatá Stezka” and “Gold Steig” inCzech and German) is linking the Austrian town of Linz with the southern Bohemianregion of the upper Vltava/Moldau and starts from the mouth of the alpine Traun Ri-ver into the Danube which was also used for the transport of salt from the Hallstattperiod onwards. While the salt after having arrived at Passau by water transport wascarried along the “Golden Trail” solely on horseback for at least 60 km before it rea-ched again navigable waters at the upper Vltava/Moldau the so-called “Linz Trail” inprehistoric times followed the waters of a northern tributary of the Danube namedAist River which enters the main stream just a couple of miles east of Linz (KUBU -ZAVREL 2007).

Depending on changing hydrological conditions the Aist River at some periodscould provide water transport as far as the ancient market centre of Freistadt/Cáhlovfrom where the distance to the Vltava/Moldau was about 15 km. Another branch ofthis route leading towards Moravia went from Freistadt/Cáhlov passing the next oldtrading centres of Weitra/Vitoraz and Gmünd/Cesky Velenice reaching the navigablewaters of the Luznica/Lainsitz River after a distance of 30 km accordingly bearing themedieval name of “Gmünd Trail”(BISTØICKÝ1985).

From the ancient frontier and crossroad town of Gmünd, deriving its name from aGerman term indicating the confluence of two rivers, a further branch of the trail fol-lows the course of the Romau/Romava River, an eastern tributary of the Luznica/Lain-sitz, which provides a link over a distance of just 5 km across the divide towards theWinkelbach creek, a southern tributary of the Austrian branch of the Thaya/Dye River.Passing the formerly important iron ore mining centre of Eisenreichs with a prehisto-rical site known as “Iron Castle” it belonged to the southern section of the ancient“Iron Trail” linking the pre-medieval iron ore deposits near Raabs with the rich an-cient mining centre of Jemnice/Jamnitz nearly 10 km north of the Dye/Thaya River(DOSEDLA – KRAULIZ 2009).

These prehistoric trading routes since the La Tène period were marked by a num-ber of Celtic oppida as Boiodurum/Castra Batava (Passau), Lentia (Linz) and Trísovnear Cesky Krumlov at the upper Vltava/Moldau which belong to a chain of other op-pida and minor strongholds across the most part of Bohemia linking the Danubian re-

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gion with the Ore Mountains at the border to Saxony. There is also archaeological evi-dence from the site Divci Kamen (Maiden Rock) next to Trísov not only dating back tothe late Bronze Age but also indicating imported products items originating from theAigean Sea (BLAHA 1977).

From the upper Vltava/Moldau region 15km to the east are the origins of the Aus-trian branch of the Thaya/Dye River, a significant tributary of the Morava/March Ri-ver entering the Danube at the foothills of the Lesser Carpathians near Bratislava.Along this mountain range lining the course of the Morava/March a chain of hillsidestrongholds from the late Bronze Age period was excavated with evidence of intensivetrading activities not only from the eastern alpine regions but partly also from theAdriatic Sea (MOLAK – ILLAŠOVÁ 1987).

The importance of this prominent landmark at the confluence of the two riversknown as “Porta Hungarica” is evident from its protection by two prehistoric hillsidefortifications on each side of the Danube bearing earliest settlement traces which be-came dominant oppida in the La Tène period. At this time there was also a chain of op-pida along the whole course of the Morava from the mouth at the “Porta Hungarica”toits source near the “Porta Moravica”.

Comparable prehistoric settlement patterns are found along an important tributa-ry of the Morava/March named Dye/Thaya River deriving from a celtic term “dia” inthe meaning of “running water”. A number of hill sites along this river are characteri-zed by continuous settlement from the Neolithic to medieval times e.g. Vratenin/Frat-ting near Drosendorf and Raabs, both of them with traces of Hallstatt as well as La Tè-ne fortifications (BLAHA 1977).

Recent investigations indicate the existence of another prehistoric trade routeright across the central area of the vast granite plateau linking the upper Vltava/Mol-dau with the Danube. It follows the course of the Kamp River, a northern tributary ofthe Danube. A fortification near Gars dates back to the Urn Field Culture and a hillsi-de stronghold near Altenburg 30 km from the mouth of the Kamp also revealed ar-chaeological evidence of a La Tène oppidum (PENZ 2001).

2.2.3 Hydrological and technical Conditions

Earliest evidence of water traffic in the Danubian region are findings depositednear the dangerous maelstrom of Grein in Upper Austria ranging from a few Neolithicobjects to an increasing number belonging to the Bronze Age and Hallstatt period. Therather small number of findings of the La Tène period might indicate a decline of Da-nube traffic during that time, whereas there are abundant objects from the Roman pe-riod (KNEIDINGER 1942, p. 278). Though there is are rather rudimentary archaeologicalevidence of Neolithic trading activities in Europe salt must be considered as a mainexchange good. This exchange increases in the course of transcontinental tin trade ofthe Bronze Age. During the Iron Age, when salt production started at a larger scale inthe alpine regions, long distance salt trade including exchange across the Central Eu-ropean Divide expanded likewise. Surviving prehistoric trading traditions which fol-low this course after Roman occupation of the Danubian regions are proved by fin-dings of Roman coins and terra sigillata along distinct routes north of the Danube(PENZ 2001).

Archaeological examples of the earliest vessels on the Danube and its tributarieswere monoxylics with a flat bottom like the dugout from the Inn River. Apparently atthis stage even minor rivulets were used for water traffic which is documented by twoextremely small examples having been excavated from a creek near Waizenkirchen 30km west of Linz and another one from a narrow tributary of the Inn River. Since trafficon small rivers afforded a boat to be carried over obstacles of all kinds dugouts were of

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rather restricted efficiency because they are quite heavy compared to any plank boatof same size.

The earliest boats with joined planks of various sizes up to a length of 30m and awidth of nearly date back to the Bronze Age. A golden model of a flat plank boat withtwo paddles may illustrate the shape of the vessels for salt traffic during the Hallstattepoch (PAULI 1980).

There is recent archaeological evidence that the regions north of the Central Euro-pean Divide were included into the Danubian trading systems already at the Hallstattperiod. Concerning navigability of rivers emerging from both sides of the divide allthose allowing canoe paddling today, were suitable for water traffic during prehistoricconditions.

According to medieval records the “Golden Trail” linking the Danubian regionbetween Passau and Linz with southern Bohemia was – due to steep terrain – maintai-ned by porter horses following the course of minor mountain rivers by wading throughthe water. This is also most likely for prehistoric traffic. With a softer gradient and mo-re convenient hydrological conditions during the Iron Age the “Linz Steig” then offe-red a much easier traffic route. There it could have been possible to go up streams byturns either using boat traction and paddling or pushing the vessel along by a pole. As-sumptions by some authors concerning the use of skin boats as well as the possibilityof using frozen river beds for sledge transport are lacking archaeological evidence(KUBU - ZAVREL 2007).

3 . Corresponding paral le ls with recent archaic societ ies

3.1 Intertribal trade in interior New Guinea

Having studied traditional patterns of mobility among the last tribal societies inthe interior highlands of Papua-New by anthropological fieldwork at the end of theSeventies then still representing Neolithic standards I could see many parallels in qui-te similar conditions in prehistoric Europe. By these observations it can be demonstra-ted that besides occasional hunting, fishing or trading trips there was a still broaderrange of tasks which were carried out far from the settlement areas (DOSEDLA 1974).

Among these the majority consisted in obtaining various products deriving fromother landscape types of different altitude, micro climate and vegetation patterns. Ac-cordingly many local groups were cultivating garden plots not only around their villa-ges but also some in distant places enab-ling them to harvest crops at different sea-sons. The same applies to gathering. Apartfrom that groups from one area also usedto pay visits to distant groups for the sakeof shifting harvest conditions (?). Duringsuch trips of several days visitors wouldstay with their hosts or camp in temporarysimple huts. The same applies for visitspaid to distant relatives or to cult festivalsand other ritual occasions in neighbou-ring tribal areas. Though intertribal war-fare over long distances did not occur du-ring past decades oral history dating backup to a dozen generations indicates thateach highlands tribe has its distinct mi-

Fig. 2. Making clay pots, ORT, JAHR(Photo: H. Dosedla).

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gration history and that settlement patterns never were of an absolutely permanentcharacter (STRAUSS – TISCHNER 1962).

Depending on geological and ecological conditions the availability of a number ofgoods being essential to the subsistence economy of the indigenous highlands popula-

Fig. 6. Map Lower Ramu Fig.

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tion differed considerably from one tribe to the other. Therefore intricate traditionaltrading systems mainly based on the exchange of salt and stone axes but also othergoods of limited regional occurrence had been established. Prominent items in this in-tertribal bartering system were axe blades obtained from only a few limited quarriesand salt from just two distinct natural sources in some hardly accessible highland val-leys. Shells of pearl oysters, cowries and other maritime snails or mollusc shells impor-ted from the coast as highly favoured valuables were also used as currency. Though ge-nerally the tribes in the extremely mountainous interior had not the slightestknowledge of living on an island surrounded by the sea they possessed large amountsof seashells having been obtained by trade over several hundreds of miles from theshores which they believed to be the fruits of special trees growing in some unknownfar off regions (DOSEDLA 1987, 1997).

At the time of the field research most traditional trade good did not circulate anymore except objects of ritual value as rare plumes, shells and “tigaso”-tree oil, but in-formants once having taken part could still give detailed reports about the former tra-ding networks. Trade routes throughout the highlands were overland tracks. Watertransport was restricted to the clay pot trade linking the coastal ceramic belt with justa small interior region (DOSEDLA 2012).

By these trading networks all highlands tribes were not only linked to each otherbut were also able to obtain sea shells from distant coastal regions. According to infor-mants the only goal for every highlander was to gain prestige by taking part in thesetrading cycles, which meant to be on the move most of the time instead of hangingaround in the village (DOSEDLA 2012).

While a considerable part of these networks throughout the highlands consisted ofoverland routes mainly dealing with the distribution of stone axe blades mined at afew limited locations, salt from distinct salt springs or some kind of tree oil used as avalued body ointment in exchange for rare birds plumes, sea shells or other objects ofdistant origin, there was also a traditional trade route for clay pots from the ceramicproduction centres along the coastal regions (MAY – TUCKSON 2000). With special re-gard to the prehistoric Bavarian flint and Bohemian graphite trade of Central Europethis New Guinean clay pot trading network in fact is showing the most revealing par-allels since it was also carried out partly by watertransport along rivers and by overland tracks acrossmountainous areas in many ways comparable to thegeographical situation of Central Europe.

3.2. The inland clay pot trade route

Pottery traditions in New Guinea are generallyassociated with the term of Lapita ceramics belon-ging to the period of Austronesian immigration intothis part of the Pacific around 1500 B.C. though the-re are archaeological indications that ceramic pro-duction had started there already in much earlier pe-riods (KAUFMANN 1972). The distribution patterns ofceramic production show a belt along a major part ofthe north coast including adjacent islands and alongthe eastern part of the south coast partly includingthe Papuan Gulf. This distribution belt is further ex-tended by regions belonging to traditional trade sys-tems with ceramic vessels as imported trade goods(DOSEDLA 2012). These are deriving from productioncentres located along the Keram River running from

Fig. 4. Clay pot, Ramu, ORT, JAHR(Photo: H. Dosedla).

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the central highlands towards the Sepik. Thus the Keram which by the early Germanexplorers significantly was named “Töpferfluss” (literally “Potters River”) was regar-ded as an extension of the coastal Melanesian Lapita ceramics belt. From here firedclaypots were distributed further to the nearby Ramu River into adjacent highlandsregions as precious objects of a traditional trade system until first European contactsin the middle of the last century (DOSEDLA 1987).

The corresponding chaine opératoire involving several linguistic groups covers adistance of about 200 km between the production centres of the Sepik lowlands andthe most distant highland tribes obtaining clay pots from there. Previous to Europeancontact there was pottery production in most places along the Keram from Kambotvillage at the conflux with the Sepik River to the headwaters near Annaberg at the Ra-mu River. A neighbouring production centre at the Lower Keram was situated along

Fig. 5. Canoes Lower Ramu, ORT, JAHR (Photo: H. Dosedla).

Fig. 6. Trading party near Bundi, ORT, JAHR (Photo: H. Dosedla).

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Fig. 7. Consumption of emergency supply, ORT, JAHR (Photo: H. Dosedla).Fig. 8. Cooking of killed tree cangaroo ORT, JAHR (Photo: H. Dosedla).

the Clay River and a river branch named Korogopa Baret. Corresponding relations alsoincluded the Biwat people of the Yuat River who also acted as middlemen trading withYaul pottery (Fig. 4).

The Keram pottery was stylistically closely related to that of the Ramu River aswell as to the ceramics of the Porapora region and the Dimiri-Marawat-Yaul complexthough there are differences owing to concerning distinguishable qualities of variouskinds of local clay (MAY – TUCKSON 2000, 246). Labour is divided between youngerwomen digging the clay, older women forming and firing it, and men decorating thevessels. The vessel types commonly known by Kambot terms were ranging between sa-go storage jars (nat), sago stirring jars (bana), sago frying platters (naga), ritual cups(not) and cooking pots (nom). Though they were traded by the same terms across vari-ous language boundaries as far as to the Keram headwaters (MAY – TUCKSON 2000,247) the canoe transport along a navigable length of 80 km was not fully undertakenby Kambot people but in various stages also by other local groups along the river. Besi-des of clay deposits near Bamfu village on the Keram River and at Litibu in the foot-hills of the Schrader Range there is another one near the Tsumba mission station at theRamu which is also exploited by Keram women for the production of sago stirring ves-sels and cooking pots. These being rather roughly made, slightly round based, he-mispherical and mostly undecorated were traded from here north to Bingo, east to-wards the Guam area, west to Porapora and south to some Ramu villages further up-streams.

A marked transfer point was located a few kilometers behind Minias village wherethe Keram passes the boundary between the East Sepik Province and the Madang Pro-vince and comes near the Ramu bend of Misingi where the distance between the tworivers is less than 10 km. The land transport across this passage was controlled by the

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Rao people who also managed the further canoe transport along the Ramu to its bendnear the Annaberg mission station situated at the parting point between Lower andMiddle Ramu. From a clay deposit in the vicinity at the foothills of the Schrader Rangewest of the Ramu local women collect raw material known by the Kambot term n´grconsisting of sandy brown greyish clay of outstanding plasticity (Fig. 2 and 4).

The nearby area of Nodabu was the location of the most important intertribal tra-ding activities within a radius of several days of marching or paddling. Trade goodsare yams, fish, betel nuts, bows and arrows, tobacco, string bags and distinct fibre ma-terial for their manufacture, batatas, stone axe blades, birds plumes, and traditionalmedicine, but also canoes, all deriving from the mountain forest regions, in exchangefor clay pots, as well as for wooden bowls from the lowlands, kauries and other seashells especially in demand by the mountain pigmies, which in return were further dis-tributed upstream by people from Titibu. The terms of trade were twenty pots for onecanoe, four for a large fish, five to ten for a big bundle of fibre material (MAY – TUC-

KSON 2000, 203).In the upper Ramu region Bundi was the centre of trade between Astrolabe Bay

and the interior highlands owed to the fact that there is the crucial boarder betweenthe completely different climatic and vegetation zones of the lowlands with their vastsago swamps and the mountainous primary forest regions. Thus ceramic vessels in de-mand here did not include any types typical for sago storage and preparation but onlyrather crude cooking pots of conical shape (AUFENANGER 1940, p. 57) some of whichthem were also traded south wards as bride price or in exchange for pigs into theadjacent Asaro, Simbu and Jimi valleys.

3.3 Transient supplying and lodging strategies

Along the majority of the trade route managed by canoe transport – lowland re-gions marked by vast swamps, where the current was rather slow or moderate especi-ally during dry season – not only the food supplies mainly consisted of sago and somefish; additional packages of sago were also brought upstream as trade goods into re-gions without access to sago grounds. In the course of overland passages in these re-gions sago due to the advantage of its compactness also provided the optimal marchingsupply (Fig. 5).

In any case an average section of the trade route never exceeded a few dayspaddling or walking towards one of the traditional transfer points where trade goodswere handed over to another local group being then in charge of the next section. Allthe trading parties used to maintain continuous good contacts with their distant tra-ding partners where they also could expect corresponding hospitality. While tradingparties had to cross uninhabited areas they always tried to find distinct places knownas approved overnight stations for generations (Fig. 6).

The same applies to all sections of the trade route belonging to the mountainousinterior regions including the crossing of considerably step mountain ranges. Many ofthe resting places there consisting of caves and rock shelters connected with ancientmythical lores could be dating back to prehistoric periods. Since the generally availa-ble staple food in these regions consists of root crops which due to their weight are un-suitable to be carried along trading parties depended on hunting, fishing and collec-ting insects, birds eggs or edible plants on their way. As an additional emergency supp-ly they carried small packages of a distinct chestnut like tree fruit which could be coo-ked in hot ashes (DOSEDLA 1974) (Fig. 7-8).

At the time of my fieldwork during the Seventies local ceramic production as wellas traditional trade activity due to growing availability of imported cooking vesselsmostly made in China were gradually fading. Since most informants were now too oldfor the risky transport tasks and young people no longer cared to make these trips the

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traditional trade routes linking the Wahgi Basin with the Upper Ramu region exceptof those bush trails still being used by occasional hunting parties into the vast primaryforest regions of the Sepik-Wahgi Divide started to fall into oblivion (DOSEDLA 1974).

Conclusion

Deriving from our knowledge concerning long distance trade management by re-cent tribal societies of New Guinea just two generations ago we can draw parallels tocomparable trading networks of prehistoric Central Europe. This applies especially tothe fact that trade routes in both cases involved alternating stages of overland trans-port as well as the use of monoxylics based on the cooperation of several local groupsalong distances of some hundred kilometers across considerably different landscapetypes ranging between lowlands and mountainous regions.

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DOSEDLA, H. (1974): Ethnobotanische Grundlagen der materiallen Kultur der Mbowamb (Eth-nobotanical Lore among the Mbowamb), Tribus 23, Veröffentlichungen des LindenmuseumsStuttgart.

DOSEDLA, H. (1979): Grundstrukturen des intertribalen Tauschhandels in Papua-Neuguinea(Basic patterns of intertribal exchange in Papua-New Guinea). Mitteilungen der anthropo-logischen Gesellschaft Wien (MAGW) vol. CIX, Wien.

DOSEDLA, H. (1987): Traditional Trade-Routes and Intertribal Communication in Interior PapuaNew Guinea. Mitteilungen der Anthrop. Ges. Wien CXVII.

DOSEDLA, H. (1997): Traggeräte und -methoden im Strukturwandel traditioneller Agrargesell-schaften (Logistics of transport and cultural changes of traditional agrarian societies)Kapcsolatok és konfliktusok Közép-Európa vidéki életében. Szombathely.

DOSEDLA, H. – Krauliz, A. (2009) Prehistoric Portages passing the Central European Divide, Mo-vements across and along water within landmasses, 15th Annual Meeting of the EuropeanAssociation of Archaeologists, Riva del Garda 2009.

DOSEDLA, H. – Krauliz, A. (2011): Mineral Mining and Mineral Trade in Mountainous Melanesiaand the Mineral zone of Motten: Parallels between prehistoric central Europe and archaicsocieties in contemporary New Guinea, Exotica in the Prehistoric Mediterranean. Oxford.

DOSEDLA, H. (2012): Clay Flutes and the Question of Ceramic Traditions in the Central High-lands of Papua-New Guinea, Crossing boarders in Southeast Asian Archaeology, Choice ofPapers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of SoutheastAsian Archaeologists in Berlin 2010.

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XIII, Wiesbaden.

212 HEINRICH DOSEDLA

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Anschrift des Autors:Dr. HEINRICH DOSEDLA, CINDIS – Center of Interdisziplinary Studies and Research, Mot-hen 33, A-3860 Heidenreichstein (E-Mail: hdosedla@yahoo.com).

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