Aboriginal Students’ Engagement and Struggles in Learning Critical Multiliteracies.

This exploratory study reports significant findings from a

larger, on-going participatory action (PAR) research project

with Aboriginal adolescent students attending an alternative

school in an urban city in Canada. In response to these

marginalized students’ constructed identities, a critical

multiliteracies approach (Freire, 1972; Comber & O’Brien,

2000;New London Group, 1996) to language and literacy

learning was implemented. Based on participant observation,

video recordings, teacher journals, and field notes, key

findings from this study indicate that (a) the participants’

self-esteem and confidence increased, and they were more

likely to participate in multiliteracies; (b) the concept of

student engagement is complicated and “inescapably

ideological” (Vibert and Shields, 2003); (c) steps in

critical consciousness-raising and identity work with

students take time.

INTRODUCTION

Globally, the statistics on academic success of

Aboriginal students presents a dismal picture. In Australia,

the United States, and Canada, most Aboriginal students

continue to find educational success elusive. In particular,

Canadian data indicate that fewer than 50% of Aboriginal

students acquire a high school diploma, in contrast to an

88% graduation rate among non-Aboriginal students (Bowlby

1

and McMullen, 2002). Various explanations exist for this

anomaly, with the backlash from colonization at the

forefront. Persistent colonialist attitudes and practices

include failure of support for Aboriginal ways of living and

responding to learning (Christie, 1985; Folds, 1985: Malin,

1990); the failure to take into account linguistic diversity

(Malcolm, 1998); the lack of culturally appropriate

curriculum (Malin, 1998); the lack of explicit scaffolding

(Hudspith, 1996, 1997), and teachers’ deficit views and low

expectations (Nicklin-Dent & Hatton, 1996). These attitudes

and practices perpetuate for Aboriginal people an ideology

of cultural inferiority, common among oppressed people.

Crucially, Aboriginal people often believe that they are

incapable of learning and that the degrading images and

beliefs perpetuated by the colonizers are true (Hart, 2002).

Education has played an essential role in perpetuating these

constructs (Milloy, 1999).

In 1972, the National Indian Brotherhood (NIB) stated,

“ What we want for our children can be summarized very

briefly: to reinforce their Indian identity [and] to provide

the training necessary for making a good living in modern

society” (NIB, 1972, p.3). Provincial curriculum and

instruction documents recommend that Aboriginal students be

actively involved in identifying bias in resources and its

effects on their thinking, which in turn can be transferred

to other curriculum areas (Saskatchewan Education, retrieved

2

on September 16, 2007, from

http://sasked.gov.sk.ca/docs/policy/diverse/index.html). To

date, Canadian mainstream systems of education are not yet

organized to do either. The ‘mainstream’ educational system

continues to maintain a colonial paradigm (Battiste, 1998),

and unless it is de-colonized will continue to coexist with

Aboriginal students’ resistance to education in all its many

forms, including behavioral problems (Silver, Mallett,

Greene, Simard, 2002), abuse of alcohol and drugs, physical

and mental health problems, and low levels of literacy

(Hains, 2001; Garrett, 1999; Trueba, 1989). Aboriginal

students have been marginalized on the basis of race, class,

gender, religion, and language.

Further, urban Aboriginal students are facing a dilemma

in terms of their identity, that is, whether to remain true

to their Aboriginal identity or to take on aspects of

mainstream culture. York (1989) writes that choosing to

remain true to their Aboriginal identity sets the students

up for failure because public school systems tend to view

Aboriginal students as ‘invisible,’ while appropriating

various mainstream social identities (even though they

recognize that they will still not be accepted) may provide

feelings of alienation and negative self-worth, which in

turn may lead to destructive behavior. Mainstream

educational institutions either fail to recognize or dismiss

the glaring fact that urban Aboriginal students are

3

constantly attempting to function in a system that is not

only different from theirs, but also that the dominant

society that they are attempting to integrate into is one

that has been and still is oppressive. According to Garret

(1995) and Waller et al. (2002), the cultural divide between

Aboriginal and mainstream ways causes distress and

disorientation, which in turn is associated with educational

disengagement.

Schools respond by placing large numbers of Aboriginal

students in special education (British Columbia, 2001) and

alternative programs. Herein lies the focus of this study.

If students have already been identified as being disengaged

from ‘doing’ mainstream schooling,

1. In what ways can a critical multiliteracies approach

to literacy learning provide opportunities for

students to engage in learning to become literate?

2. How does a critical literacy orientation offer these

students opportunities to learn how language and

literacy are used to construct their identities and

understandings?

In working with students who have been identified as non-

conforming to mainstream ideas of what constitutes a ‘good’

student, this project recognized the students’ deleterious

experiences in mainstream educational institutions and their

reluctance to engage in traditional curricula by providing

students with alternative avenues of positive experiences,

4

hope and opportunities to transform current inequities

(Delgado-Gaitan, 1996).

This paper draws on ethnographic data from a larger

study (Pirbhai-Illich, in progress) which is in its second

year of data collection and field work. Drawing from socio-

constructivist theories of learning (Vygotsky, 1978), post-

colonial theories (Said, 2003; Battiste, 1998), and critical

literacy theory (Freire, 1972; Luke and Freebody, 1997;

Comber, 2003), and takes up the stance that literacy

requires identity work ( Blackburn, 1999) which is most

effective when incorporating critical multiliteracies.

This study reports on the teacher participant’s and my

attempt to individualize a learning environment in an

alternative school setting by providing access to

‘privileged’ academic pedagogies through a critical

multiliteracies approach.

BACKGROUND

Dissatisfaction with the attempts of traditional

systems of education to provide academic services to those

who are disengaged from schooling or unable to ‘buy-in’ or

‘fit-into’ mainstream ways of doing and learning has led to

the creation of alternative schools which purport to provide

students with a nurturing, safe, and intellectual

environment in which to acquire emotional stability and

academic content. Students attending these institutions are

labeled “at-risk” of educational failure for reasons

5

including low academic achievement, disruptive behavior,

suspension, and erratic attendance (Paglin and Fager, 1997).

Possible reasons for these outcomes include

diagnosed/undiagnosed learning disabilities, emotional

distress, drug or alcohol misuse, and traumatic family

relationships (Mercadal-Sabbagh, retrieved October 16, 2007

from http://web.mit.edu/comm-forum/mit4/papers/sabbagh.pdf).

Further, these students have often had deleterious

experiences in mainstream schools and are thus less inclined

to partake in conventional modes of instruction and ‘doing’

school. Unlike the goals of mainstream schools, whose main

purpose is to provide intellectual and socialization skills

to produce orderly citizens to participate in and contribute

to a civil society, the role of alternative educational

institutions can be seen to include all of the above as well

as helping students with issues of attendance, behavior

management, providing individualized curricula, and being

supportive with issues that cross school/societal

boundaries.

Recently, drawing on critical-democratic theories, some

researchers conducted a pan-Canadian study of alternative

schools (Portelli, Shields, & Vibert, 2007). Using

qualitative research methodology that included a multiple

case study and multiple approaches and institutional

ethnography, Portelli, Shields, & Vibert(2007) explored the

various practices that either aid or inhibit the academic

6

achievement of students at these institutions. Their

findings on the various learning environments in these

schools indicated that programs that were context specific,

experientially based, interesting, diverse, and innovative,

and that took students outside the class room, which

promoted not only their academic success but also teachers

found that students engaged in learning with “seriousness,

competence, and dedication” (2007, p.28). Other positive

learning criteria included that the program be arts-based

and provide students with opportunities to engage in task-

based activities within a ‘curriculum of life’ that is,

curriculum that is important, relevant, and engaging for

students, where students are able to pursue issues and

questions pertaining to their interest and of concern to

them while still engaging in a formal curriculum. Other

effective curriculum/instructional strategies that foster

learning with students ‘at-risk’ in alternative institutions

include alternative assessment, thematic units, high-

interest topics, technology, affective education, and

transition skills (Phillips, 1998). For alternative

educational institutions to provide effective learning

opportunities to students considered to be at-risk, their

curricula must adapt to the “uniqueness of the setting, the

transitory nature of the population, and the characteristics

of the youth. If such is indeed the case, effective

alternative education at its best responds to the specific

7

needs of groups of students in unusual surroundings (Guerin

& Denti, 2004).

If such is indeed the case, effective alternative

education at its best responds to the specific needs of

groups of students in unusual surroundings (Guerin & Denti,

2004).

Research Context

Established in 1972, Lemon Tree Alternative School

(LTAS), a non-governmental organization and the site of this

investigation, is a school to which students are referred to

because of irregular attendance, behavioral problems at

previous schools, unstable family and home environments,

involvement with youth courts, drug and/or alcohol related

problems, recent release from judicial institutions,

physical and/or sexual abuse, and poverty-related issues.

Lemon Tree Alternative School is situated in a middle-class

neighborhood in an urban city where the predominant

population is Caucasian. Students identified as

‘problematic’ from various schools in the city are either

‘pushed’ into or independently enroll for a ‘remedial’

program.

In particular, LTAS is seen as an academic resource for

“street kids” (Cornwall Alternative, Program Overview, p.2),

where one of the main five objectives is to provide students

with both educational and social skills to re-enter

8

mainstream educational institutions; therefore, the school

is obliged to fulfill provincial curriculum requirements.

However, school staff believes in a holistic approach to

education, where the students’ physical, emotional,

spiritual, and intellectual needs are met. The school serves

students ages 12 -16 who are enrolled in either grade seven,

eight, or nine (middle years). Continuous entry and exit

policies (new students are enrolled at the beginning of each

month) mean that there is a constant change in students.

Historically and at the present time, approximately 85-90%

of the student population is from Aboriginal (First Nations

and Métis) backgrounds; the remaining 10-15% are Caucasians.

There are only three classrooms (one for each grade) where a

maximum number of 12 students are registered at each grade

level. Approximately 65% of the students return to

mainstream schools. The teaching staff is comprised of three

classroom teachers, who are of Métis origin. The school has

a principal, vice-principal who also serves as a councilor

for the female students, an outreach worker, a male

councilor who is Métis and is considered as an Elder in the

community, and a school secretary. The school also employs a

professional cook and a custodian. This study took place in

a grade 7/8 split classroom at the school.

The Participants

Students in the class, three females and five males,

were invited to participate in the critical multiliteracies

9

project. The literacy abilities of the students ranged from

a grade one to a grade eight level. Responses from

interviews with the students indicated that none could speak

an Aboriginal language but all had had limited exposure to

traditions such as sweats, smudges, Pow Wows, dances and

music. The school cumulative folders indicated that most of

the participants had attended 3 to 8 schools prior to

attending the present school. All students were from low-

income single-parent families, either because one parent had

abandoned the home or because a parent was serving time in

jail.

Joan is a recently qualified teacher of Aboriginal

background from an Métis Education Program in a large urban

city in the prairies. Joan was working on a post-graduate

certificate in inclusive education when I met her for the

first time in one of the reading courses that I teach at the

university. Shortly thereafter, she started teaching at

LTAS. Two weeks into her new position, I received an email

from Joan asking for help with reading instruction. This was

the beginning of the partnership that we had in teaching

literacy to young adolescent students considered to be ‘at-

risk.’

As a current professor in Reading and Language Arts who

is involved in post-colonial issues of race and injustice in

educational institutions, I have found from my previous work

that traditional print-based literacy practices are not

10

necessarily conducive for learning with all student

populations. My interests in furthering marginalized

students’ academic performance and preparing them for a

globalized society where critical and situated literacies

(REFERENCE) are a necessity has led me to read and

investigate the how new literacies (New London Group, 1996)

can impact students’ learning.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Until two decades ago, school-based literacy curricula

typically engaged in an autonomous model of literacy where

technical aspects of literacy were the focus, instruction

was hierarchically arranged, and was decontextualized

(Street, 1995). In this perspective, the assumption is that

literacy skills are neutral, technical, and unaffected by

the context “with knowledges and cognition inside the human

subject-quite literally as something inside the students’

heads” (Luke, 2000, p.10). This deficit and narrow view of

fundamental literacy skills that are pre-determined and

supposedly stockpiled have been challenged by those who view

literacy as social practices that occur within particular

sociocultural contexts (Cope and Kalantzis, 2000; Gee, 1996,

2000; Barton and Hamilton, 2000; Bartlett and Holland,

2002). Furthermore,, Luke (2000) argues for a vision of

literacy that holds multiple, culturally-informed, socially-

situated literacies that are also linked to existing power

11

relationships thus moving away from a limited view of

literacy into directions that not only acknowledge the

implicit role of power in conceptions of literacy, but also

broaden the concept to include how literacy practices are

specific to various social contexts (Barton and Hamilton,

1998). Literacy thus appears in various forms that have

sociopolitical, cultural, and ideological significance

(Lankshear and Knobel, 2003; Street, 1995) where competence

is seen to be relative to specific contexts, communities,

and practices (Kern and Shultz, 2005).

Taking the stance that literacy practices are socially

situated within particular domains provides a lens from

which to understand how these literacy practices embody and

construct worldviews dominant within the cultural context in

which they are produced.Critical literacy for social action

aims to equip students to interpret texts that demonstrate

how they perpetuate or create unequal power relations in

society by engaging in non-traditional pedagogical

approaches from a critical perspective (Friere, 1970;

Cherland & Edelsky, 2005; Comber, 1999; Comber & O’Brien,

2000; Leland, Harste & Huber, 2005; Vasquez, 2004) and by

using a student-centered approach to language learning

(Comber, 1999; Leland, Harste & Huber, 2005; McDaniel,

2006;). Further, engaging in critical literacy provides

opportunities for questioning, reflecting, analyzing, and

synthesizing how identities are constructed, re-affirmed,

12

rejected, and perpetuated in texts. Identity work can play a

crucial role in the development of positive self-esteem and

identity in displines. Additionally, sharing critical

literacy’s concerns for empowerment (Freire, 1972) and

student engagement, multiliteracies approaches are now

calling for literacy instruction which takes into account

the multiple linguistic and cultural differences that

characterize society in the ‘New Times’ (Hall, 1996).

Critical literacy instruction needs to be examined in local

contexts that are culturally relevant to urban adolescent

Aboriginal students considered to be ‘at-risk’ of

educational failure.

Data Collection

The decision to engage in PAR, which relied heavily on

critical ethnography (Carlspecken, 1996), was based on my

discussions with Joan, initial observations of the visual

and textual artifacts in Joan’s classroom, and participant-

observation in the classroom prior to engaging in the action

research process. As the goal of the research was to study

a cultural context collectively through a dialogic process

(Freire, 1972), positively reframe the existing practices in

the “here and now” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2005, p. 564), and

to engage in broader issues of literacy and identity

construction, PAR was found to be the most suitable choice.

Additionally, because this study also aligns itself with

13

socioconstructivist perspectives of learning and Vygotsky’s

(1978) concept of mediation where individuals are seen to

move from lower to higher psychological functions through

the use of language and other semiotic tools, it fulfills

one of the key elements of PAR, that of recognizing that “

no individuation is possible without socialization, and no

socialization is possible without individuation” (Habermas,

1992b, p.26 as cited in Denzin and Lincoln, 2005, p.566).

The three phases of this study included (a) monological

observations of English Language Arts (ELA) lessons (b)

implementation of a critical literacy project using the

movie ‘Crash’ and subsequent discussions of identity and,

(c) the implementation of a critical multiliteracies

project.

Stage One involved 14 days of classroom observation

over 3 weeks for approximately 28 hours. Data collection

included use of audio-visual recordings, extensive field

notes, textual and visual cultural artifacts, classroom-

teacher journal entries, and both semi-structured and open-

ended interviews with student participants. Jointly, Joan

and I discussed and confirmed the findings from the

observations. Stage Two was comprised of inductive analysis,

where I coded the classroom observation data as it was being

collected, “looking for specific elements and finding

connections between them” (Hatch, 2002, p.161). The

contextual data was analyzed using constant-comparative

14

coding (Glasser & Strauss, 1967) for emerging themes. Stage

Three included interviews with school administrative staff,

parents, and student participants. These interviews were

transcribed and analyzed and further compared with other

data sources. Together with the classroom teacher, emergent

themes were identified and evidence of the effectiveness (or

lack of effectiveness) of a critical multiliteracies

approach was also identified. Stage Four consisted of

connecting the data with macro-theories and research

literature in the area.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Buying into ‘doing’ school?

Over several sessions during a three-week period, I

engaged in ethnographic observations of all the English

Language Arts (ELA) classes. From direct observations, the

teacher’s lesson plans, student artifacts, interviews, the

teacher’s reflection journal and extensive field notes, I

gained in-depth descriptions of the teacher’s teaching

practices, classroom routines, the students’ literacy

practices, and students’ ‘school’ identities. Data from the

video recordings, field notes, and Joan’s journal entries

indicated that she used traditional transmission pedagogy

(Portelli, Shields, and Vibert, 2007) in all subject areas.

These practices are reflected in the classroom teacher’s

journal entry,

15

I have been using the procedure of reading a chapter together, answering mostly

factual questions and doing vocab word activities. This is the same method that

other teachers in the school do as well. I am trying to follow some of their

strategies as they have been working here for a while. (Joan’s

journal February 27, 2007).

Other ELA lessons comprised of isolated lessons in

punctuation, vocabulary, and grammar using worksheets.

However, the students consistently resisted this style of

teaching/learning and absenteeism rates were high. The

classroom teacher writes about her students’ refusal to

complete the work she gave them,

Whenever I have tried to do the same plan the Frieda did in the subjects it is

never successful. Her plans are read 2-3 pages in book-answer questions or write

definitions. Also she had the students doing spell it out every Mon/Thurs/Friday.

Whenever I tell my students to work on their spell it out-they hate it and most of

them wont do it.

(Joan’s journal entry, March 14, 2008)

In the ELA class, Joan attempted to negotiate with students

to work on almost anything that they were interested in.

However, the students continuously challenged Joan and she

in turn she sent the students out of the classroom to work

with the counselor (Fatima, fieldnotes). These disciplinary

practices are not unusual in alternative schools: they are

16

often seen as teaching students “ how to be in schools”

(Portelli, Shields, and Vibert, 2007, p.26) however these

practices did not foster student engagement in learning and

the students took advantage of this practice in order to get

out of the classroom. In the following, Joan’s entry in her

reflective journal captures what she experienced in the

class on a daily basis.

“My students often come tired and unmotivated. They are very disengaged and

don’t care about the novel. Whenever I give them work to do on their own I start

to loose [lose] them…I know I need to come up with a new plan but I’m not sure

what it is yet!”

(Joan’s Reflective Journal, Feb, 27, 2007).

The contradictions of constantly attempting to

negotiate with the students to do some work, any work, and

to gain student control contradict not only what is found to

be an effective curriculum for students at-risk (Portelli,

Shields, and Vibert, 2007, but it also opposes our

understandings of the cultural influences that mediate

Aboriginal students’ learning (Yatta, 2002). For students

from an Aboriginal background, several factors are seen to

be conducive in mediating learning. These include learning

through stories, through observation and imitation,

community support, through scaffolding, visual sensory

17

modes, through direct statements, communal work (group

work), relevant curricula that include Aboriginal

perspectives, the teacher’s interpersonal style (authority

figure), and personal warmth (Yatta, 2002). Learning at

home occurs through incidental moments rather than

directives (Redford, 1980; Coombs et al, 1958). Thus,

teaching strategies need to be shifted toward a cooperative,

observational, experiential, and a voluntary participation

model. Citing various studies, Grant and Gillespie (1993)

conclude that when teaching methods were changed to reflect

the way Aboriginal children were taught at home, academic

achievement improved (John, 1984; Tharp, 1982; Yogt, John,

and Thorp, 1987).

Forays into critical literacy: Identity work

The second phase of the study consisted of providing

Joan with alternative ways of viewing and teaching literacy

that would benefit her students. Daily discussions of a one-

hour duration prior to the start of the school day, a

combination of classroom observations and co-teaching, and

post-lesson conferencing took place. In the early morning

sessions, we reviewed journal articles and book chapters on

issues pertaining to Aboriginal ways of doing and viewing

the world (identity) (Grant & Gillespie, 1993), the impact

of colonialism (Battiste, 1998), social justice (Adams,

Bell, & Griffin, 2007), critical literacy (Comber, 2003),

visual literacy (Kress & van Leeuwen, 1996), multiliteracies

18

(Anstey & Bull, 2006), alternative education (Guerin &

Denti, 2004), and student engagement (Portelli, Shields, &

Vibert, 2007). In addition, I introduced Joan to a genre-

based reading and writing curriculum and modeled in various

ways how to explicitly scaffold both traditional print-

based literacy and multiliteracies. Together, we critically

analyzed the text books, readings and materials that she was

using in the classroom and discussed various ways of using

students’ cultural funds of knowledge (Moll, Amanti, Neff, &

González, 1992). Together, we decided to engage the students

in a critical multiliteracies approach to learning literacy.

A beginning journal entry reads:

I am very excited about the critical literacy program. Teaching FN (First Nations)

content to First Nations students is something that I feel really strongly about.

The (university program is aimed at educating us about FN issues and positive

celebrations of the culture. They want us to work with aboriginal kids and bring

back the pride in the culture, teach dance, crafts, stories, traditions, etc…

Depending on the teacher though is how much each class learns about

aboriginal culture. The schools have many teachers that know very little about

aboriginal culture and don’t really care to learn. I am looking forward to

teaching my class all about Aboriginal culture and issues. Helping them learn

how to help their own people, how to make their lives more positive.

(Joan’s Reflection Journal, March, 10, 2007)

19

Taking into consideration the students’ traditional

print-based literacy abilities, various themes, topics, and

projects were brainstormed. As Joan was interested in

fostering a positive Aboriginal identity for the students,

and fulfilling the National Indian Brotherhood’s mandate, we

decided to work on the topic of ‘Aboriginal identity.’ The

ultimate goal of the project was to enable the students to

interview and write narrative recounts of one family

member’s historical and cultural experiences with

residential schools. To initially raise the students’

consciousness on concepts of identity construction,

discrimination, racism, and social justice, newspaper

articles, short stories, and a movie called ‘CRASH’ were

used to engage students in reading comprehension and writing

recounts. Our prepared lessons focused on using recent

newspaper articles that focused on the prevalence of

Aboriginal gangs and the recent capture of numerous gang

members by name. An oral discussion was planned that

included issues of identity construction and stereotypes.

Joan then led the students into discussions of racism. The

following discussion demonstrates the students’

understandings of their identity:

Joan had taken the students for a treat at a corner store on

a Friday afternoon

Joan: So, what did you think about what happened at the 7-11 last Friday?

20

David: What do you mean?

Joan: Well…do you think the shopkeeper was being fair?

David: Fair? How can it be fair? They watch us like hawks, like criminals and not

the other kids at break? How come white guys are allowed to walk inside the

shop. they can do anything. Nobody is following, and we have the stupid man

near us all the time?

Joan: You know you’re not allowed. You aren’t allowed. You know to use those

words in school.

Fatima: John, what do you think?

John: I dunno. It’s like they don’t like us or …

Fatima: But why do you think he doesn’t like you all? Is it that they don’t like you

or…? Or what?

John: Because we Indian man…what planet you coming from?

Jodie: Duh…Chris is half black and half Indian.

David: They don’t like no one who is not like them you know… white.

(Video transcription, March 12, 2007)

The discussion continues to focus on how race and

stereotypes are constructed. Joan moves on to the newspaper

article. Both us of try to scaffold the concepts of writing

for an audience, tone and voice, and the type of language

the author has used to portray the gang members and

Aboriginal people. The following excerpt indicates what the

students thought about this lesson.

Jodie: It’s all stupid. I didn’t come to school to learn this.

Brian: This is gay.

21

David: Why do we need to do this? So what?

Joan: Well, remember how we showed you those… the photos of the people and

how you tried to guess about who they were and what they did? Well, the way we

write also can show people in the wrong way or in a way that we want them to.

Brian: It’s gay.

Joan: You say that word one more time and I’ll send you to Rick.

Joan: Well, what do you all think? So why do you do think the author… okay, let’s

look at the type of language he uses. He is always comparing us right? To whom

is he comparing us to? Why is he doing that?

John: Boring…boring…boring

The lesson was over and we had not even passed first base.

The next day, Joan attempted to finish what she had started

but the students once again decided not to participate in

the discussions pertaining to the reading. Instead the

students started talking about the various types of gangs

they knew, gang clothing, weapons, gang initiation rites,

gang hierarchies, prostitution, and gang protection. The

students were making connections from the reading to their

lived experiences.

Subsequent ELA lessons focused on the movie ‘CRASH’ as

an alternative way to engage the students in understanding

issues pertaining to identity appropriation, social

identities, and social justice. Even with appropriate

scaffolding and questioning, with the exception of one

student who provided a somewhat more in-depth response to

the prompt ‘What is the movie about?’, we were not able to

22

shift the students’ perspectives beyond the concept of

personal instances of ‘racism.’ Joan writes,

We looked at the stereotypes presented in the video and racism issues. There are

so many things going on in the video…We need to go over the questions again or

adapt them for this class I think they are too complex. I attempted to go over the

questions with the students after break but they weren’t too interested. John

refused and complained. Alex didn’t know anything about the movie. We packed

it up and did something else.

(Joan’s Journal, March 28, 2007)

We went over the events that happened in the movie. We tried to connect it to

personal things that the students can relate to. Fatima used a questioning

technique to draw out the answers from the students…something I need to work

on.

(Joan’s Journal, March 30, 2007).

Apparent throughout this unit was that the students

were not prepared to discuss either their own personal

experiences with discrimination, racism, their notions of

what it means to be Aboriginal or their perceptions of how

mainstream society had constructed Aboriginal identity.

Possibilities exist that the topic caused students anxiety

and thus they withdrew from the discussions and the related

tasks. A recent conversation with an Aboriginal scholar

provided me with the insight that Aboriginal people are

23

taught from youth not to talk about themselves (Sarah

Longman, personal communication, March 4, 2008). Another

explanation provided by Wax and Thomas (1961) is that

Aboriginal people respond to anxiety-provoking situations by

tending to go into inactivity. Similarly, Ogbu (1998 as

cited in Miller, Cleary & Peacock, 1998) states that the

passivity and recalcitrance that teachers see in students

could be seen as a form of resistance which Peacock (1998)

says is “a trap for those who cannot see how to move or find

themselves” (p. 196) where these manifestations of

resistance are related to issues of the lack of power,

purpose, and hope that comes from oppression. If such is the

case, then critical literacy that investigates issues of

identity and power become problematic for those who have

been and are oppressed. How does one lead the oppressed to

view their roles within a wider society and to social action

if they themselves believe that the likelihood of any

successful endeavor within mainstream societies is almost

nil? How does one question the concept of power when the

concept is not understood because the oppressed have rarely

been in positions of power? Is critical literacy then only

applicable to those who are in more privileged positions,

who have voice and cultural capital to follow through to

social action? How does one scaffold the concepts of power,

privilege, racism, ageism, sexism and discrimination to

those who are oppressed? The findings from this phase of the

24

study indicate that critical consciousness-raising and

identity work with students take time.

Forays into Multiliteracies: “Doing the Right Thing”

Throughout the first two phases of the study, students were

constantly displaying signs of disengagement and resistance

to traditional pedagogy. Absenteeism rates were high and

when the students did come to class, very little academic

work was being completed. Constantly interruptions, walking

out of the classroom, and challenging the teacher were the

norm. Traditional methods of lesson delivery and use of

texts seemed not to interest the students. However, students

at every opportunity (before class, mid-morning break,

during class, and at lunch time) would wander to the 4

computers situated in the classroom. Access to only 4

computers meant there were always arguments about who could

use them and when. As the classroom door was locked during

breaks and lunch times, students could use the classroom

computers only if the teacher was present in the classroom.

In general, Joan would use the computers as part of a reward

system if students completed their work. A closer

examination of what the students were doing on the computer

and their responses to interview questions indicated that

they were engaged in activities on the Internet including

surfing for information on the various music groups they

liked, song lyrics, sending e-mails, downloading pictures of

basketball players, watching video clips on UTube, and

25

playing interactive video games. Student interviews revealed

that only one had a computer at home and for most, school

was the only access to computers.

The disengagement from ‘doing school,’ students’

interest in electronic media, their interest in producing a

movie, and lack of opportunity for these urban youth to

engage in Aboriginal cultural practices provided impetus and

reason for storytelling within a ‘New Times’ framework to

engage students in critical literacy. The goal of this ELA

was to provide students with the opportunity to make video

recordings for the rest of the school to view. The students

independently chose to investigate gangs, weapons, and drugs

and to title their video “Do the Right Thing”. Initial

resistance from the classroom teacher about the topics led

into further discussions on identity and utilizing students’

funds of knowledge (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & González, 1992).

Lessons at this stage were comprised of a multitude of

literacy tasks based on the provincial curriculum

guidelines. The first lesson involved deconstructing an

instructional text (the manual for the video camera) and

demonstrating its linguistic features and text organization.

The next step consisted of using the Language Experience

Approach where the students and I (joint construction) made

paper airplanes and wrote instructions on how to make it.

Students were finally asked to invent the best paper

airplane they could think of and to write an instructional

26

text on how to make the airplane. Students exchanged their

instructional text and tried to make another airplane.

After editing the texts to include time markers,

punctuation, and spelling corrections, students were taught

how to make instructional diagrams of their model on the

computer. The students’ work was put on display in the

hallway outside the classroom. Students were next given pair

work, in which a copy of the video recorder manual was to be

read aloud by one student while the other student attempted

to operate the camera. If students had trouble understanding

some of the instructions, we referred them to the diagrams

in the manual.

The second stage of the project involved getting

students to learn how to find information from books,

magazines, and the Internet on the topics that they had

chosen. Using the K-W-L strategy the students brainstormed

what they knew and what they wanted to learn. Students were

taken to the public library to find books and magazines on

their topics and were then taught how to use table of

contents, indexes, and publishing information, Followed by

writing notes on the information gathered. Finally, students

were learned how to use search engines and narrow their

topic to gather information from the Internet. At this

point, we started focusing on critical literacy. Whole class

activities included reading comprehension, modeling how to

highlight the information that answered their questions,

27

taking notes, writing sentences and finally learning how to

write paragraphs. Additionally, whole-class discussions

focused on raising students’ critical consciousness on the

texts that they had gathered. Some of the questions included

in the discussions focused on:

1. How do you know that the information in this text

is accurate?

2. Who has this text been written for?

3. Is the article a legitimate source of information?

What do we know about the author? How can we find

out?

4. Why has the author presented the information in this

way?

5. What sort of language has the author used to convey

her/his message across?

6. How can you use this information?

7. In what ways can you relate this information to your

own experiences?

Students were then taught how to type their text onto a

‘Word’ document on the computer. Finally, students were

asked to share their text with the whole class for feedback.

At this stage, students were introduced to the concept of an

information text. Using examples from the texts that they

had collected and read, an information text was

deconstructed, and students were asked to organize their

texts in a similar manner. Additionally, use of persuasive

28

vocabulary and adjectives was taught. Together, the students

decided to incorporate everyone’s text into a final

information text. Text editing, copying and pasting was

demonstrated on the computer. The final information text

that was written by the whole class included more than five

pages of information.

The next stage consisted of teaching the students how

to use Aboriginal traditional storytelling practices and

text organization to write and create an oral narrative

text. To provide students with equal opportunities to this

experience, two guests were invited to the classroom: a

local Aboriginal policeman and an Elder from the community.

Both guests had been previously notified to come and talk

about gangs, weapons, and drugs. The policeman came to class

and talked about his own experience as a troubled youth and

provided students with statistical information on Aboriginal

incarceration rates and the terrible experiences of being

jailed. On the other hand, the Elder told us stories based

on children and youth that had engaged in risky behavior.

Every one of his stories had a moral. The students’ first

exercise was to compare and contrast the talks and second,

to deconstruct the Elder’s talk in order to understand how

to put a narrative together.

Similar procedures were used as above (text

deconstruction, joint construction, and independent

construction). Students were then exposed to dialogue and

29

direct speech. As a group, students were to brainstorm a

narrative that included a dialogue for their video; they

negotiated and wrote a dialogue, negotiated acting roles,

practiced their lines (fluency), learned how to complete a

storyboard, and how to use the video recorder. Students also

had to negotiate what they were going to tape first, next,

and so on. At this point, the students were also reading

their final texts for timed readings to increase their

reading fluency. The students were taken to the university

computer labs where they learned how to edit their own video

clips, create background music on garage band, and

incorporate special effects on the video clips. Some

students wrote and created music for their raps. The final

exercise in this project was teaching the students how to

write both a formal and an invitation letter and how to make

posters. As a group, students wrote a letter to the

principal to ask for permission to show their film to the

whole school. Additionally, students wrote invitation

letters to some of the faculty members at the university and

the board members of LTAS.

Conclusion

The fastest growing student group in the K-12 system in

Canada is students from Aboriginal backgrounds, yet this

group of students has been found to be the least successful

academically. In Saskatchewan, the last publicly reported

data indicate that only 10% of students from Aboriginal

30

ancestry complete high school (Saskatchewan Learning, 1985).

Wells (http://www.saee.ca/analyst/C_026.1_HHB_LON.php)

reports that nationally six out of ten Aboriginal students

leave high school before Grade 12. These figures have not

improved in the last twenty-five years. Although provincial

governments have implemented policies to improve Aboriginal

student school experiences and increase success rates, many

urban adolescent Aboriginal students are being ‘pushed’ into

alternative schools.

Battiste (1998) observes that although educational

reforms by both First Nations and provincial goverments have

been implemented, these reforms have not gone far enough

because the curricula fail to empower “ aboriginal identity

by promoting an understanding of Aboriginal worldviews,

languages, and knowledge” (p. 192). Additionally, she writes

that public schools have failed to identify coherent plans

for integrating Aboriginal thought in educational processes.

It is also important to note the increase in the

Aboriginal population in urban centers. This move to the

urban centers has been encouraged by government policies

(http:://esask.uregina.ca/entry/aboriginal_peoplesof_Saskatc

hewan.html). In a country with a racist colonial past, large

areas of urban poverty have been created where many children

are forced to engage in crime, drugs, and gang activity as

ways to survive. Urban schools are not adequately prepared

to meet the needs of these children.

31

The findings from this study indicate that mainstream

methods of instruction, traditional literature and texts

from the dominant culture, and mainstream approaches to

classroom management are not effective for urban Aboriginal

students and probably for all racialized children living in

poverty. The dominant approaches of “engaging” students in

education are not effective; engagement involved their

interest in using electronic media, their experiences, and

funds of knowledge. .

This study has important implications for the student

participants involved, for educators, and policy makers. We

must attempt to develop literacy curricula that will provide

marginalized urban Aboriginal students with genuine

opportunities to engage in multiple literacies that honor

their existing knowledge (lived experiences and learning

styles), while maintaining a strong academic focus and

quality to ensure their success at integrating in mainstream

schools. We must also demonstrate to language arts teachers

at alternative school ways to create a more inclusive and

socially just interdisciplinary curriculum; this would

provides access to critical multiliteracies, cultural and

content knowledge, while giving students opportunity to

begin to engage in social action and transformation. The

findings are also provide administrators and policy makers

with alternate ways of including a ‘lived’ curriculum within

32

official curriculum documents to enhance opportunities for

students considered to be at-risk.

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Tish Scott. Canadian Journal of Native Education.

Edmonton: 2006. Vol. 29, Iss. 1; pg. 43, 16 pgsWatch

Out for the W/HOLE! Student Multimedia Projects and

Culturally Based Education

For community members, the culture teaches everyone how

to live together properly as a community and to help

each other. No one is alone. This is the culture. The

tribal system functions on the basis of interconnected

tribes, houses, and families, each of which has

specific roles and jobs to perform in society so that

everything functions smoothly and efficiently to take

care of everybody. This network extends to the wider

community of the nation as well as to other First

Nations people.

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