A Study on Work Conditions of Home Based Women Workers ...

A Study on Work Conditions of Home Based Women Workers in

India: Evidence from Beedi Industry

Mohd Shamim Ansari

Associate Professor

Department of Commerce

AMU, Aligarh (India)

Prof. Aparna Raj

Professor

Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management

Bundelkhand University, Jhansi (India)

ABSTRACTS

Beedi trade contributes significantly to government tax revenue. Beedi trade is the second

largest employer among the unorganised sector in India. The trade employs significantly

large number women belonging to economically weaker sections semi-urban and rural areas.

Given its economic importance, the work conditions for beedi workers continue to remain

disappointing. This study intends to investigate work conditions of female beedi workers in

Bundelkhand region. This study reveals that they are the most vulnerable workforce in the

unorganised sector of Uttar Pradesh. Arbitrary rejection from the number of beedi units

produced by them leading to cut in payments, gender bias in pay and verbal abuse are some

of the common exploitative practices reported by beedi workers. The study also observed that

poor work conditions is one of the root causes of physical and mental stress among them.

Key Words: Beedi, Unorganized Sector, Work Condition, Exploitation

JEL Classification Code: A1, D12, D71

1. Introduction

Beedi industry has significant economic and social implications. “Beedis are hand rolled,

unfiltered cigarettes, filled with dried tobacco flakes, rolled in tendu (temburni) leaf and tied

with cotton thread” (Ansari 2014). According to ILO, the demand for beedi covers over 50

per cent of the tobacco consumed in Indi. Beedi trade employs mainly women and children

from economically weaker section located in semi-urban and rural areas. It reported that

about 4.5 million worker are engaged in this trade. Over 300 branded beedi manufacturers are

operating in India (Das S.K.). It has been widely reported that the beedi workers are the most

vulnerable workforce in the unorganised sector. Living and working space are generally

common. This has serious implications on physical and mental health of workers and their

families. Poor living and working environment is one of the root causes of stress. Lower rates

of payments, arbitrary rejections; verbal and sexual abuse are some of the common problems

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of the beedi rollers in India (Ansari and Raj 2015, Srinivasan 1999, Dudhyal, 2006, Basu and

Timir 1978).

In recent years beedi workers are facing problem of shrinking income as they are not getting

enough work of beedi rolling. Shift in consumer preference from beedi towards cigarettes and

other non-tobacco products viz. gutka, pan masala etc. have led to decline in market share of

beedi. Further, internal competition among the existing manufacturers forced many to move

their work to relatively backward area where cheap labours are easily available (Ansari 2015,

Srinivasan 1999). Surprisingly, beedi business is the most regulated trade in the unorganised

sector. Many social security schemes are legislated by both the central and state governments

for beedi workers. However, even intensive legislations failed to improve the work conditions

of beedi workers. They are still exploited on all fronts (ILO 2005, Pandey 1999)

2. Objective of the Study

This paper attempts to (i) review work conditions of women beedi workers in the areas under

study, (ii) identify reasons for plight of their plight despite intensive legislations, and (iii)

explore why intensive legislation has failed to improve work conditions for beedi wokers in

region.

3. Review Literature

Among the total workforce engaged in beedi making, 76 per cent are women (Sudarshan and

Kaur 1999). Many studies on the subject conducted so far report the plight of women beedi

workers. These studies have highlighted the problems faced by them in availing social

schemes. Some studies also pointed the issues of poverty, indebtedness and living conditions

among beedi workers (Avachat 1978, Basu 1978, Mohandas 1980, Mohandas & Kumar

1992).

Home based- contractual- piece rate system is common business model in beedi trade.

Contractual nature of beedi trade is the root cause of dismal conditions of workers engaged in

this trade. Frequent cuts in payment for the quantity of work done, irregular employment,

exploitative practices by agents, child labour, health vulnerability, illiteracy, pitiable living

conditions, etc. are common narratives (Vadamalai 1990, Thangaraju 1993, Sudarshan &

Kaur 1999, Srinivasan 1999 and Ansari 2015). Even though beedi business is the most

regulated in unorganised sector; lack of implementation will by authorities is accountable for

their plight. They are even unable to meet their basic needs because of low incomes and

under-employment in the beedi making job (Avachat 1978, Mishra 2000, Basu 1978).

Women beedi workers work to earn livelihood for the family (Datar 1995). According to

Dudhyal and Sonar (2006) by doing this work they earn additional Rs.600/- to Rs.1000/- per

month for the family while some studies cites additional earnings of about Rs. 2000/- per

month.

The workers generally make beedis from their home. According to Gopal (2000) beedi

industry is about a century old trade in Tirunelveli and employs 5.5 lakhs workers.

Production of beedi is done through contractors and sub-contractors. The contractors at the

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village level, issue passbook to the home based workers, provide necessary raw material and

collect the finished products (beedis) after paying wages and other benefits due to them. The

other type of work is done through commission shops, where the trademark company

operates through a main contractor. The commission shops used to transfer raw material to

various sub-contractors. These sub-contractors are in touch with the workers who rovide

necessary raw materials and collect output from their home. The sub-contractors exercise

arbitrary powers against workers because the workers are not in direct contact with the

principal companies or employers.

According to Lahangir (2011) a beedi worker can roll about 1000 beedi per day but at a huge

cost of mental and physical stress. It is difficult to count number of working hours devoted to

beedi making because women workers manage this along with their domestic chores. Women

workers generally have to make adjustment with their time for food, sleep, entertainment and

social obligations because of target pressure (Gopal 1997, 1998, Dharmalingam 1993). They

rarely enjoy weekends (Dudhyal and Sonal 2006).

Prasad and Prasad (1985) also examined about the beedi workers in selected areas of Madhya

Pradesh and Maharastra. They observed that beedi workers are the most vulnerable section in

the unorganised sector. A large number of them are absolutely dependent on beedi rolling.

Kumar (2001) conducted case=-0 studies of many beedi workers of Damoh district in

Madhya Pradesh. He also reported that production of beedi in the region is declining which

would directly affect the livelihood of beedi workers. Similar study by Rao (2002) in

Rajnandagaon district of Chhattisgarh reported that the beedi workers were subjugated at

various levels i.e. issue of lesser quantity of material for per thousand beedies required,

arbitrary rejection of finished products leading to cut in payments. He also reported that the

impact of Beedi Workers Welfare Fund is insignificant. Further awareness about labour laws

is decimally low among the beedi workers.

A large chunk of workers are without adequate living space and basic amenities. Generally

the living space and working space are common. Discarded leaves and tobacco dust lie

scattered around. This unhygienic environment has serious health implications on the entire

family members of beedi workers. Agriculture is the main occupation in the region but only

27 per cent of the beedi workers have a marginal land holding which is not adequate to

generate sustainable income. Thus, majority households had to depend on beedi making for

additional earnings. Another study by “Resource Centre for Tobacco Free India, 2009 on

‘Beedi Workers and Livelihood’ had revealed that many households are dependent on income

from beedi only. Low income has forced them to get in local moneylenders trap. This fact

was found to true for about 70 per cent of the surveyed respondents.

Beedi trade administration work is totally dominated by males. This increases the

exploitation probability of women workers at various stages. Exploitation may take the form

of sexual abuse, verbal abuse or even operation abuse such as under weighing or providing

low quality raw material, deliberate large number of rejections and not paying government

approved rates (Painoli 2012).

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Women are considered ideal for the beedi work because of certain natural inherent abilities.

However, atrocities against them are widely prevalent. Beedi packing/labelling work is

mainly dominated by male and paid on average 42 percent higher than women beedi rollers.

Male helpers in the beedi making process are paid 10 per cent higher than women beedi

rollers. Thus, gender discrimination is prevalent even in this trade (Labour Bureau, 1995;

Bhatty 1987).

Employers and intermediaries exploit women workers by providing inferior quality raw

materials and even the material provided are under-weighed. Due to this practice they are

able to roll lesser number of beedi from than given quantity of raw materials than desired by

employers. However, the intermediaries cut pay rather than providing additional material to

cover shortfall in the quantity produced (ILO, 2003). Due to fear of loss of job, workers are

not able to bargain for higher wage or complain for underweight raw material supplied. They

buy short fall raw materials to cover shortfall in desired quantity (Ansari 2015).

A common exploitative practice in the industry is arbitrary rejection citing effective produce.

Such rejection by checker sometimes causes a deficit 300- 400 beedis per 1,000 (ibid). Beedi

and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966, has a provision that rejection

cannot be more than 2.5 per cent of rolled beedis. If the checker rejects more than 2.5 per

cent they must given in writing to the workers citing reasons. The rejected beedis are take

possession of by middlemen but workers are not paid even at the lower rate. (Labour Bureau

1995). Lack of Education, skills, awareness, mobility, and alternate opportunities among

women are the main reasons for preferring this job. These existing characteristics among

majority of the work force have reduced bargaining power (Dharmalingam 1993; , Nair 1990,

Gopal 1998).

4. Research Methodology

In this section research methodology is explained.

i. Area under study: This study is limited to Jhansi, Lalitpur, Mahoba and Jalaun. These

four districts are from Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh. We have selected these

districts because beedis work is carried mainly in these regions. This study considers

respondents from both rural and urban areas where beedi workers are concentrated.

ii. Data Collection: Primary data were collected using schedules as most the respondents

under study are not literate. In order to have a better understanding of work conditions

among beedi workers were also interviewed different stakeholders.

iii. Sample Design and Size: In this study, purposive sampling is used. Those females

involved in beedi making who were willing to respond to schedules voluntarily were

considered for the study. A sample size of 500 (Jhansi 209 respondents, Lalitpur 126

respondents, Mahoba 90 respondents and Jalaun 75 respondents) was used for the study.

Lesser numbers of respondents were considered for other districts as beedi work is almost

on the verge of shrinking.

iv. Tools and Techniques of Data Analysis: SPSS 16 is used to conduct statistical analyses.

To have a better understanding of work conditions of beedi workers frequency analysis is

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performed. Given the non-parametric nature of data we have conducted t-test and Chi-

square test for hypothesis testing.

v. Hypothesis of the study: Hypothesis considered for the study and result are present in

Section 5. II as Empirical Analysis

5. Result and Discussions

This section provides a brief account of work environment of beedi workers in the area under

study. Analysis is presented in two Sections i.e. 5.I: Descriptive Analysis and 5.II: Empirical

Analysis which basically testing of hypothesis testing.

5.I: Descriptive Analysis

Descriptive analysis with respect to work conditions is conducted is discussed in this section.

Parameters considered for the study are (A) System of Work; (B) Payment System; (C)

Working Environment; (D) Discriminatory Practices; (E) Relationship with Contractors/

Supervisors/Owners and (F) Bargaining ability.

A. System of Work

Among the three form of production system (Home based, Factory System and Common

Sheds); home based system is widely practiced in Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh. In

order to evade various provisions under the Factories Act (1948) beedi companies have

discarded factory system of production and opted for home based system. Further, they

discarded common sheds system to avoid grouping and save cost of providing amenities.

Even women workers also prefer to work from home so that earnings can be made along with

domestic chores. Beedi making facilitates both.

All the respondents reported that they get the work on regular basis. This reveals that the

beedi making is a whole time employment for the unskilled labour force in the region. They

get sufficient work from a single company/contractor. Thus, there is no need to work for

more contactors. The beedi workers are able to roll on an average 400-600 beedis per day as

domestic chores is their first priority. Workers reported that they have to spend time and

money to collect requisite raw material from the manufacturers’/contractors’ home/ godown

and tender finished products. Thus, there is loss of opportunity to earn more (Table 1).

Table 1: Mode of Getting Raw Material Issue and Submission of Finished Goods

District

Getting of material

Submission of

Manufactured/ Finished

Product Total

Collect from

contractor

Collect from

Manufacturer Go to Submit

% (Nil) (100.0) (100.0)

Total f 222 278 500

500 % (44.4) (55.6) 100.0)

Source: Survey by researcher

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Materials Provided:

To roll 1000 units of beedi, workers are provided about 700-750 gram tendu leaves, 250 gram

of tobacco and thread. However, almost all the beedi workers from Lalitpur and Mahoba

reported that they are not provided thread which they have to purchase from market. This is

exploitative practice reduces the real income of the workers. When beedi workers were

asked, “do you find any negative variance in actual number of beedi you are asked to

produce from quantity of raw material supplied?” About 95.4% of the respondents reported

that the materials provided were not adequate to roll 1000 beedi actually required. This

contributes to mental stress among workers. (Figure1).

Figure 1: Percentage of Respondents reporting negative variance in output from

material supplied

Note: 100% of the respondents from Mahoba have reported negative variance in actual production from the

raw material supplied.


When asked, “How do you compensate this negative variance?” The respondents cited one

or more ways to compensate the shortfall in production. They reported that shortfall in

numbers of units produced is compensated by purchasing additional materials from either

from contractors (54%) or local market (7%). The most common practice is to purchase the

short raw material from the contractors either for cash or on credit. However, 38% of

respondents reported that sometimes prefer wage cut. Only 1% of the respondents reported

that they are able to use the materials saved from the previous supply (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Ways to compensate negative variance in actual production


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The beedi workers were asked, “Which factors do you hold responsible for negative

variation in actual production from the quantity of raw material supplied?” The beedi

workers hold one or more factors responsible for negative variance in output such as

inadequate quantity of material, inferior quality material and imbalanced proportion of

material supplied is also for of the reasons for such variations (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Perception of beedi workers about reasons for negative variance in production


Further, the beedi workers were asked, “Whether you are provided with necessary tools

(scissors, knife, stencils, big plate etc.) necessary for production?” Almost every respondent

reported that they are not provided such tools essential to increase productivity. They have to

either purchase such tools from the market or have to manage without it.

Rate of Rejection

Many studies have reported about larger rate of rejection without citing adequate reasons.

Such exploitative practices are also prevalent in Bundelkhand Region of Uttar Pradesh also.

Unnecessary rejection leads to wage cut. 61.4% of the respondents reported that about 100-

150 beedi per 1000 are rejected while 30.8% reported there is no such rejection (Table 2).

Table 2: Rate of rejection of beedis

District Rate of Rejection

0-50 50-100 100-150 150-200 200-250 Nil Total

% (Nil) (Nil) (100.0) (Nil) (Nil) (Nil)

Total f 3 21 307 14 1 154

500 % (0.6) (4.2) (61.4) (2.8) (0.2) (30.8)


The beedi workers of the area under study were asked, “In your opinion what are the

reasons for such rejections”? In the opinion of beedi workers one or more factors are

responsible for such rejections. 67% of the respondents hold poor quality raw material

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supplied by the beedi company responsible for such rejections. Other factors that are jointly

responsible for rejections of beedi are less tobacco filling, size variation, weight difference,

loose rolling of beedi etc (Figure 4).

Figure 4: Major Causes of Rejection


The respondents were asked whether in their opinion rejection is arbitrary or genuine. Only

13.6% reported that contractors give in writing in case rejection exceeds the threshold limit of

2.5 per cent as mentioned in Beedi and Cigar Worker (Condtions of Employment) Act 1966.

55.6% of the respondents are of the opinion that contractors often violates norms and

arbitrarily rejects about 10% to 15% from the total number of beedi rolled (Figure 5).

Figure 5: Justification provided by contractors for Arbitrary Rejection


It has also been reported by 98.8% of the respondents that rejected beedis are taken by the

contractors/agents of the beedi companies. Payments are deducted for the rejected beedis.

Beedi workers are not even paid at the low rate for the rejected beedi. However, these

rejected beedis are sold by the contractors/agents in the local market at a relatively lower

price (Figure 6).

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Figure 6: Use of rejected beedis


B: Payment System

Two modes of payment are followed in beedi trade viz. (i) piece rate system and (ii) daily

wage system. Daily wage system is generally adopted in factory system of production while

piece rate system is popular in home based system of production. All the respondents have

reported that the payment is made on piece rate system. There is no provision of daily wages

in the area under study. The beedi workers randomly selected for the study was asked,

“whether you are paid the official rate approved by the government?”The rate of payment

varies between Rs.40-70 per 1000 units of beedis produced. However, Rs.60 per thousand is

the official rate fixed by the government. 99.4% of the respondents are of the opinion that

they are not paid the official rate approved by the government (Table 3).

Table 3: Payment as approved by the government

District

Are you paid government approved

rate? Total

Yes No

Total f 3 497

500 % (0.6) (99.4)


The respondents reported many reasons for payment less than the rates approved by the

government. However, factors such weak bargaining power due lack of alternate employment

opportunities and large supply of unskilled unemployed labour are widely held responsible

for exploitation in term of payment lower than approved rates. Another reason cited by them

is that contractors/beedi company are of the perception that beedi rolling is a part time job

for women who prefer to roll beedi after domestic chores is done just to supplement family

income (Figure 7).

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Figure 7: Factors responsible for payment lesser than approved rate


The mode of payment also varies in the region viz. daily basis, weekly basis, forth-nightly

basis and monthly basis. However, 66% of the respondents have reported that they get

payment on forth-nightly basis. 99.8% of the respondents reported that they get payment on

regular basis. They workers (99.6%) reported that they have to go to contractors or the office

of Beedi Company for payment. The payment is not made at the time of delivery of finished

goods but at a later stage. 80.4% of the respondents have reported that there is no facility of

advance payment even in case of needs. Another very common form of exploitative practices

adopted by the contractors/manufacturer is that free beedi are demanded from the beedi

rollers which range between 100-200 beedi per 1000. It has been reported by 89.4% of the

respondents that they have to pay Extra beedi per thousand to the contractors.

C: Working Environment

The study reveals that work conditions of the beedi workers are not encouraging. The beedi

workers were asked; “from where they have acquired this skill?” Beedi Making is the easy

to learn and no special training is required. The skill could be acquired even by observing on

regular basis. Of the total 500 respondents 44.6 per cent have reported that they have learned

this skill from their parents while helping them on regular basis and simply observing as the

work is done from their home. About 41.6 per cent of beedi workers reported that they have

learned this skill after marriage from in-laws to contribute additional income for family

income. However, 11 percent and 2.8 per have reported to learn this from neighbours and

other relatives respectively (Figure 8).

The beedi workers were asked; “Do you have separate place of beedi rolling at your

house”? Of total 500 responding beedi workers 85.6 per cent have reported that they do not

have separate place for rolling beedi as they have only 1-2 rooms in their house. It is also

observed about 36.6 per cent of the respondents live in house having only one room while

about 38.6 per cent live in house with two rooms. Majority have reported that they have

common living space and working space. Thus have they and other family members are in

the family are continuously exposed to tobacco and its dust. This has serious health hazard

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(Figure 9).

Figure 8: Sources of acquiring Skill of

Beedi Rolling

Figure 9:

Separate Place for Beedi Rolling


The job of beedi rolling is primarily done from home. Majority of the women beedi rollers

have reported that they do the work of beedi rolling after the completing the domestic chores

daily. 75 per cent of the total respondents have reported that they do the work after doing

their domestic chores while 25 per cent have reported that the work of beedi rolling and

domestic chores is shared with the other family members (Figure.10).

Figure 10: Managing of domestic chores and beedi making


Apart from domestic chores they have to working for long hours for beedi rolling. About 65

per cent reported that they have to work for 6-8 hours daily for rolling beedi, while 20.4 per

cent have to work for 3-5 hours and 14.6 per cent have reported to work for 9 hours and

above (Figure 11

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Figure 11: Number of Working Hours


Beedi workers were also asked, “in order to make optimum number of beedi do you have to

compromise with food, rest, social obligations etc.?” Most of the responded agreed that very

often they compromise in order to make optimum number of beedi. They cited that have to

compromise with many things to get the requisite number of beedi produced in a day. They

even find very less time to look after their children. Sometimes they even have to avoid

attending important functions of relatives and other social obligations. This is one of the

major causes of stress among them (Table 4).

Table 4: In order to make optimum number of beedi; workers have to compromise with

District

time

for

food

time for

rest

entertainment

time for

looking

after of the

children

Other

Social

Obligatio

n

No

Compr

omise

Total f 190 459 430 213 282 468

% (38.0) (91.8) (86.0) (42.6) (56.4) (93.6)


It is reported by only 9 per cents of the respondents that they are able to roll 900-1000 beedi

while 45.6 per cent are able to roll 400-500 beedi per day. This indicates that on an average

they are able to earn only Rs.25 daily. This is very small amount for families exclusively

dependent on beedi rolling. This is a clearly indication of financial insecurity of among beedi

rollers (Table 5).

Table 5: Number of beedi able to roll in the given time

District

In pieces

Total

Frequency

201

–

300

301

–

400

401 -

500

501 -

600

601 -

700

701 -

800

801 -

900

901 -

1000

Total f 40 39 228 57 26 59 6 45

500 % (8.0) (7.8) (45.6) (11.4) (5.2) (11.8) (1.2) (9.0)


In order to roll maximum number of beedi each day and to return the rolled beedi in time to

the contractors/beedi company the beedi rollers have to work even in the night. Of the total

respondents 41.6 per cent have reported that they roll beedi in night under lamp while 15.2

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per cent have reported that they sometime roll beedi in the night (Figure 12). Very often

beedi workers take the help of their children which affects their academic activities and

health hazard. The children help in folding the open ends of beedi, tying thread to rolled

beedi, cutting leaves, bundling. About 26.2 per cent reported that that they take the help of

children while about 73.8 per cent denied this fact (Figure 13). Some beedi rollers have

reported that they take help on entire stage of beedi rolling. Among the respondent who take

the help of their children; 16.4 per cent reported that they take help of their children because

they don’t go to school while 11.4 per cent said that they do this during extra time (Table 6).

Figure 12: Roll Beedi in Night

Figure 13: Take help from children


Table 6: Kind of help taken from children

District

Folding

the open

ends of

beedi

Tying

the

threads

Cutting

of

leaves

Rolling

of

beedis

Bundling Entire

process

Other

kind

of help

Total f 129 112 68 95 87 70 61

% (25.8) (22.4) (13.6) (19.0) (17.4) (14.0) (12.2)


About 96 percent of the workers reported that they neither not take weakly leave nor any

other kind of leave. About 97.2 percent do not get any other form of incentives such as gift,

bonus, and festive gifts etc. Earlier they used to get lunch box or plates as gifts/incentives but

in times they are deprived of these benefits also (Table 7).

Table 7: Leave and any other form of incentives

Parameters Yes No

Do you take weekly leave 4.0% 96.0%

Do you take any other form of leaves besides

weekly leave

4.0% 96.0%

Do you get any other kind of incentives (gift,

bonus etc.)

2.8% 97.2%


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D. Discriminatory Practices

This section aims to analyse and report different forms of discrimination that the women

beedi workers have to face. In order to evaluate discriminatory practices different types of

questions were put to beedi workers. Beedi workers were asked, “ do you find any form of

discrimination in payment of wages even among women worker based on efficiency,

community, caste, age, domicile, personal repo with the contractor, experience, education,

quality of work done, bargaining ability or gender”? Not even a single women beedi worker

reported that such discriminatory practices are followed in Bundelkhand region. This is

entirely opposite when compared with the similar studies conducted in the other region and

reported in different literature. The beedi workers may be afraid of losing work from the

contractors/beedi companies because initially they were hesitant to answer to any form of

questions related to their work. Some of the workers also reported that once a story was

floated in local newspaper along with statements of beedi workers relating to exploitative and

discriminatory practices followed in the beedi trade in the region; after this the contractors

became angry and stopped giving work to those workers whose name were in the

newspapers. However, after the interference of local leaders and trade union the contractors

started giving work.

However, when they were asked; “do you find any gender bias on the nature of work

allotted?” In contrast to the above statements 78.2 percent of the women workers agreed that

biasness prevails in the industry while allocating work. Some works are exclusively

considered to be of men’s domain and thus no women are given such kind of work. Beedi

rolling is largely considered to be women’s work but many men are also engaged in the job

of beedi rolling (Figure 14).

Figure 14: Gender Bias on the Nature of Work Allotted


The main reasons for this kind of discrimination in nature of job identification and allocation

may be because women are Categorized Low Skill who is deprived of training for acquiring

necessary skills. However, majority of women have no idea about the reasons of such

discrimination. The basic issue is society being patriarchy even today and underestimate

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women and assume that women can’t do all kinds of job. The process of beedi rolling has to

pass through many stages after rolling such as sorting, labeling, grading, bundling, roasting

and then final packing. Only three women from Lalitpur report to be engaged in the job of

sorting beedi. It was reported that for these kind of job women are not preferred. Women are

preferred for only the job of beedi rolling- the very first stage of beedi making.

E. Relationship with the contractor/factory owners/supervisors

This section aims to report and document relationship between among beedi workers and

contractor/factory owners/supervisors. One of the common forms of exploitative practices

followed in beedi industry is deliberate large number of rejection. Of the total 500

respondents 50.4 per cent feels that there is deliberate large number of rejection simply to

harass, while 49.6 per cent are of the opinion that rejections are not deliberate. 84.4

respondents from Mahoba and 89.3 respondents from Jalaun are of the opinion there is

significantly large number of rejections. Only 32.5 per cent of the respondents from Jhansi

and Lalitpur have reported rejections are deliberate (Figure 15). Jhansi and Lalitpur are

relatively developed compared to Mahoba and Jalaun where people have more alternate

source of income which may be reasons for relatively better situation of beedi workers. It is

obvious with significantly large number of deliberate rejections; cordial relations between

workers and contractor/supervisor/manufacturer cannot exist.

Figure 15: Deliberate Rejections to harass


F. Status of Bargaining Power of Beedi Workers

Beedi workers have almost no bargaining power in this region also. About 94.2 % of the

respondents reported that they tried bargaining, but the contractor never accepted their

demand but were threatened that they would be deprived of further work opportunity if they

demand to implement government standard (Table 8). Contractors prefer to get the work done

at their own terms and conditions. This indicates that women beedi workers have very week

bargaining power or almost zero bargaining ability.

Table 8: Bargaining Power of the Women Beedi Worker

Yes No Total

No. of respondents ability to bargain f 471 29

500 % (94.2) (5.8)


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During interview with contractors/owners of Beedi Company; most of them reported that the

beedi work is shrinking in the region so it very difficult for find beedi workers. One of the

reasons they put forward was “MNREGA”. Due to MNREGA most of the beedi workers

preferred to work under the scheme where possibility of earning is much more than the job of

beedi rolling. Keeping this fact in mind beedi workers were asked; “Whether MNREGA has

increased your bargaining power?” 99.6 per cent of the respondents replied that MNERGA

has not increased their bargaining power. They prefer to do this work because it could be

done from home without compromising domestic chores. There is also flexibility of timing.

These are two major reasons which do not influence their bargaining power if though there

are schemes like MNREGA (Table 9).

Table 9: Affect of MNREGA on Bargaining Power

Yes No Total

No of respondents who feel MNREGA has affected

their bargaining power

f 2 498 500

% (0.4) (99.6)


Among the many grievances (holidays, wages, work load, arbitrary rejections and the quality

of leaves etc.) that beedi workers have work load and the wages are the most common one.

Very few beedi workers have grievances. It seems that on account of the absence of trade

union in the beedi industry the employers are careless about effective implementations of

regulatory norms of better service conditions for beedi workers. Almost all the workers are

not the members of any trade union (96.4 percent) (Table 10). It may be due to the fear of not

being given any work or lesser workers or fear of arbitrary large rejections workers are not

keen to join any trade union.

Table 10: Membership of Trade Union

Yes No Total

Respondents who have membership of trade union f 18 482

500 % (3.6) (96.4)


The Beedi workers were asked, “What are the factors that restrict you from joining any

union?” They reported that fear of being black listed and large supplies of labour are major

reasons for not joining any union However 78.2 percent of the respondents hold both the

factors responsible for acquiring membership of any union (Figure 16). In unorganized sector

it also very difficult to organized because the workers are scattered and they generally work

from home. Thus, the role of trade union is not very significant in beedi trade.

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Figure 16: Factors that restrict to join trade union


The beedi workers were asked; “do you feel that forming SHGs/union can help improve

bargaining power?” 49 percent of the respondents are of the opinion that union would not

change their bargaining power, 39 per cent have no idea about the SHGs while remaining 12

per cent are of the opinion that it will decrease their bargaining power (Table 11).

`Table 11: SHGs/Union affected Bargaining Power

Decreased No change No idea

Total F 60 245 195

500 % (12.0) (49.0) (39.0)


Beedi companies have shifted from “factory system” to agent system” in order to circumvent

legal provisions. Agents interact between companies and workers. Under the new system

agents assumed much dominance because both companies and workers have to immensely

rely on them. Under this system companies are simply concerned about the supply of finished

products while workers have to heavily depend on them the agents for getting sufficient

work. The role of union is not considered significant by both workers and agents. Thus, the

workers always avoid being part of any union or form any Self Help Groups (SHGs).

5. II: Empirical Analysis: In this section various hypothesis and sub-hypothesis considered

for the study are tested and its results are discussed.

Hypothesis 1: In the first hypothesis I tried to check statistically whether the beedi workers

in the area under study enjoy the favorable work conditions or not. The main hypothesis

framed for this is as follows.

H1o: The working conditions of beedi workers are favourable

H1a: The working conditions of beedi workers are not favourable

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In order to test this, four sub-hypothesis are assumed such as (i) Rate of Rejection within the

regulatory norms of 2.5% of beedi produced by workers, (ii) Payment of Standard Wage rate

and (iii) Beedi Workers work for Standard Working Hours prescribed in India (Table 12).

Table 12: Working Conditions of Beedi Workers

Hypothesis 2: In the second hypothesis the researcher has tried to investigate statistically

whether beedi workers are aware of their rights and welfare schemes. The main hypothesis

framed is for this is as follows.

H2o: Beedi workers are aware about their rights and welfare schemes

H21: Beedi workers are not aware about their right and welfare schemes.

In order to test this, three sub-hypothesis are assumed such as (i) aware of the welfare

schemes (ii) Beneficiary of welfare schemes by the government and awareness about the

government prescribed wage rate .

Table 13: Awareness about the rights and welfare schemes

S.N

o

Hypothesis Pearson's

Chi-Sq.

Value

Result Interpretation

1 Awareness about the

welfare schemes for

registered beedi workers

75.918 Significant

X2 (3, N = 500)= 75.918, p = 7.815.

The observed χ2 test statistics is

greater than the critical value.

1 Many software do not provide Z test option as for a big sample computed value of t –test and Z test would be same

S.

No

Sub-Hypothesis t- test1

Value


1. Rate of Rejection (Arbitrary

rejection cannot be more

than more than 2.5% (25

per 1000) of the beedi

rolled)

H102 :µ = 25 (25 per 1000)

H1a2: µ > 25 (25 per 1000)

49.802 Significant

Null hypothesis is rejected in favour

of alternate hypothesis.

t- value > tabulated value (1.960) at

5% level of significance.

Thus, it may be concluded that the

rate of rejection is significantly high

in the Bundelkhand Region.

2. Payment of Standard Wage

rate

H103 :µ = Rs.60 per 1000

(approved by the

government)

H1a3: µ < Rs. 60 per 1000

(approved by the

government)

576.775 Significant






majority of the beedi workers are not

paid even the official rate approved

by the government.

3. Standard Working Hours

H104 :µ = 8 hours (standard

working hours in India)

H1a4: µ > 8 hours (standard

working hours in India)

88.829 Significant






majority of the beedi workers work

for more than normal working hours.

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H201: Beedi worker are

aware of the welfare

schemes.

H2a1: Beedi worker are not

aware of the welfare

schemes.

We reject null hypothesis in

favour of alternate hypothesis.

Hence it is concluded that beedi

workers are not aware about

different welfare schemes.

3 Beneficiary of welfare

schemes by the government

H2o3: Majority of the

workers are beneficiaries of

welfare schemes by the

government.

H2a3: Majority of the

workers are not beneficiary

of welfare schemes

35.101 Significant

X2 (3, N = 500)= 35.101, p = 7.815. The observed χ2 test statistics is


Thus, the null hypothesis is

rejected in favour of alternate

hypothesis. Hence it is concluded

that significantly lesser numbers

of beedi workers received

benefits under different schemes

for them.

4 Awareness about the

government prescribed

wage rate.

H2o3: Workers are aware of

government prescribed

wage rate

H2a3: Workers are not

aware of government

prescribed wage rate

3.98 Insignificant

X2 (3, N = 500)= 3.98, p = 7.815.


less than the critical value. We

accept the null hypothesis. Thus,

It is concluded that majority of

beedi workers are aware of the

government prescribed wage rate.

This clearly indicate exploitation

tendency of employers.

Hypothesis 3: In the third hypothesis we tried to find out statistically job satisfaction of beedi

workers. (Table 14).

Table 14: Satisfaction level of beedi workers

S.No


Chi-Sq.

Value


1 Job Satisfaction

H3o: Beedi workers are

satisfied with the current

Job

H3a: Beedi workers are

not satisfied with the

current job

18.775 Significant X2 (3, N = 500)= 18.775, p = 7.815.



Thus, the null hypothesis is

rejected in favour of alternate

hypothesis. Hence it is concluded

that beedi workers are not

satisfied with current jobs.

Hypothesis 4: In this hypothesis the researcher tried to find out whether beedi workers in the

region have alternate job opportunity in the area under study.

Table 15: Alternative Job Opportunity

S.N

o


Chi-Sq.

Value


1 Alternate Job Opportunity

Ho: Beedi worker have

alternate job opportunity

Ha: Beedi workers do not

have alternate job

opportunity

4.874 Insignifica

nt

X2 (3, N = 500)= 35.101, p = 7.815.


less than the critical value. Thus,

the null hypothesis is accepted.

Hence it is concluded that beedi

workers have alternate job

opportunity.

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6. Conclusion

It can be concluded from the study that exploitative practice is a never ending phenomenon

even after intensive legislations. There is urgent need to sensitize all the stake holders

involved in this trade. The implementing agencies must take sincere steps to stop the

exploitative practices. Public-Private Partnership Model could be adopted could be adopted to

increase awareness about the welfare schemes and ensure that these measures are provided to

the ultimate beneficary. Appointing NGOs, social activists or even formation of SHGs of the

workers can be instrumental in this direction. “Workers’ Cooperative System” adopted by

Kerala’s Dinesh Beedi can be another novel model; to ensure better life and work conditions

for women working from home (Gulati et. al, 2002). The model helped in improving work

conditions through voluntary delegation and workers democracy at all levels.

The study further reveals that about 86.6 percent of the respondents live in their own houses

but majority doesn’t have separate living and work space. Thus, they are continuously

exposed to tobacco dust; a major cause of health hazard for the family. Workers are aware

about the health implications but as they have no alternate job opportunity in the region, they

are bound to roll beedis to earn livelihood for the family. Many workers pointed out that if

they get an alternate work opportunity; they think of switching over. Work diversification is

solution to this problem. The inherent skills of rolling could be used for paper rolled

handicrafts. They could be linked to various schemes of government such as Kaushal Vikas

Yojna etc.

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